- •BUSINESSES IN THE BOOK
- •Preface
- •Brief Contents
- •CONTENTS
- •Why Study Strategy?
- •Why Economics?
- •The Need for Principles
- •So What’s the Problem?
- •Firms or Markets?
- •A Framework for Strategy
- •Boundaries of the Firm
- •Market and Competitive Analysis
- •Positioning and Dynamics
- •Internal Organization
- •The Book
- •Endnotes
- •Costs
- •Cost Functions
- •Total Cost Functions
- •Fixed and Variable Costs
- •Average and Marginal Cost Functions
- •The Importance of the Time Period: Long-Run versus Short-Run Cost Functions
- •Sunk versus Avoidable Costs
- •Economic Costs and Profitability
- •Economic versus Accounting Costs
- •Economic Profit versus Accounting Profit
- •Demand and Revenues
- •Demand Curve
- •The Price Elasticity of Demand
- •Brand-Level versus Industry-Level Elasticities
- •Total Revenue and Marginal Revenue Functions
- •Theory of the Firm: Pricing and Output Decisions
- •Perfect Competition
- •Game Theory
- •Games in Matrix Form and the Concept of Nash Equilibrium
- •Game Trees and Subgame Perfection
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •Doing Business in 1840
- •Transportation
- •Communications
- •Finance
- •Production Technology
- •Government
- •Doing Business in 1910
- •Business Conditions in 1910: A “Modern” Infrastructure
- •Production Technology
- •Transportation
- •Communications
- •Finance
- •Government
- •Doing Business Today
- •Modern Infrastructure
- •Transportation
- •Communications
- •Finance
- •Production Technology
- •Government
- •Infrastructure in Emerging Markets
- •Three Different Worlds: Consistent Principles, Changing Conditions, and Adaptive Strategies
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •Definitions
- •Definition of Economies of Scale
- •Definition of Economies of Scope
- •Economies of Scale Due to Spreading of Product-Specific Fixed Costs
- •Economies of Scale Due to Trade-offs among Alternative Technologies
- •“The Division of Labor Is Limited by the Extent of the Market”
- •Special Sources of Economies of Scale and Scope
- •Density
- •Purchasing
- •Advertising
- •Costs of Sending Messages per Potential Consumer
- •Advertising Reach and Umbrella Branding
- •Research and Development
- •Physical Properties of Production
- •Inventories
- •Complementarities and Strategic Fit
- •Sources of Diseconomies of Scale
- •Labor Costs and Firm Size
- •Spreading Specialized Resources Too Thin
- •Bureaucracy
- •Economies of Scale: A Summary
- •The Learning Curve
- •The Concept of the Learning Curve
- •Expanding Output to Obtain a Cost Advantage
- •Learning and Organization
- •The Learning Curve versus Economies of Scale
- •Diversification
- •Why Do Firms Diversify?
- •Efficiency-Based Reasons for Diversification
- •Scope Economies
- •Internal Capital Markets
- •Problematic Justifications for Diversification
- •Diversifying Shareholders’ Portfolios
- •Identifying Undervalued Firms
- •Reasons Not to Diversify
- •Managerial Reasons for Diversification
- •Benefits to Managers from Acquisitions
- •Problems of Corporate Governance
- •The Market for Corporate Control and Recent Changes in Corporate Governance
- •Performance of Diversified Firms
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •Make versus Buy
- •Upstream, Downstream
- •Defining Boundaries
- •Some Make-or-Buy Fallacies
- •Avoiding Peak Prices
- •Tying Up Channels: Vertical Foreclosure
- •Reasons to “Buy”
- •Exploiting Scale and Learning Economies
- •Bureaucracy Effects: Avoiding Agency and Influence Costs
- •Agency Costs
- •Influence Costs
- •Organizational Design
- •Reasons to “Make”
- •The Economic Foundations of Contracts
- •Complete versus Incomplete Contracting
- •Bounded Rationality
- •Difficulties Specifying or Measuring Performance
- •Asymmetric Information
- •The Role of Contract Law
- •Coordination of Production Flows through the Vertical Chain
- •Leakage of Private Information
- •Transactions Costs
- •Relationship-Specific Assets
- •Forms of Asset Specificity
- •The Fundamental Transformation
- •Rents and Quasi-Rents
- •The Holdup Problem
- •Holdup and Ex Post Cooperation
- •The Holdup Problem and Transactions Costs
- •Contract Negotiation and Renegotiation
- •Investments to Improve Ex Post Bargaining Positions
- •Distrust
- •Reduced Investment
- •Recap: From Relationship-Specific Assets to Transactions Costs
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •What Does It Mean to Be “Integrated?”
- •The Property Rights Theory of the Firm
- •Alternative Forms of Organizing Transactions
- •Governance
- •Delegation
- •Recapping PRT
- •Path Dependence
- •Making the Integration Decision
- •Technical Efficiency versus Agency Efficiency
- •The Technical Efficiency/Agency Efficiency Trade-off
- •Real-World Evidence
- •Double Marginalization: A Final Integration Consideration
- •Alternatives to Vertical Integration
- •Tapered Integration: Make and Buy
- •Franchising
- •Strategic Alliances and Joint Ventures
- •Implicit Contracts and Long-Term Relationships
- •Business Groups
- •Keiretsu
- •Chaebol
- •Business Groups in Emerging Markets
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •Competitor Identification and Market Definition
- •The Basics of Competitor Identification
- •Example 5.1 The SSNIP in Action: Defining Hospital Markets
- •Putting Competitor Identification into Practice
- •Empirical Approaches to Competitor Identification
- •Geographic Competitor Identification
- •Measuring Market Structure
- •Market Structure and Competition
- •Perfect Competition
- •Many Sellers
- •Homogeneous Products
- •Excess Capacity
- •Monopoly
- •Monopolistic Competition
- •Demand for Differentiated Goods
- •Entry into Monopolistically Competitive Markets
- •Oligopoly
- •Cournot Quantity Competition
- •The Revenue Destruction Effect
- •Cournot’s Model in Practice
- •Bertrand Price Competition
- •Why Are Cournot and Bertrand Different?
- •Evidence on Market Structure and Performance
- •Price and Concentration
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •6: Entry and Exit
- •Some Facts about Entry and Exit
- •Entry and Exit Decisions: Basic Concepts
- •Barriers to Entry
- •Bain’s Typology of Entry Conditions
- •Analyzing Entry Conditions: The Asymmetry Requirement
- •Structural Entry Barriers
- •Control of Essential Resources
- •Economies of Scale and Scope
- •Marketing Advantages of Incumbency
- •Barriers to Exit
- •Entry-Deterring Strategies
- •Limit Pricing
- •Is Strategic Limit Pricing Rational?
- •Predatory Pricing
- •The Chain-Store Paradox
- •Rescuing Limit Pricing and Predation: The Importance of Uncertainty and Reputation
- •Wars of Attrition
- •Predation and Capacity Expansion
- •Strategic Bundling
- •“Judo Economics”
- •Evidence on Entry-Deterring Behavior
- •Contestable Markets
- •An Entry Deterrence Checklist
- •Entering a New Market
- •Preemptive Entry and Rent Seeking Behavior
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •Microdynamics
- •Strategic Commitment
- •Strategic Substitutes and Strategic Complements
- •The Strategic Effect of Commitments
- •Tough and Soft Commitments
- •A Taxonomy of Commitment Strategies
- •The Informational Benefits of Flexibility
- •Real Options
- •Competitive Discipline
- •Dynamic Pricing Rivalry and Tit-for-Tat Pricing
- •Why Is Tit-for-Tat So Compelling?
- •Coordinating on the Right Price
- •Impediments to Coordination
- •The Misread Problem
- •Lumpiness of Orders
- •Information about the Sales Transaction
- •Volatility of Demand Conditions
- •Facilitating Practices
- •Price Leadership
- •Advance Announcement of Price Changes
- •Most Favored Customer Clauses
- •Uniform Delivered Prices
- •Where Does Market Structure Come From?
- •Sutton’s Endogenous Sunk Costs
- •Innovation and Market Evolution
- •Learning and Industry Dynamics
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •8: Industry Analysis
- •Performing a Five-Forces Analysis
- •Internal Rivalry
- •Entry
- •Substitutes and Complements
- •Supplier Power and Buyer Power
- •Strategies for Coping with the Five Forces
- •Coopetition and the Value Net
- •Applying the Five Forces: Some Industry Analyses
- •Chicago Hospital Markets Then and Now
- •Market Definition
- •Internal Rivalry
- •Entry
- •Substitutes and Complements
- •Supplier Power
- •Buyer Power
- •Commercial Airframe Manufacturing
- •Market Definition
- •Internal Rivalry
- •Barriers to Entry
- •Substitutes and Complements
- •Supplier Power
- •Buyer Power
- •Professional Sports
- •Market Definition
- •Internal Rivalry
- •Entry
- •Substitutes and Complements
- •Supplier Power
- •Buyer Power
- •Conclusion
- •Professional Search Firms
- •Market Definition
- •Internal Rivalry
- •Entry
- •Substitutes and Complements
- •Supplier Power
- •Buyer Power
- •Conclusion
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •Competitive Advantage Defined
- •Maximum Willingness-to-Pay and Consumer Surplus
- •From Maximum Willingness-to-Pay to Consumer Surplus
- •Value-Created
- •Value Creation and “Win–Win” Business Opportunities
- •Value Creation and Competitive Advantage
- •Analyzing Value Creation
- •Value Creation and the Value Chain
- •Value Creation, Resources, and Capabilities
- •Generic Strategies
- •The Strategic Logic of Cost Leadership
- •The Strategic Logic of Benefit Leadership
- •Extracting Profits from Cost and Benefit Advantage
- •Comparing Cost and Benefit Advantages
- •“Stuck in the Middle”
- •Diagnosing Cost and Benefit Drivers
- •Cost Drivers
- •Cost Drivers Related to Firm Size, Scope, and Cumulative Experience
- •Cost Drivers Independent of Firm Size, Scope, or Cumulative Experience
- •Cost Drivers Related to Organization of the Transactions
- •Benefit Drivers
- •Methods for Estimating and Characterizing Costs and Perceived Benefits
- •Estimating Costs
- •Estimating Benefits
- •Strategic Positioning: Broad Coverage versus Focus Strategies
- •Segmenting an Industry
- •Broad Coverage Strategies
- •Focus Strategies
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •The “Shopping Problem”
- •Unraveling
- •Alternatives to Disclosure
- •Nonprofit Firms
- •Report Cards
- •Multitasking: Teaching to the Test
- •What to Measure
- •Risk Adjustment
- •Presenting Report Card Results
- •Gaming Report Cards
- •The Certifier Market
- •Certification Bias
- •Matchmaking
- •When Sellers Search for Buyers
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •Market Structure and Threats to Sustainability
- •Threats to Sustainability in Competitive and Monopolistically Competitive Markets
- •Threats to Sustainability under All Market Structures
- •Evidence: The Persistence of Profitability
- •The Resource-Based Theory of the Firm
- •Imperfect Mobility and Cospecialization
- •Isolating Mechanisms
- •Impediments to Imitation
- •Legal Restrictions
- •Superior Access to Inputs or Customers
- •The Winner’s Curse
- •Market Size and Scale Economies
- •Intangible Barriers to Imitation
- •Causal Ambiguity
- •Dependence on Historical Circumstances
- •Social Complexity
- •Early-Mover Advantages
- •Learning Curve
- •Reputation and Buyer Uncertainty
- •Buyer Switching Costs
- •Network Effects
- •Networks and Standards
- •Competing “For the Market” versus “In the Market”
- •Knocking off a Dominant Standard
- •Early-Mover Disadvantages
- •Imperfect Imitability and Industry Equilibrium
- •Creating Advantage and Creative Destruction
- •Disruptive Technologies
- •The Productivity Effect
- •The Sunk Cost Effect
- •The Replacement Effect
- •The Efficiency Effect
- •Disruption versus the Resource-Based Theory of the Firm
- •Innovation and the Market for Ideas
- •The Environment
- •Factor Conditions
- •Demand Conditions
- •Related Supplier or Support Industries
- •Strategy, Structure, and Rivalry
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •The Principal–Agent Relationship
- •Combating Agency Problems
- •Performance-Based Incentives
- •Problems with Performance-Based Incentives
- •Preferences over Risky Outcomes
- •Risk Sharing
- •Risk and Incentives
- •Selecting Performance Measures: Managing Trade-offs between Costs
- •Do Pay-for-Performance Incentives Work?
- •Implicit Incentive Contracts
- •Subjective Performance Evaluation
- •Promotion Tournaments
- •Efficiency Wages and the Threat of Termination
- •Incentives in Teams
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •13: Strategy and Structure
- •An Introduction to Structure
- •Individuals, Teams, and Hierarchies
- •Complex Hierarchy
- •Departmentalization
- •Coordination and Control
- •Approaches to Coordination
- •Types of Organizational Structures
- •Functional Structure (U-form)
- •Multidivisional Structure (M-form)
- •Matrix Structure
- •Matrix or Division? A Model of Optimal Structure
- •Network Structure
- •Why Are There So Few Structural Types?
- •Structure—Environment Coherence
- •Technology and Task Interdependence
- •Efficient Information Processing
- •Structure Follows Strategy
- •Strategy, Structure, and the Multinational Firm
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •The Social Context of Firm Behavior
- •Internal Context
- •Power
- •The Sources of Power
- •Structural Views of Power
- •Do Successful Organizations Need Powerful Managers?
- •The Decision to Allocate Formal Power to Individuals
- •Culture
- •Culture Complements Formal Controls
- •Culture Facilitates Cooperation and Reduces Bargaining Costs
- •Culture, Inertia, and Performance
- •A Word of Caution about Culture
- •External Context, Institutions, and Strategies
- •Institutions and Regulation
- •Interfirm Resource Dependence Relationships
- •Industry Logics: Beliefs, Values, and Behavioral Norms
- •Chapter Summary
- •Questions
- •Endnotes
- •Glossary
- •Name Index
- •Subject Index
Doing Business in 1840 • 45
Communications
The primary mode of long-distance communication in 1840 was the public mail. The U.S. Postal Service had developed into the largest postal system in the world by 1828. Even so, as late as 1840, the postal service depended almost exclusively on the horse and stagecoach, and had difficulty adjusting to the volume of communication that followed western U.S. expansion. It was not until the establishment of the Railway Mail Service in 1869 that the postal service shifted to railroads as the principal means for transporting mail nationally. This was hardly the instantaneous communication we have come to associate with a modern infrastructure.
Using the mails for business correspondence proved expensive and unpredictable. For example, correspondence from the Waterbury, Connecticut, headquarters of the Scovill Company in the 1840s took one day to reach New York City and two days to reach Philadelphia in good weather. In bad weather, it could easily take a week. To send a one-sheet letter from Waterbury cost 12.5 cents to New York and 18.5 cents to Philadelphia. The absence of postmarks on some letters from this time suggests that high postage rates encouraged Scovill owners and their agents to hand-carry items. Business mail volume increased after the U.S. Postal Service significantly lowered its rates twice, in 1845 and 1851, in response to the growth of competition from private delivery services.6
The first modern form of communication was the telegraph, which required laying wires between points of service. In 1844, Samuel Morse linked Baltimore and Washington by telegraph on a project funded by the U.S. Congress. While Morse’s venture quickly proved unprofitable, other telegraph lines soon flourished. By 1848, New York was linked to both Chicago and New Orleans. By 1853, a total of 23,000 miles of line had been strung.
By the 1860s, transatlantic cables connected the United States and Europe. These cables and their descendants remain important infrastructure elements today. After a period of explosive growth, the industry consolidated around a dominant firm—Western Union.
Even when modern communication capabilities became available, firms did not always adopt them, since their potential value was unclear at first while their start-up costs were high. Firms initially used the telegraph for its value in bridging distances with agents over matters such as pricing. Although using the telegraph was expensive, important time-sensitive messages justified the cost. Railroads used the telegraph for these reasons, but were slow to adopt it for regular scheduling. The New York and Erie Railroad was the first to do this in the United States in 1851, following the example of British railroads.7 In time, however, telegraph lines came to parallel most major train lines and proved indispensable for railroad scheduling and operations. Some modern telecommunications firms, such as Sprint, saw their beginnings in these types of arrangements.
Finance
Few individuals could afford to build and operate a complex firm themselves. Financial markets bring together providers and users of capital, enabling them to smooth out cash flows and reduce the risk of price fluctuation. In the first half of the nineteenth century, however, financial markets were immature at best. Most businesses at the time were sole proprietorships or partnerships that found it difficult to obtain long-term debt. In addition, stocks were neither easily nor widely traded, which diluted their value and increased the cost of equity capital. Investors also found it hard to protect themselves against the increased risks of larger capital projects.
46 • Chapter 1 • The Power of Principles: An Historical Perspective
The major role of private banks at this time was the issuance of credit. By 1820, there were more than 300 banks in the United States. By 1837, there were 788. By offering short-term credit, banks smoothed the cash flows of buyers and sellers and facilitated reliable transactions, although considerable risk from speculation and inflation remained throughout the nineteenth century. There was a recurring pattern of boom and bust, with periodic major depressions, such as the Panic of 1837.
Many smaller firms had difficulty getting credit, however, and if it was available at all, credit was often granted informally on the basis of personal relationships. Government or private consortia—groups of private individuals brought together to finance a specific project—funded larger projects. All told, from 1820 until 1838, 18 states advanced credit of $60 million for canals, $43 million for railroads, and $4.5 million for turnpikes.
As the scale of capital projects increased after 1840, government support or larger public debt or equity offerings by investment banks increasingly replaced financing by private individuals and small groups of investors as the principal sources of capital funds for businesses.
In 1840, no institutional mechanisms were available that reduced the risk of price fluctuation. This would require the creation of futures markets. Through futures markets, individuals purchase the right to buy and/or sell goods on a specified date for a predetermined price. Futures markets require verification of the characteristics of the product being transacted. They also require that one party to the transaction is willing to bear the risk that the “spot” (i.e., current) price on the date the futures transaction is completed may differ from the transacted price. The first futures market was created by the Chicago Board of Trade (CBOT) in 1858 and profoundly affected the farming industry, as we discuss in Example 1.1. The CBOT would not have been possible without the telegraph; in this way we see how one form of infrastucture facilitated another.
Production Technology
Production technology was relatively undeveloped in 1840. Where factories existed at all, they produced goods in much the same way they had been produced in the previous century. Textile plants had begun to be mechanized before 1820 and standardization was common in the manufacture of clocks and firearms, but the “American System” of manufacturing through the use of interchangeable parts was only just beginning to be adopted. Many of the scale-intensive industries most associated with industrial growth, such as steel, oil, chemicals, or automobiles, developed volume production only in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century.
Government
The economics underlying public works projects like the Erie Canal are similar to the economics of the prisoners’ dilemma, which we described in the Economics Primer. The economy as a whole benefits if all citizens chip in to bear their cost, but no one individual or firm finds it worthwhile taking on the project alone. Thus, the government steps in and provides the public good on behalf of everyone. Aside from such infrastructure investments, the U.S. government was not much involved in the economy prior to 1840. During the Civil War, President Lincoln’s administration sponsored the competition between the Union Pacific and Central Pacific Railroads to build the first transcontinental railroad, which was completed in 1869. This project arguably had an equal or a greater effect on the economy of the time than did the creation of the Internet, another government infrastructure project.
Doing Business in 1840 • 47
By the end of the nineteenth century, the U.S. government was becoming more actively involved in the business environment. The first major industry regulatory agency, the Interstate Commerce Commission, was created in 1887 to regulate the railroads. The Sherman Antitrust Act was enacted in 1890. Another important but less well-known example of government involvement in building commercial infrastructure during this time occurred in 1884, when the U.S. government hosted the Prime
EXAMPLE 1.2 BUILDING NATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE:
THE TRANSCONTINENTAL RAILROAD8
The transcontinental railroad was built between 1863 and 1869, and connected Omaha (the eastern end of the Union Pacific Railroad) with Sacramento (the western home of the Central Pacific Railroad). This project was the Internet of its time. Together with the telegraph, which accompanied it along the route, the transcontinental railroad reduced the time and expense of moving people, goods, and information from the population centers in the East to California. Before its completion, trips to California took months by sea or over land, cost thousands of dollars, and were fraught with risks from disease to Indian attacks. Within months of its completion, a trip from New York to San Francisco took seven days, was much safer, and cost under one hundred dollars. Mail to California, which had been priced at dollars per ounce before 1869, cost pennies per ounce shortly afterward. The railroad fostered the growth of a national and continental perspective, such that a national stock market and national commodity market developed, all working on a system of “standard” time, the impetus for which came from the railroads. This set the stage for the growth of national retail markets by the early years of the twentieth century.
The U.S. government heavily subsidized the builders of the railroad with financing and land grants. Since it crossed the continent in advance of settlement, this railroad was an infrastructure project that individual firms would not have found profitable to undertake. Literally everything associated with the railroad had to be brought to the construction site as part of the venture. To ensure completion of the railroad, Congress structured the venture as a race between two firms (Central Pacific and Union
Pacific) that started from opposite ends of the country and were built toward each other. The more miles of track that each firm graded and laid, the more the government would reimburse them for their costs. As one firm completed more of the route, there was less available to the other firm for reimbursement. Competing this way forced each firm to choose its strategies to lay the most track mileage in the shortest time. Managers emphasized speed at the expense of building the best or highest quality road.
As is also the case with the Internet today, managers, investors, government officials, and others were very uncertain regarding how to harness the commercial and transformative potential of the transcontinental railroad so that it could become profitable. Public optimism about the growth prospects of the railroads made financing available in the early years, and overbuilding of railroad lines was common. In 1872, a major scandal erupted over the financing of the transcontinental railroad and the misuse of funds for securing political influence regarding it. This was followed by a major national recession, the Panic of 1873, during the course of which sources of financing for railroads dried up. In the course of the 1870s, many of the major railroads went bankrupt and fell under the control of speculators, such as Jay Gould.
It was not until the 1890s that the transcontinental railroad was nationalized, unprofitable operations were closed, and remaining operations were upgraded and standardized. This allowed economies of scale in railroad network operations to be better realized. The result was an efficient and profitable industry that dominated transportation until the advent of the automobile.