
- •Public Administration And Public Policy
- •Contents
- •Acknowledgments
- •About The Authors
- •Comments On Purpose and Methods
- •Contents
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 Culture
- •1.3 Colonial Legacies
- •1.3.1 British Colonial Legacy
- •1.3.2 Latin Legacy
- •1.3.3 American Legacy
- •1.4 Decentralization
- •1.5 Ethics
- •1.5.1 Types of Corruption
- •1.5.2 Ethics Management
- •1.6 Performance Management
- •1.6.2 Structural Changes
- •1.6.3 New Public Management
- •1.7 Civil Service
- •1.7.1 Size
- •1.7.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •1.7.3 Pay and Performance
- •1.7.4 Training
- •1.8 Conclusion
- •Contents
- •2.1 Introduction
- •2.2 Historical Developments and Legacies
- •2.2.1.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of King as Leader
- •2.2.1.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.1.3 Third Legacy: Traditions of Hierarchy and Clientelism
- •2.2.1.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition of Reconciliation
- •2.2.2.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of Bureaucratic Elites as a Privileged Group
- •2.2.2.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.2.3 Third Legacy: The Practice of Staging Military Coups
- •2.2.2.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition for Military Elites to be Loyal to the King
- •2.2.3.1 First Legacy: Elected Politicians as the New Political Boss
- •2.2.3.2 Second Legacy: Frequent and Unpredictable Changes of Political Bosses
- •2.2.3.3 Third Legacy: Politicians from the Provinces Becoming Bosses
- •2.2.3.4 Fourth Legacy: The Problem with the Credibility of Politicians
- •2.2.4.1 First Emerging Legacy: Big Businessmen in Power
- •2.2.4.2 Second Emerging Legacy: Super CEO Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.4.3 Third Emerging Legacy: Government must Serve Big Business Interests
- •2.2.5.1 Emerging Legacy: The Clash between Governance Values and Thai Realities
- •2.2.5.2 Traits of Governmental Culture Produced by the Five Masters
- •2.3 Uniqueness of the Thai Political Context
- •2.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •3.1 Thailand Administrative Structure
- •3.2 History of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.2.1 Thailand as a Centralized State
- •3.2.2 Towards Decentralization
- •3.3 The Politics of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.3.2 Shrinking Political Power of the Military and Bureaucracy
- •3.4 Drafting the TAO Law 199421
- •3.5 Impacts of the Decentralization Reform on Local Government in Thailand: Ongoing Challenges
- •3.5.1 Strong Executive System
- •3.5.2 Thai Local Political System
- •3.5.3 Fiscal Decentralization
- •3.5.4 Transferred Responsibilities
- •3.5.5 Limited Spending on Personnel
- •3.5.6 New Local Government Personnel System
- •3.6 Local Governments Reaching Out to Local Community
- •3.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.2 Corruption: General Situation in Thailand
- •4.2.1 Transparency International and its Corruption Perception Index
- •4.2.2 Types of Corruption
- •4.3 A Deeper Look at Corruption in Thailand
- •4.3.1 Vanishing Moral Lessons
- •4.3.4 High Premium on Political Stability
- •4.4 Existing State Mechanisms to Fight Corruption
- •4.4.2 Constraints and Limitations of Public Agencies
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 History of Performance Management
- •5.2.1 National Economic and Social Development Plans
- •5.2.2 Master Plan of Government Administrative Reform
- •5.3 Performance Management Reform: A Move Toward High Performance Organizations
- •5.3.1 Organization Restructuring to Increase Autonomy
- •5.3.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.3 Knowledge Management Toward Learning Organizations
- •5.3.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.3.5 Challenges and Lessons Learned
- •5.3.5.1 Organizational Restructuring
- •5.3.5.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.5.3 Knowledge Management
- •5.3.5.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.4.4 Outcome of Budgeting Reform: The Budget Process in Thailand
- •5.4.5 Conclusion
- •5.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •6.1.1 Civil Service Personnel
- •6.1.2 Development of the Civil Service Human Resource System
- •6.1.3 Problems of Civil Service Human Resource
- •6.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •6.2.1 Main Feature
- •6.2.2 Challenges of Recruitment and Selection
- •6.3.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.2 Salary Management
- •6.4.2.2 Performance Management and Salary Increase
- •6.4.3 Position Allowance
- •6.4.5 National Compensation Committee
- •6.4.6 Retirement and Pension
- •6.4.7 Challenges in Compensation
- •6.5 Training and Development
- •6.5.1 Main Feature
- •6.5.2 Challenges of Training and Development in the Civil Service
- •6.6 Discipline and Merit Protection
- •6.6.1 Main Feature
- •6.6.2 Challenges of Discipline
- •6.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •English References
- •Contents
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Setting and Context
- •7.3 Malayan Union and the Birth of the United Malays National Organization
- •7.4 Post Independence, New Economic Policy, and Malay Dominance
- •7.5 Centralization of Executive Powers under Mahathir
- •7.6 Administrative Values
- •7.6.1 Close Ties with the Political Party
- •7.6.2 Laws that Promote Secrecy, Continuing Concerns with Corruption
- •7.6.3 Politics over Performance
- •7.6.4 Increasing Islamization of the Civil Service
- •7.7 Ethnic Politics and Reforms
- •7.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •8.1 Introduction
- •8.2 System of Government in Malaysia
- •8.5 Community Relations and Emerging Recentralization
- •8.6 Process Toward Recentralization and Weakening Decentralization
- •8.7 Reinforcing Centralization
- •8.8 Restructuring and Impact on Decentralization
- •8.9 Where to Decentralization?
- •8.10 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 Ethics and Corruption in Malaysia: General Observations
- •9.2.1 Factors of Corruption
- •9.3 Recent Corruption Scandals
- •9.3.1 Cases Involving Bureaucrats and Executives
- •9.3.2 Procurement Issues
- •9.4 Efforts to Address Corruption and Instill Ethics
- •9.4.1.1 Educational Strategy
- •9.4.1.2 Preventive Strategy
- •9.4.1.3 Punitive Strategy
- •9.4.2 Public Accounts Committee and Public Complaints Bureau
- •9.5 Other Efforts
- •9.6 Assessment and Recommendations
- •9.7 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •10.1 History of Performance Management in the Administrative System
- •10.1.1 Policy Frameworks
- •10.1.2 Organizational Structures
- •10.1.2.1 Values and Work Ethic
- •10.1.2.2 Administrative Devices
- •10.1.2.3 Performance, Financial, and Budgetary Reporting
- •10.2 Performance Management Reforms in the Past Ten Years
- •10.2.1 Electronic Government
- •10.2.2 Public Service Delivery System
- •10.2.3 Other Management Reforms
- •10.3 Assessment of Performance Management Reforms
- •10.4 Analysis and Recommendations
- •10.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •11.1 Introduction
- •11.2 Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.2.1 Public Service Department
- •11.2.2 Public Service Commission
- •11.2.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •11.2.4 Malaysian Administrative Modernization and Management Planning Unit
- •11.2.5 Administrative and Diplomatic Service
- •11.4 Civil Service Pension Scheme
- •11.5 Civil Service Neutrality
- •11.6 Civil Service Culture
- •11.7 Reform in the Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •12.1 Introduction
- •12.2.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.2.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.3.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.3.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.4.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.4.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.5.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.5.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.6.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.6.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.7 Public Administration and Society
- •12.7.1 Public Accountability and Participation
- •12.7.2 Administrative Values
- •12.8 Societal and Political Challenge over Bureaucratic Dominance
- •12.9 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •13.1 Introduction
- •13.3 Constitutional Framework of the Basic Law
- •13.4 Changing Relations between the Central Authorities and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •13.4.1 Constitutional Dimension
- •13.4.1.1 Contending Interpretations over the Basic Law
- •13.4.1.3 New Constitutional Order in the Making
- •13.4.2 Political Dimension
- •13.4.2.3 Contention over Political Reform
- •13.4.3 The Economic Dimension
- •13.4.3.1 Expanding Intergovernmental Links
- •13.4.3.2 Fostering Closer Economic Partnership and Financial Relations
- •13.4.3.3 Seeking Cooperation and Coordination in Regional and National Development
- •13.4.4 External Dimension
- •13.5 Challenges and Prospects in the Relations between the Central Government and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •References
- •Contents
- •14.1 Honesty, Integrity, and Adherence to the Law
- •14.2 Accountability, Openness, and Political Neutrality
- •14.2.1 Accountability
- •14.2.2 Openness
- •14.2.3 Political Neutrality
- •14.3 Impartiality and Service to the Community
- •14.4 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •15.1 Introduction
- •15.2 Brief Overview of Performance Management in Hong Kong
- •15.3.1 Measuring and Assessing Performance
- •15.3.2 Adoption of Performance Pledges
- •15.3.3 Linking Budget to Performance
- •15.3.4 Relating Rewards to Performance
- •15.4 Assessment of Outcomes of Performance Management Reforms
- •15.4.1 Are Departments Properly Measuring their Performance?
- •15.4.2 Are Budget Decisions Based on Performance Results?
- •15.4.5 Overall Evaluation
- •15.5 Measurability of Performance
- •15.6 Ownership of, and Responsibility for, Performance
- •15.7 The Politics of Performance
- •15.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •16.1 Introduction
- •16.2 Structure of the Public Sector
- •16.2.1 Core Government
- •16.2.2 Hybrid Agencies
- •16.2.4 Private Businesses that Deliver Public Services
- •16.3 Administrative Values
- •16.4 Politicians and Bureaucrats
- •16.5 Management Tools and their Reform
- •16.5.1 Selection
- •16.5.2 Performance Management
- •16.5.3 Compensation
- •16.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •17.1 Introduction
- •17.2 The Philippines: A Brief Background
- •17.4 Philippine Bureaucracy during the Spanish Colonial Regime
- •17.6 American Colonial Regime and the Philippine Commonwealth
- •17.8 Independence Period and the Establishment of the Institute of Public Administration
- •17.9 Administrative Values in the Philippines
- •17.11 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •18.1 Introduction
- •18.2 Toward a Genuine Local Autonomy and Decentralization in the Philippines
- •18.2.1 Evolution of Local Autonomy
- •18.2.2 Government Structure and the Local Government System
- •18.2.3 Devolution under the Local Government Code of 1991
- •18.2.4 Local Government Finance
- •18.2.5 Local Government Bureaucracy and Personnel
- •18.3 Review of the Local Government Code of 1991 and its Implementation
- •18.3.1 Gains and Successes of Decentralization
- •18.3.2 Assessing the Impact of Decentralization
- •18.3.2.1 Overall Policy Design
- •18.3.2.2 Administrative and Political Issues
- •18.3.2.2.1 Central and Sub-National Role in Devolution
- •18.3.2.2.3 High Budget for Personnel at the Local Level
- •18.3.2.2.4 Political Capture by the Elite
- •18.3.2.3 Fiscal Decentralization Issues
- •18.3.2.3.1 Macroeconomic Stability
- •18.3.2.3.2 Policy Design Issues of the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.3.2.3.4 Disruptive Effect of the Creation of New Local Government Units
- •18.3.2.3.5 Disparate Planning, Unhealthy Competition, and Corruption
- •18.4 Local Governance Reforms, Capacity Building, and Research Agenda
- •18.4.1 Financial Resources and Reforming the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.4.3 Government Functions and Powers
- •18.4.6 Local Government Performance Measurement
- •18.4.7 Capacity Building
- •18.4.8 People Participation
- •18.4.9 Political Concerns
- •18.4.10 Federalism
- •18.5 Conclusions and the Way Forward
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •19.1 Introduction
- •19.2 Control
- •19.2.1 Laws that Break Up the Alignment of Forces to Minimize State Capture
- •19.2.2 Executive Measures that Optimize Deterrence
- •19.2.3 Initiatives that Close Regulatory Gaps
- •19.2.4 Collateral Measures on Electoral Reform
- •19.3 Guidance
- •19.3.1 Leadership that Casts a Wide Net over Corrupt Acts
- •19.3.2 Limiting Monopoly and Discretion to Constrain Abuse of Power
- •19.3.3 Participatory Appraisal that Increases Agency Resistance against Misconduct
- •19.3.4 Steps that Encourage Public Vigilance and the Growth of Civil Society Watchdogs
- •19.3.5 Decentralized Guidance that eases Log Jams in Centralized Decision Making
- •19.4 Management
- •19.5 Creating Virtuous Circles in Public Ethics and Accountability
- •19.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •20.1 Introduction
- •20.2 Problems and Challenges Facing Bureaucracy in the Philippines Today
- •20.3 Past Reform Initiatives of the Philippine Public Administrative System
- •20.4.1 Rebuilding Institutions and Improving Performance
- •20.4.1.1 Size and Effectiveness of the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.1.2 Privatization
- •20.4.1.3 Addressing Corruption
- •20.4.1.5 Improving Work Processes
- •20.4.2 Performance Management Initiatives for the New Millennium
- •20.4.2.1 Financial Management
- •20.4.2.2 New Government Accounting System
- •20.4.2.3 Public Expenditure Management
- •20.4.2.4 Procurement Reforms
- •20.4.3 Human Resource Management
- •20.4.3.1 Organizing for Performance
- •20.4.3.2 Performance Evaluation
- •20.4.3.3 Rationalizing the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.3.4 Public Sector Compensation
- •20.4.3.5 Quality Management Systems
- •20.4.3.6 Local Government Initiatives
- •20.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •21.1 Introduction
- •21.2 Country Development Context
- •21.3 Evolution and Current State of the Philippine Civil Service System
- •21.3.1 Beginnings of a Modern Civil Service
- •21.3.2 Inventory of Government Personnel
- •21.3.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •21.3.6 Training and Development
- •21.3.7 Incentive Structure in the Bureaucracy
- •21.3.8 Filipino Culture
- •21.3.9 Bureaucratic Values and Performance Culture
- •21.3.10 Grievance and Redress System
- •21.4 Development Performance of the Philippine Civil Service
- •21.5 Key Development Challenges
- •21.5.1 Corruption
- •21.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •22.1 Introduction
- •22.2 History
- •22.3 Major Reform Measures since the Handover
- •22.4 Analysis of the Reform Roadmap
- •22.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •23.1 Decentralization, Autonomy, and Democracy
- •23.3.1 From Recession to Take Off
- •23.3.2 Politics of Growth
- •23.3.3 Government Inertia
- •23.4 Autonomy as Collective Identity
- •23.4.3 Social Group Dynamics
- •23.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •24.1 Introduction
- •24.2 Functions and Performance of the Commission Against Corruption of Macao
- •24.2.1 Functions
- •24.2.2 Guidelines on the Professional Ethics and Conduct of Public Servants
- •24.2.3 Performance
- •24.2.4 Structure
- •24.2.5 Personnel Establishment
- •24.3 New Challenges
- •24.3.1 The Case of Ao Man Long
- •24.3.2 Dilemma of Sunshine Law
- •24.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •25.1 Introduction
- •25.2 Theoretical Basis of the Reform
- •25.3 Historical Background
- •25.4 Problems in the Civil Service Culture
- •25.5 Systemic Problems
- •25.6 Performance Management Reform
- •25.6.1 Performance Pledges
- •25.6.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.7 Results and Problems
- •25.7.1 Performance Pledge
- •25.7.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.8 Conclusion and Future Development
- •References
- •Contents
- •26.1 Introduction
- •26.2 Civil Service System
- •26.2.1 Types of Civil Servants
- •26.2.2 Bureaucratic Structure
- •26.2.4 Personnel Management
- •26.4 Civil Service Reform
- •26.5 Conclusion
- •References

Public Ethics and Corruption in Macao 509
Table 24.5 reveals the gradual increase of staff since the handover. The total number of staff has been exceeded since the official setup in 2004 and reached a record high in 2007. Although the Commission claimed that some staff are not employed by a permanent contract,12 it did not change the personnel establishment limit. The total number of investigators in 2007 remains at a relatively low level, thereby worsening the shortage of manpower. Indeed, the Commission will find it very difficult to deploy such a small number of investigators to the three investigation departments in 2007 to make them work effectively and efficiently especially as the gaming franchise has expanded from one to six and the community is developing drastically. Yet, it would be reasonable to expand the personnel establishment.
24.3 New Challenges
The CAC had been enjoying a continual 7-year honeymoon because it had not been critically tested on its capacity to combat organized bribery crimes. The fallout from the case of the former secretary for public works and transportation, Ao Man Loon, as well as the chief executive’s failing to report personal interest to the CAC together have made the anti-graft department face unprecedented challenges ever since.
24.3.1 The Case of Ao Man Long
Mr. Ao was the first civil servant at the secretarial level to be caught by the CAC in December 2006 after the handover. The public wanted to know whether Ao would be treated like every ordinary accused person or whether he would he enjoy the advantages and protection that often exists among officials. It was soon found that actions taken against Ao were far from common fairness. First, one day after Ao’s arrest the chief executive announced at a press conference that “quite substantial” evidence was found.13 Second, Ao was escorted to a house search and the Public Prosecutions Office for further investigation, handcuffed without masking his face in a public place, which is not the usual practice in Macao CAC as well as the police. Although Ao’s lawyer made a complaint, it was to no avail.14 Third, although Edmond Ho had reiterated that there should be no open addresses or comments on Ao’s case for the sake of maintaining the fundamental principle of legal justice,15 the CAC disclosed a large volume of evidence including the ways that Ao exercised money laundering, and money, deeds and properties, etc., claiming Ao acquired this wealth through corruption.16 Obviously, Ao was still an innocent person at that time as he was not on trial and had not been found guilty by a court of law. Those practices that made Ao appear like a criminal impressed the public, as they assumed that the presumption of innocence did not apply to Ao, and he was suspected of contravening Article 29 and 30 of the MSAR Basic
12The author presented this topic at the Conference of Public Governance: Theories and Practices, held in October 2007 at the University of Macau. A person claiming to be a middle-level official of the CAC stated that there were a number of staff employed on non-permanent contracts, and the Commission did not see these staff as members of the establishment so they would not be counted in the Annual Report. She was not willing to disclose the types of contract being used by the Commission while recruiting staff and also refused to give information on the number of staff in the three investigation departments
13Shimin Daily, December 8, 2006, p. 3.
14Macao Daily, December 11, 2006, p.2.
15Va Kio Daily, December 19, 2006, p. 11.
16Macao Daily, April 5, 2007, p. 2; Apple Daily, April 5, 2007, p. 13.
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
Table 24.5 Total Number of Staff Employed by the Commission Against Corruption of Macao, 2000–2007
Position |
31-12-2000 |
31-12-2001 |
31-12-2002 |
31-12-2003 |
31-12-2004 |
31-12-2005 |
31-12-2006 |
31-12-2007 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Commissioner |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Deputy |
2 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
commissioner |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Chief of cabinet of |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
the commissioner |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Advisor or expert |
5 |
6 |
6 |
6 |
5 |
4 |
4 |
4 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Department head |
– |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Chief investigation |
– |
2 |
2 |
3 |
3 |
2 |
2 |
3 |
officer |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Division head |
1 |
1 |
– |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Senior officer |
5 |
4 |
6 |
4 |
3 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Senior information |
– |
– |
1 |
2 |
1 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
technology officer |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Interpreter |
1 |
1 |
– |
– |
– |
– |
– |
– |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Personal secretary |
1 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
1 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Office assistant |
– |
– |
– |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Chinese expert |
– |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
– |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Officer |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Information |
– |
– |
– |
1 |
1 |
2 |
2 |
2 |
technology officer |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Asia Southeast in Administration Public 510
© 2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
Investigator |
19 |
32 |
35 |
40 |
50 |
49 |
61 |
55 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Assistant officer |
7 |
6 |
8 |
18 |
16 |
15 |
13 |
18 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Public relations |
2 |
2 |
2 |
1 |
– |
– |
– |
– |
officer |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Auxiliary officer |
– |
6 |
7 |
6 |
6 |
6 |
7 |
11 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Information |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
1 |
– |
– |
– |
technology |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
assistant |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Administrative |
3 |
3 |
3 |
3 |
5 |
6 |
6 |
6 |
official |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Worker and |
12 |
11 |
11 |
11 |
11 |
11 |
11 |
11 |
auxiliary staff |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Full-time temporary |
– |
– |
– |
– |
– |
1 |
2 |
2 |
staff |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Total |
62 |
84 |
91 |
106 |
112 |
112 |
125 |
128a |
Source: Annual Report 2007, Commission Against Corruption of Macao (only Chinese and Portuguese), webpage: http://www.ccac. org.mo/cn/intro/download/rep2007.pdf.
a Excluding 13 investigator trainees.
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512 Public Administration in Southeast Asia
Law.17 This usual practice of the CAC was later criticized by the Law Society of Macao in a public announcement published in the newspaper, accusing the CAC’s moves as contravening judicial secrecy and the principle of presumption of innocent.18
The court trials of Ao Man Long had also exposed the patron-client politics that existed in the civil service in Macao. These dyadic relations in the bureaucracy revealed that subordinates condescendingly followed or even conjectured their patron superiors’ wishes, disregarding whether these actions might step on the brink of illegality.19 For instance, Lou Chun Chon, a member of the Bidding Assessment Committee for Public Works, changed the scores of the assessed parties to make the lower score company get the contract as he realized it was Ao’s wish;20 Pun Pou Leng, deputy director of the Infrastructure Development Office, bypassed the formal procedures of calling for a public bidding and renewed a 7-year contract to Macao Hygiene Company and offered a contract to Macao Hydraulic Engineering Company Limited, obeying Ao’s instructions as he was her boss.21 Chow Wai Man, formerly the chair of the Bidding Assessment Committee for Public Works, signed offer document a supplementary construction works which was written in Portuguese on the request of Ao Man Long’s office, but he did not know Portuguese.22
Clearly, the above examples may just expose part of the officialdom culture within the Macao civil service. Officials paid no attention to the instructions itself, but rather carried out or conjectured their superiors’ wishes in order to display their loyalty and ‘clientelist’ attitudes. The MSAR government was compelled by Ao’s case to set up the Provisional Committee for the Analysis of Lands and Public Concession System and the Provisional Committee for the Analysis of Public Finance System,23 in response to the failure of the lands concession and public finance system as exposed by Ao’ case.24
24.3.2 Dilemma of Sunshine Law
To maintain a higher standard and requirement for a clean and ethical civil service, the MSAR government has introduced a new law entitled “Patrimonial Declaration of Incomes and Interests” (Law number 11.2003, also known as the Sunshine Law) to replace the old one passed under the Portuguese regime in 1998 regulating public servants to submit a declaration of incomes and interests.25 According to Article 1 of the new Sunshine Law, all public servants including the chief executive are obliged to submit a declaration to report their incomes and interests.26 Article 27 of the Sunshine Law clarifies the definitions of incorrect information and penalties:27
17For details of this legislation, see MSAR Printing Bureau website: http://bo.io.gov.mo/bo/i/1999/leibasica/ index_cn.asp#c3.
18Shimin Daily, May 10, 2008, webpage: http://www.shimindaily.com.mo/find.asp.
19Legislator Au Kam Sang described it as “Hungry Wolf Effect,” meaning that yes-man officials in the civil service obeyed their superiors for the sake of their career. Shimin Daily, November 20, 2007, p. 1.
20Oral statement given in the trial at the Court of Final Appeal. Shimin Daily, November 17, 2007, pp. 2–3.
21Ibid.
22Oral statement given in the trial at the Court of Final Appeal. Shimin Daily, November 20, 2007, p. 6.
23Va Kio Daily, January 6, 2007. p.1.
24Th e actual functions of these two committees were criticized by legislator Au Kam San as useless but served only as a political case. Personal interview, February 2, 2008.
25Details of this old law (number 3/98/M) can found at the MSAR government Printing Bureau webpage: http:// bo.io.gov.mo/bo/i/98/26/lei03_cn.asp.
26See MSAR Printing Bureau webpage: http://www.imprensa.macau.gov.mo/bo/i/2003/30/lei11_cn.asp.
27Author’s English translations, the official version provides only Chinese and Portuguese.
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Public Ethics and Corruption in Macao 513
(1)If the incorrect information in the declaration is made by inexcusable mistake, the offender shall be fined equivalent to remunerations ranging from 6 months to 1 year for the current position
(2)If the information in the declaration is incorrect with intention, the offender as the litigant shall be punished for giving fraudulent address or declaration; if a fine is applicable to the punishment, it shall not below the remuneration of 1 year for the offender’s current position
(3)For the purpose of starting criminal proceedings against the unlawful behavior laid down in the previous clause of this Article, the president of the Court of Final Appeal or the commissioner of the Commission Against Corruption shall forward the Certificate of Declaration with the incorrect information and other documents of information deemed appropriate to the Public Prosecutions Office
The critical challenge to the Sunshine Law since its enactment in 2003 was a constitutional dilemma when the chief executive, Edmond Ho, was disclosed by the Hong Kong South China Morning Post as being one of the shareholders of the listed company, Many Town Company Limited, which indirectly held about HKD100m share profit of casino tycoon Stanley Ho’s company, the Sociedade de Turismo e Diversões de Macau (STDM),28 but he failed to report this profit in the Declaration in accordance to the “Patrimonial Declaration of Incomes and Interests.” He explained that he had given all the rights of the shares to his brother in exchange for shares in Tai Fung Bank of Macao, but he did not change the name on the shares, so he had the right to exercise the shares in terms of the law. Ho submitted an agreement of exchange of shares replacement to the Court of Final Appeal for their records,29 the reason was that he wanted to “further actualize the spirit of the Declaration of Incomes and Interests system.”30 However, the CAC, which was responsible for monitoring and executing the law, did not express any opinion on the Ho case, so Ho also nominated the head of CAC, and sought to remain impartial. In fact, the key points of this incident are whether Ho had contravened the Sunshine Law and the incorrect information declaration was made by inexcusable mistake or not. The CAC bears sole responsibility to inform the public if they had carried out a preliminary investigation and found that it was not an inexcusable mistake. The CAC must also show the public that it is just and fair to all regardless of the identity of the accused person. Ho was innocent in this incident, as he was not investigated or charged, nor even invited for clarification by the CAC, but the way the CAC handled the case made Ho’s actions seem very suspicious.
Furthermore, democrats Ng Kuok Cheong and Au Kam San, legislators representing the New Macao Association, tried to table an amendment to the Sunshine Law in February 2008, but they were opposed by the MSAR Legislative Assembly—15 opposed, 8 abstained, and 4 supported. The amendment suggested Part II of the Declaration recording the incomes and interests of the public servants, including the chief executive, principle officials, members of the Executive Council, leaderships and heads of the public departments, would be open to public for scrutiny.31 The reasons that the legislators used to oppose or abstain from the amendment focused on maintaining personal privacy, rather than clean governance or threats to their personal security. However, it has long been recognized by public figures that they enjoy a lesser degree of privacy than ordinary
28South Chinese Morning Post, August 13, 2007, p. 1; Apple Daily, August 14, 2007, p. 4.
29Macao Daily, August 16, 2007, p. 2.
30Shimin Daily, August 16, 2007, p. 1.
31For a full version of the motion, see the Macao Legislative Assembly webpage: http://www.al.gov.mo/proposta/ alt_11-2003/nota_justificativa_cn.pdf.
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