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Intergovernmental Relations Between Mainland China and the Macao SAR 495

associated with it. The democratic force was muffled and marginalized. Without an indigenous force to balance China’s influence, the casualty is likely to be Macao’s autonomy.

23.5 Conclusion

Decentralization is a complex affair. The above study is an attempt to use a multi-dimensional approach to assess the conditions of decentralization of Macao. As this case has demonstrated, decentralization should not be confused with autonomy. Even though decentralization and autonomy are always discussed together, there is no automatic implication that the decentralized power will be genuinely exercised autonomously. Autonomy is more than an institutional arrangement that obligates the central government to grant a range of powers to the local government. Decentralization could mean the entrusting of power to the local elite whose loyalty and interests lie with the central government. Coupled with an undemocratic form of local governance and a subdued civil society, the outcome of decentralization could very well mean corruption and inefficiency with minimal accountability. In this sense, decentralization cannot be a panacea for improving the quality of government and people’s livelihood.

Decentralization and autonomy is a profound political process that may affect the interests of actors in many different ways. Beijing may find decentralization working because it secures an overbearing influence on Macao without being openly challenged locally, and without being seen as damaging the autonomy promised. It also works very well for the local elite because the posttransition arrangement entrenches their political control on Macao politics. For the local people, the decentralization program may have given them a raw deal. The inefficient and unaccountable post-colonial government pursuing an unrelenting growth strategy aggravates inequalities and damages the standard of living for the common people.

It is not to dismiss all attempts of decentralization as futile. The point here is to underscore the argument that whether or not decentralization can achieve the claimed effects has to be analyzed from the configuration of social forces in the locality and their relations with the central government. Thus, a similar decentralization program offered by China to Hong Kong and Macao has produced quite divergent outcomes in the two SARs. This perspective may also help us gain better insight into the operation of autonomy. In particular, smooth central-local relations do not necessarily imply that autonomy is working. Conversely, rocky relations do not necessarily mean that autonomy faced with crises is unraveling. The more important criteria, however, is the consolidation of an accepted practice that local affairs have to be resolved in the locality. The best safeguard for this practice is the emergence of a vibrant and vociferous democratic force ready to take on an intrusive central state, and to turn local autonomy into a democratic exercise of the construction of common fate.

Long-time political observers like Sonny Lo (1995: 44) were rather pessimistic on the autonomous future of Macao before the 1999 transition. He was concerned that if China has already attained a high level of influence on Macao during the colonial period, Macao could not be more autonomous under China’s direct sovereignty. This puzzle is obviously written from an “autonomy from” perspective, highlighting the source of power delegated from the top.60 However, if autonomy is taken from a relational perspective, this pessimism is largely unwarranted. Optimists like Ng Kuok Cheong (n.d.: 15), Gary Ngai (2001: 150) and Clayton (2001: 25) argue that OCTS is the starting point of Macao’s autonomy. The public outcry against corruption, mismanagement,

60Other pessimists include Pereira (2001: 125). He writes, “the MSAR autonomy appears to be fully dependent on exogenous factors and, ultimately, on the sole political will of the Chinese leadership.”

©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

496 Public Administration in Southeast Asia

and abuse of power are indications that Macao people increasingly find the current political form unacceptable. These voices could become more vociferous because the gambling liberation opens up more economic space for dissent amid a more educated and self-confident Macao population. The OCTS has created a political promise of self-autonomy. Its future depends on the catalyzation and transformation of these forces to challenge the ideological straightjacket of nationalism imposed from above, and the articulation of a discourse of autonomy as not incompatible with a more democratic form of local governance.

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