- •Public Administration And Public Policy
- •Contents
- •Acknowledgments
- •About The Authors
- •Comments On Purpose and Methods
- •Contents
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 Culture
- •1.3 Colonial Legacies
- •1.3.1 British Colonial Legacy
- •1.3.2 Latin Legacy
- •1.3.3 American Legacy
- •1.4 Decentralization
- •1.5 Ethics
- •1.5.1 Types of Corruption
- •1.5.2 Ethics Management
- •1.6 Performance Management
- •1.6.2 Structural Changes
- •1.6.3 New Public Management
- •1.7 Civil Service
- •1.7.1 Size
- •1.7.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •1.7.3 Pay and Performance
- •1.7.4 Training
- •1.8 Conclusion
- •Contents
- •2.1 Introduction
- •2.2 Historical Developments and Legacies
- •2.2.1.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of King as Leader
- •2.2.1.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.1.3 Third Legacy: Traditions of Hierarchy and Clientelism
- •2.2.1.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition of Reconciliation
- •2.2.2.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of Bureaucratic Elites as a Privileged Group
- •2.2.2.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.2.3 Third Legacy: The Practice of Staging Military Coups
- •2.2.2.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition for Military Elites to be Loyal to the King
- •2.2.3.1 First Legacy: Elected Politicians as the New Political Boss
- •2.2.3.2 Second Legacy: Frequent and Unpredictable Changes of Political Bosses
- •2.2.3.3 Third Legacy: Politicians from the Provinces Becoming Bosses
- •2.2.3.4 Fourth Legacy: The Problem with the Credibility of Politicians
- •2.2.4.1 First Emerging Legacy: Big Businessmen in Power
- •2.2.4.2 Second Emerging Legacy: Super CEO Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.4.3 Third Emerging Legacy: Government must Serve Big Business Interests
- •2.2.5.1 Emerging Legacy: The Clash between Governance Values and Thai Realities
- •2.2.5.2 Traits of Governmental Culture Produced by the Five Masters
- •2.3 Uniqueness of the Thai Political Context
- •2.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •3.1 Thailand Administrative Structure
- •3.2 History of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.2.1 Thailand as a Centralized State
- •3.2.2 Towards Decentralization
- •3.3 The Politics of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.3.2 Shrinking Political Power of the Military and Bureaucracy
- •3.4 Drafting the TAO Law 199421
- •3.5 Impacts of the Decentralization Reform on Local Government in Thailand: Ongoing Challenges
- •3.5.1 Strong Executive System
- •3.5.2 Thai Local Political System
- •3.5.3 Fiscal Decentralization
- •3.5.4 Transferred Responsibilities
- •3.5.5 Limited Spending on Personnel
- •3.5.6 New Local Government Personnel System
- •3.6 Local Governments Reaching Out to Local Community
- •3.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.2 Corruption: General Situation in Thailand
- •4.2.1 Transparency International and its Corruption Perception Index
- •4.2.2 Types of Corruption
- •4.3 A Deeper Look at Corruption in Thailand
- •4.3.1 Vanishing Moral Lessons
- •4.3.4 High Premium on Political Stability
- •4.4 Existing State Mechanisms to Fight Corruption
- •4.4.2 Constraints and Limitations of Public Agencies
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 History of Performance Management
- •5.2.1 National Economic and Social Development Plans
- •5.2.2 Master Plan of Government Administrative Reform
- •5.3 Performance Management Reform: A Move Toward High Performance Organizations
- •5.3.1 Organization Restructuring to Increase Autonomy
- •5.3.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.3 Knowledge Management Toward Learning Organizations
- •5.3.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.3.5 Challenges and Lessons Learned
- •5.3.5.1 Organizational Restructuring
- •5.3.5.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.5.3 Knowledge Management
- •5.3.5.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.4.4 Outcome of Budgeting Reform: The Budget Process in Thailand
- •5.4.5 Conclusion
- •5.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •6.1.1 Civil Service Personnel
- •6.1.2 Development of the Civil Service Human Resource System
- •6.1.3 Problems of Civil Service Human Resource
- •6.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •6.2.1 Main Feature
- •6.2.2 Challenges of Recruitment and Selection
- •6.3.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.2 Salary Management
- •6.4.2.2 Performance Management and Salary Increase
- •6.4.3 Position Allowance
- •6.4.5 National Compensation Committee
- •6.4.6 Retirement and Pension
- •6.4.7 Challenges in Compensation
- •6.5 Training and Development
- •6.5.1 Main Feature
- •6.5.2 Challenges of Training and Development in the Civil Service
- •6.6 Discipline and Merit Protection
- •6.6.1 Main Feature
- •6.6.2 Challenges of Discipline
- •6.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •English References
- •Contents
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Setting and Context
- •7.3 Malayan Union and the Birth of the United Malays National Organization
- •7.4 Post Independence, New Economic Policy, and Malay Dominance
- •7.5 Centralization of Executive Powers under Mahathir
- •7.6 Administrative Values
- •7.6.1 Close Ties with the Political Party
- •7.6.2 Laws that Promote Secrecy, Continuing Concerns with Corruption
- •7.6.3 Politics over Performance
- •7.6.4 Increasing Islamization of the Civil Service
- •7.7 Ethnic Politics and Reforms
- •7.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •8.1 Introduction
- •8.2 System of Government in Malaysia
- •8.5 Community Relations and Emerging Recentralization
- •8.6 Process Toward Recentralization and Weakening Decentralization
- •8.7 Reinforcing Centralization
- •8.8 Restructuring and Impact on Decentralization
- •8.9 Where to Decentralization?
- •8.10 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 Ethics and Corruption in Malaysia: General Observations
- •9.2.1 Factors of Corruption
- •9.3 Recent Corruption Scandals
- •9.3.1 Cases Involving Bureaucrats and Executives
- •9.3.2 Procurement Issues
- •9.4 Efforts to Address Corruption and Instill Ethics
- •9.4.1.1 Educational Strategy
- •9.4.1.2 Preventive Strategy
- •9.4.1.3 Punitive Strategy
- •9.4.2 Public Accounts Committee and Public Complaints Bureau
- •9.5 Other Efforts
- •9.6 Assessment and Recommendations
- •9.7 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •10.1 History of Performance Management in the Administrative System
- •10.1.1 Policy Frameworks
- •10.1.2 Organizational Structures
- •10.1.2.1 Values and Work Ethic
- •10.1.2.2 Administrative Devices
- •10.1.2.3 Performance, Financial, and Budgetary Reporting
- •10.2 Performance Management Reforms in the Past Ten Years
- •10.2.1 Electronic Government
- •10.2.2 Public Service Delivery System
- •10.2.3 Other Management Reforms
- •10.3 Assessment of Performance Management Reforms
- •10.4 Analysis and Recommendations
- •10.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •11.1 Introduction
- •11.2 Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.2.1 Public Service Department
- •11.2.2 Public Service Commission
- •11.2.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •11.2.4 Malaysian Administrative Modernization and Management Planning Unit
- •11.2.5 Administrative and Diplomatic Service
- •11.4 Civil Service Pension Scheme
- •11.5 Civil Service Neutrality
- •11.6 Civil Service Culture
- •11.7 Reform in the Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •12.1 Introduction
- •12.2.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.2.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.3.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.3.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.4.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.4.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.5.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.5.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.6.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.6.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.7 Public Administration and Society
- •12.7.1 Public Accountability and Participation
- •12.7.2 Administrative Values
- •12.8 Societal and Political Challenge over Bureaucratic Dominance
- •12.9 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •13.1 Introduction
- •13.3 Constitutional Framework of the Basic Law
- •13.4 Changing Relations between the Central Authorities and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •13.4.1 Constitutional Dimension
- •13.4.1.1 Contending Interpretations over the Basic Law
- •13.4.1.3 New Constitutional Order in the Making
- •13.4.2 Political Dimension
- •13.4.2.3 Contention over Political Reform
- •13.4.3 The Economic Dimension
- •13.4.3.1 Expanding Intergovernmental Links
- •13.4.3.2 Fostering Closer Economic Partnership and Financial Relations
- •13.4.3.3 Seeking Cooperation and Coordination in Regional and National Development
- •13.4.4 External Dimension
- •13.5 Challenges and Prospects in the Relations between the Central Government and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •References
- •Contents
- •14.1 Honesty, Integrity, and Adherence to the Law
- •14.2 Accountability, Openness, and Political Neutrality
- •14.2.1 Accountability
- •14.2.2 Openness
- •14.2.3 Political Neutrality
- •14.3 Impartiality and Service to the Community
- •14.4 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •15.1 Introduction
- •15.2 Brief Overview of Performance Management in Hong Kong
- •15.3.1 Measuring and Assessing Performance
- •15.3.2 Adoption of Performance Pledges
- •15.3.3 Linking Budget to Performance
- •15.3.4 Relating Rewards to Performance
- •15.4 Assessment of Outcomes of Performance Management Reforms
- •15.4.1 Are Departments Properly Measuring their Performance?
- •15.4.2 Are Budget Decisions Based on Performance Results?
- •15.4.5 Overall Evaluation
- •15.5 Measurability of Performance
- •15.6 Ownership of, and Responsibility for, Performance
- •15.7 The Politics of Performance
- •15.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •16.1 Introduction
- •16.2 Structure of the Public Sector
- •16.2.1 Core Government
- •16.2.2 Hybrid Agencies
- •16.2.4 Private Businesses that Deliver Public Services
- •16.3 Administrative Values
- •16.4 Politicians and Bureaucrats
- •16.5 Management Tools and their Reform
- •16.5.1 Selection
- •16.5.2 Performance Management
- •16.5.3 Compensation
- •16.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •17.1 Introduction
- •17.2 The Philippines: A Brief Background
- •17.4 Philippine Bureaucracy during the Spanish Colonial Regime
- •17.6 American Colonial Regime and the Philippine Commonwealth
- •17.8 Independence Period and the Establishment of the Institute of Public Administration
- •17.9 Administrative Values in the Philippines
- •17.11 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •18.1 Introduction
- •18.2 Toward a Genuine Local Autonomy and Decentralization in the Philippines
- •18.2.1 Evolution of Local Autonomy
- •18.2.2 Government Structure and the Local Government System
- •18.2.3 Devolution under the Local Government Code of 1991
- •18.2.4 Local Government Finance
- •18.2.5 Local Government Bureaucracy and Personnel
- •18.3 Review of the Local Government Code of 1991 and its Implementation
- •18.3.1 Gains and Successes of Decentralization
- •18.3.2 Assessing the Impact of Decentralization
- •18.3.2.1 Overall Policy Design
- •18.3.2.2 Administrative and Political Issues
- •18.3.2.2.1 Central and Sub-National Role in Devolution
- •18.3.2.2.3 High Budget for Personnel at the Local Level
- •18.3.2.2.4 Political Capture by the Elite
- •18.3.2.3 Fiscal Decentralization Issues
- •18.3.2.3.1 Macroeconomic Stability
- •18.3.2.3.2 Policy Design Issues of the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.3.2.3.4 Disruptive Effect of the Creation of New Local Government Units
- •18.3.2.3.5 Disparate Planning, Unhealthy Competition, and Corruption
- •18.4 Local Governance Reforms, Capacity Building, and Research Agenda
- •18.4.1 Financial Resources and Reforming the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.4.3 Government Functions and Powers
- •18.4.6 Local Government Performance Measurement
- •18.4.7 Capacity Building
- •18.4.8 People Participation
- •18.4.9 Political Concerns
- •18.4.10 Federalism
- •18.5 Conclusions and the Way Forward
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •19.1 Introduction
- •19.2 Control
- •19.2.1 Laws that Break Up the Alignment of Forces to Minimize State Capture
- •19.2.2 Executive Measures that Optimize Deterrence
- •19.2.3 Initiatives that Close Regulatory Gaps
- •19.2.4 Collateral Measures on Electoral Reform
- •19.3 Guidance
- •19.3.1 Leadership that Casts a Wide Net over Corrupt Acts
- •19.3.2 Limiting Monopoly and Discretion to Constrain Abuse of Power
- •19.3.3 Participatory Appraisal that Increases Agency Resistance against Misconduct
- •19.3.4 Steps that Encourage Public Vigilance and the Growth of Civil Society Watchdogs
- •19.3.5 Decentralized Guidance that eases Log Jams in Centralized Decision Making
- •19.4 Management
- •19.5 Creating Virtuous Circles in Public Ethics and Accountability
- •19.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •20.1 Introduction
- •20.2 Problems and Challenges Facing Bureaucracy in the Philippines Today
- •20.3 Past Reform Initiatives of the Philippine Public Administrative System
- •20.4.1 Rebuilding Institutions and Improving Performance
- •20.4.1.1 Size and Effectiveness of the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.1.2 Privatization
- •20.4.1.3 Addressing Corruption
- •20.4.1.5 Improving Work Processes
- •20.4.2 Performance Management Initiatives for the New Millennium
- •20.4.2.1 Financial Management
- •20.4.2.2 New Government Accounting System
- •20.4.2.3 Public Expenditure Management
- •20.4.2.4 Procurement Reforms
- •20.4.3 Human Resource Management
- •20.4.3.1 Organizing for Performance
- •20.4.3.2 Performance Evaluation
- •20.4.3.3 Rationalizing the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.3.4 Public Sector Compensation
- •20.4.3.5 Quality Management Systems
- •20.4.3.6 Local Government Initiatives
- •20.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •21.1 Introduction
- •21.2 Country Development Context
- •21.3 Evolution and Current State of the Philippine Civil Service System
- •21.3.1 Beginnings of a Modern Civil Service
- •21.3.2 Inventory of Government Personnel
- •21.3.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •21.3.6 Training and Development
- •21.3.7 Incentive Structure in the Bureaucracy
- •21.3.8 Filipino Culture
- •21.3.9 Bureaucratic Values and Performance Culture
- •21.3.10 Grievance and Redress System
- •21.4 Development Performance of the Philippine Civil Service
- •21.5 Key Development Challenges
- •21.5.1 Corruption
- •21.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •22.1 Introduction
- •22.2 History
- •22.3 Major Reform Measures since the Handover
- •22.4 Analysis of the Reform Roadmap
- •22.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •23.1 Decentralization, Autonomy, and Democracy
- •23.3.1 From Recession to Take Off
- •23.3.2 Politics of Growth
- •23.3.3 Government Inertia
- •23.4 Autonomy as Collective Identity
- •23.4.3 Social Group Dynamics
- •23.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •24.1 Introduction
- •24.2 Functions and Performance of the Commission Against Corruption of Macao
- •24.2.1 Functions
- •24.2.2 Guidelines on the Professional Ethics and Conduct of Public Servants
- •24.2.3 Performance
- •24.2.4 Structure
- •24.2.5 Personnel Establishment
- •24.3 New Challenges
- •24.3.1 The Case of Ao Man Long
- •24.3.2 Dilemma of Sunshine Law
- •24.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •25.1 Introduction
- •25.2 Theoretical Basis of the Reform
- •25.3 Historical Background
- •25.4 Problems in the Civil Service Culture
- •25.5 Systemic Problems
- •25.6 Performance Management Reform
- •25.6.1 Performance Pledges
- •25.6.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.7 Results and Problems
- •25.7.1 Performance Pledge
- •25.7.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.8 Conclusion and Future Development
- •References
- •Contents
- •26.1 Introduction
- •26.2 Civil Service System
- •26.2.1 Types of Civil Servants
- •26.2.2 Bureaucratic Structure
- •26.2.4 Personnel Management
- •26.4 Civil Service Reform
- •26.5 Conclusion
- •References
Public Administration in Southeast Asia: An Overview 11
Macao continues to focus on the ineffectiveness of its government and on-going corruption cases, and the chapters on Macao voice widespread concern about this.
The cases may be different, but they all show themes of central government control over local government, and the effectiveness of local government to provide governance and services. With the exception of Malaysia, they show dynamic developments occurring in these three countries and two special administrative regions in Southeast Asia.
1.5 Ethics
All public administration systems are concerned with the ethical conduct of its civil servants and elected public officials. Unethical conduct breeds distrust and is a serious distraction when trying to implement new policies and programs, while cultures of integrity are associated with increased commitment to excellence and improvements in the business climate. While the seeds of corruption lie in the human condition, the form and manner in which they are manifested show strong ties to the culture and legacy of the different countries and regions.
1.5.1 Types of Corruption
Many authors trace corruption to patron-client relations that invite different patterns in which corruption occurs. For example, Bidhya states that, “clientelism in modern T hai politics and administration (…) fosters nepotism, corruption, and bureaucratic inefficiency.”8 Gonzalez writes, “Rule of law itself is a concept that sits uneasily within the Philippine patron-client culture. Public agencies serve as conduits for capture of both policies and public resources.” The chapters are rich in detailing specific forms of corruption. Juree writes:
Examples or types of corruption involving public of f cials are numerous. Many of them are akin to corruption cases elsewhere around the world such as “kick-backs” or illegal “commission” from procurement, influence peddling, conflict of interest cases like selling own land at a higher than market value while holding a public office position. Or dictating policies or ministerial directive that will favor certain parties. Rezoning to increase land value is also one form of corruption. However, we also find that some public officials in Thailand may also engage in dishonest behavior regarding promotion and appointment. Large sums of money may change hands between the promoter/appointer and the promoted/appointee. This problem spreads like a wild fire and happens in local as well as national governments.9
8Juree describes that traditional Thai social structure centers around personal relations and hierarchical structures giving rise “to an elaborate and intricate system of patron-client relationship where status unequals entered into a mutually beneficial relationship. In this framework of human relations, developed over hundreds of years, a person’s ethical and moral duties were to be a good patron as well as to be a good client. Thai people perceived moral obligations, social norms and social values through a personal lens; ‘what is good for my patron is alright by me.’ Interpersonal ‘debts of gratitude’, favors, care and concern, payment and repayment of kindness and favors reign supreme. Obviously, such close relations are conducive to a lack of transparency and corruption in various small and large ways.”
9Bidhya also writes, “Patrons and their clients enter into an exchange relationship which fosters nepotism, corruption, and bureaucratic inefficiency. Thus, the combat of corruption becomes a gargantuan task, because corruption defined in western terms runs counter to the traditional practices of the Thai bureaucracy.” Thus, the problem of client-patron networks is deeply embedded in the Thai bureaucracy.
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
12 Public Administration in Southeast Asia
When one has to pay for a promotion or a specific position, it is most likely that he/she expects to extract monetary returns from the position, at least to recoup the investment. Hence, corruption increases and spreads on. Corruption pertaining to payment for a position has reached an absurd level when it is reported that at the local government level, when applicants had to undergo a competitive examination, there will be a published list of candidates ranked by the scores they have made in the test. The top on the list will be recruited first and the list will be used for sometime as positions are made available and fi lled gradually. This provides an opportunity for the lower ranking candidates to bribe the ones higher on the list to give up his/ her position thereby allowing the person below to move up the list. For a position to become available may also entail payment. Hence, to get a public sector job at the local government, a person may have to pay more than one person and for different acts before he/she gets the job.
Such sale of public sector jobs is reminiscent of the Spanish colonization of the Philippines, which involved the sale of public offices, as described earlier.
Corruption also involves elected officials. Gonzales notes that “Philippine political parties are unstable and makeshift coalitions held together only by patron-client relationships. Resources are obtained chiefly from corporate or private donations, and campaign financiers may come from the ranks of local political clans, businessmen or tycoons most of whom are often deeply involved in the formulation and implementation of policy and regulations that offer concentrated benefits as part of political paybacks by the winning (and financially supported) candidate.” Beyond this, “the power center is a centralized presidency that orchestrates the execution of policy and allocation of spoils… Because the president has discretion over disbursement and big-ticket government contracts, licensing authority, and fiscal management powers, politicians have to ally themselves with the chief executive to ensure funding for key projects and a major share in the patronage resources of the government.”10
Beh mentions quite similar issues in Malaysia, where procurement, contracts and regulations are means of corruption and rent seeking. For example, she gives this case: “Another issue is related to the recent inconsistencies in the awarding of Approved Permits (AP) to import cars where politicians were among the recipients. These Approved Permits licences have been monopolized by politically connected Malay ethnic businessmen and the politicians to import foreign vehicles and then these vehicles are resold to local businessmen who do not have access to the approved permits for imports with higher rate of at least three to four-folds.”
The source and main pattern of corruption is different in Hong Kong. As Burns notes: “In Hong Kong until 1997 the civil service managed itself almost entirely on its own: it determined its own selection procedures, disciplinary codes, performance standards and pay levels and benefits – a civil servants’ dream one might suppose. For decades these arrangements were rubberstamped by an appointed colonial legislature. The result was, at least initially, systemic corruption on a grand scale that existed until the public would tolerate it no longer and then compensation
10As an example, “Estrada’s vice-president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo was installed under controversial circumstances in 2001 and was elected as President in 2004, also after another disputed and contested election marred by allegations of massive cheating and manipulation. Her term was also marked by exposes of graft and corruption charges amounting to billions of pesos. President Arroyo’s stay in office was beset by a series of impeachment complaints against her, which would all be subsequently thrown out by her allies in Congress, who retained the majority.”
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
Public Administration in Southeast Asia: An Overview 13
packages that have become among the highest in the world.” As then, “conflict of interest in postpublic employment is another issue of perennial concern to the government and to the public. Post-service employment remains a source of concern.” This is a powerful reminder not to confuse professionalism and meritocracy, or the British heritage, with the absence of corruption.
It should be noted that these forms of corruption are certainly not unique to Southeast Asia. In Public Administration in East Asia, Lee and Jung describe that in South Korea “political elites used their regulatory power to solicit political funds from the chaebols (business groups) for the return of privileged business deals and political contributions.” Kamiko states that typical cases of corruption in Japan are related to bid rigging: “backroom intervention by government officials in the process of tender is frequently discovered,” resulting in payments to officials who can guarantee or further selection.11 Such payments include cash, as well as discounted stocks, club memberships, below-market real estate, and so on. The nature of “systematic” (or institutional) corruption is not unique to Hong Kong, and is also mentioned in Japan. Amakudari (“descent from heaven”) is mentioned as a Japanese practice of corruption where “senior bureaucrats land attractive postretirements employment in business using, as Imanaka states, “aggressive ways” to achieve this.12 Indeed, such instances and patterns occur throughout the world.
But the extent of corruption matters, of course, and most countries in Southeast Asia score low or modest, with the exception of Hong Kong and Singapore. Transparency International publishes an annual Corruption Perception Index (CPI), which measures the perceived level of public-sector corruption. In 2009, the respective indices (1 = low, 10 = high) and rankings (among 180 countries) are: Singapore: 9.2 (3rd), Hong Kong: 8.2 (12th), Macao: 5.3 (43rd), Malaysia: 4.5 (56th), Thailand: 3.4 (84th), and the Philippines: 2.4 (139th). By comparison, the United States scores 7.5 (19th), below Hong Kong, as does Japan: 7.7 (17th).13 It is thought that systematic corruption (revolving doors, legal use of regulation to favor insiders, etc.) is less visible to the public eye than illegal forms, such as those relating to bribery, kick-backs, use of insider information in procurement deals, as well as small bribes and grease payments to officials. A preponderance of the former results in higher CPI scores, and it is thought that Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, and the United States exemplify such cases. Still, the rankings for Thailand and the Philippines are quite low and are indicative of widespread public sector corruption. As Juree states:
Corruption is commonly acknowledged as a problem, even a “disease” in Thailand today. It exists in many different forms… The size and scale of corruption range from small like petty corruption in terms of a small bribe to grand scale corruption that involves huge sums of money, as when 10–30% of the cost of a project is siphoned off from mega-projects which are often infrastructure building projects. To a certain extent, the Thai public is almost numb or have become “used to” petty corruption in everyday life. Small bribes are seen as semi-service charges to get the bureaucratic process moving. However, public attitude towards grand corruption however is much stronger then petty corruption. Especially among the educated public, information
11Sometimes competitors are in on the deal, too. By allowing each other to succeed in turn, all businesses gain a slice of the public pie, and public officials are brought under control.
12Amakudari may be offered for having given businesses preferential treatment, and those receiving are expected to secure further advantages for their new employer through their former co-workers. See: Public Administration in East Asia: Mainland China, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, chapters 1 and 12.
13The top-rated countries are New Zealand (9.4, 1rst), Demark (9.3), Singapore and Sweden (both 9.2), Switzerland (9.0), Finland and The Netherlands (8.9). Source: http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/ surveys_indices/cpi/2009/cpi_2009_table (accessed December 7, 2009).
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
14 Public Administration in Southeast Asia
on grand corruption evokes strong reaction – a seething anger and frustration over individual inefficacy to make changes.
By contrast, Scott provides this description of the situation in Hong Kong: “Overall, the public service in Hong Kong deserves credit for the way in which it conducts its business. Its officials are generally efficient, quite responsive and honest. There are rules that govern their behavior and which comply with the ethical standards that citizens have a right to expect of their public servants.” The experience of corruption is reflected in these different scores.
1.5.2 Ethics Management
All countries have issues of corruption and unethical conduct, but their effectiveness at combating these varies. By and large, agreement exists today that effective ethics management involves clear and strong rules, programs of training and awareness, and vigorous and effective enforcement that is done with independence and impartiality. The chapters in this book support these propositions, but the question is, what factors impede countries from undertaking effective ethics management. It is instructive to examine the highest-rated country first, and then network toward lower ones. This strategy can be used to discern the absence of strategies as well as the presence of complicating factors in lower-ranked countries.
Hong Kong, the highest-ranked country or administrative district in this book, has made a strong and vigorous effort that is reflected in its high rating. Scott notes:
In Hong Kong, for the last thirty years, public service ethics have been dominated by the anti-corruption laws and by regulations and practices derived from them. So assiduously have the laws been enforced by the Independent Commission against Corruption (ICAC) that they have become a critical component of both the administrative culture of the civil service and the way that citizens view their government. Surveys show that the ICAC is trusted more than any other political institution or organization in Hong Kong.
Ethics management in Hong Kong is characterized by (i) precise anti-corruption laws, backed by detailed explanations of the law; (ii) a well-respected, independent, and competent enforcer (ICAC); and (iii) a variety of provisions in the civil service regulations, the common law, and Civil Service Bureau circulars, which are deliberately imprecise (or even platitudinous) but used with great vigor when specific events cause public concern.
Hong Kong adopted this stance in the late 1960s when riots “resulted from a spillover from the Cultural Revolution and disturbances represented a serious threat to the legitimacy of the government….” Corruption, in the police and elsewhere, had been a source of major concern. “The Governor decided to create an independent body and the ICAC began work in February 1974 armed with what have been described as ‘extraordinary’ powers, including the right to arrest, to detain, to search premises without prior court approval, and to freeze the assets of a person under investigation who had not yet been charged. It enjoyed wide support from the community notwithstanding some concern in both the courts and the legislature that its formidable powers might be abused.” Today, ICAC has a staff of 1263 persons that provide investigation, education, and other services. Scott provides many detailed examples. Turning around the ethical issues in Hong Kong took about 10 years.
© 2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
Public Administration in Southeast Asia: An Overview 15
ICAC also provides broad reaching education. Scott notes that the role of the ICAC – and what it means to accept an advantage – is one of the first lessons learned after joining the government. It is a message that is reinforced at various stages during the public servant’s career.14 As regards Hong Kong, until very recently, the highest levels of government were occupied by civil servants, rather than political appointees. This has recently changed, and people in Hong Kong are concerned about a possible erosion of ethics. But political appointees are the norm elsewhere, and are a source of ethical concern in countries such as Malaysia, where Beh notes that:
The common perception is that there may be little one can do about corruption particularly when it is embedded in the work systems and coexisting, the indifferent, powerful individuals who find the acts inevitable though offensive but profess innocence. Ineffective anti-corruption strategy and controls of corrupt behavior among civil servants and political leaders have not been able to remove the opportunities for corruption due to lack of political commitment and the ineffectiveness of the measures. The penalties for corrupt offences have not been prevalent as there seems to be a low probability of detecting corrupt offences and consequently the rewards for corruption are higher than the punishment for corrupt offenders… A criticism frequently made is that many of the arrests of corruption cases only involved the “small fish” (lower level of officials) and the “big fish” (syndicates, influential top bureaucrats, businessmen, and politicians) appeared unscathed.
Malaysia has seen a broad range of laws and rules, but the presence of selective enforcement and the absence of independent and effective law enforcement for all cases, has rendered progress at higher levels problematic.15 Ethics laws are strongly enforced at lower levels of the bureaucracy, but not at the higher reaches. Beh also notes that “there is lack of trained and skilled staff to investigate the numerous allegations of corruption.”
Macao’s efforts at anti-corruption are recent. While the fight against corruption began in 1975, the High Commission Against Corruption and Administrative Illegality (HCACAI) was only formally established in March 1991. Kwong notes that, “it has its own innate defect that its functions laid down by the Organization Law stipulated that it could not carry out criminal investigation on corruption matters but only on matters of administrative nature because the legislature did not allow to vest related powers.” The Commission Against Corruption (CAC) of Macao was established in 2003 and has only 109 people assigned to it. Additionally, the institutional or systematic nature of some forms of corruption (e.g., in hiring or land sales), linkages with powerful business and political interests, questioning of the impartiality of the CAC in recent cases,
14There are two principal booklets explaining what constitutes proper and ethical behavior, the Civil Servants Guide to Good Practices and Ethical Leadership in Action: Handbook for Senior Managers in the Civil Service. In both documents, the text goes into considerable detail about what it means to accept an ‘advantage’ – whether a ‘red packet’ at Chinese New Year may be accepted, whether the loan of a car is an advantage, whether taking part in a raffle may compromise official integrity and so on. Education and awareness raising occurs at all levels of the civil service.
15Additionally, a problem in Malaysia is the lack of transparency that forbids the release of information to the public that could expose wrongdoing. Beh writes that “government officials are prohibited from disclosing government information, including records of decisions and deliberations, as one could be charged under the Official Secrets Act. There is much to be lost as one could lose his/her job, pension and gratuity benefits in addition to the imprisonment of not less than a year but not exceeding fourteen years.”
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
16 Public Administration in Southeast Asia
and civil service cultures that “tolerate and accept administrative ‘deviations’ as usual practices” affect the ranking, too. Kwong shows detailed regulations such as financial disclosure, conflict of interest, outside employment, punishments, as well as much effort to promote awareness of ethics. Undoubtedly, the recent nature of these efforts also contributes to the lower ranking.
Thailand also has a broad range of laws and institutions, and enforcement is selective and minimal. Yet, the need for enforcement is urgent because, as Bidhya writes, “The social impulse towards hierarchy and the nai-phrai relationship constitutes the basis for patron-client relationships or clientelism in modern Thai politics and administration.” Also, “national elections have been characterized by vote-buying and money politics. Corruption charges against government are rampant. Politicians try at all cost to be in government and consider being in the opposition as a loss. Politicians take turns becoming cabinet members. They move from one political party to another. New political parties are formed and joined by old faces. The new politician boss fosters an atmosphere of corruption, nepotism, and inefficiency in the ministry…. A major topic of discussion is the ethics and morality of Thai politicians. An honest, uncorrupted, and good politician is a rare commodity these days.” Juree also notes a lack of deep-rooted public values: “The Thai public sector in the past has not devoted time and energy to help public officials learn about public ethics so that ethical values and principles about public service would be well internalized by them.” There is little training and awareness.
Yet, the development of strong, independent anti-corruption authorities is also viewed with skepticism. “Those who have encountered adverse rulings meted out by accountability institutions often accuse the judges and commissioners of being biased and politicized. They accuse the judges of having been appointed by their political enemies.” Appointment to these positions provide significant benefits of power, privileges, and lucrative income beyond the normal retirement age in Thailand. Also, the enormous power of accountability institutions is seen to possibly obstruct the work of an elected government on legal grounds, hence, raising the question of “who guards the guardians?”
The situation is similar in the Philippines, where “rule of law itself is a concept that sits uneasily within the Philippine patron-client culture.” Yet, the Philippines have an additional complicating factor. Gonzalez writes:
conditions in the Philippines point to a systemic failure, where institutional safeguards work in fits and turns and reforms may not be working. Worse—in the clearest indication that the problem is embedded in the country’s heritage of clientelism—insti- tutions are vulnerable to political capture by predatory interests. An inconsistently functioning legal system, weak accountability structures, and inadequate financial transparency are just some of the flaws that negate the country’s attempts at institutional effectiveness and credibility. As a result, scattered initiatives, including those in fighting corruption, left to run their own course, often run aground.
But the additional complicating factor is that the government institutions are weak: “it may as well also be acknowledged that the bureaucracy in the Philippines also suffers from severe cases understaffing, with an estimated 1.5 million civil servants servicing a population of over 82 million people. As it is, the bureaucracy also suffers from lack of funds, resources and facilities in the performance of their functions.” Beyond this, “compared to their Asian counterparts, Philippine presidents have the greatest depth of political appointments, totaling 11,000 positions, going all the way from cabinet secretaries down to assistant bureau directors.” In short, conditions and resources for effective ethics management are scarce. Nonetheless, Gonzales points to
© 2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC