- •Public Administration And Public Policy
- •Contents
- •Acknowledgments
- •About The Authors
- •Comments On Purpose and Methods
- •Contents
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 Culture
- •1.3 Colonial Legacies
- •1.3.1 British Colonial Legacy
- •1.3.2 Latin Legacy
- •1.3.3 American Legacy
- •1.4 Decentralization
- •1.5 Ethics
- •1.5.1 Types of Corruption
- •1.5.2 Ethics Management
- •1.6 Performance Management
- •1.6.2 Structural Changes
- •1.6.3 New Public Management
- •1.7 Civil Service
- •1.7.1 Size
- •1.7.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •1.7.3 Pay and Performance
- •1.7.4 Training
- •1.8 Conclusion
- •Contents
- •2.1 Introduction
- •2.2 Historical Developments and Legacies
- •2.2.1.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of King as Leader
- •2.2.1.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.1.3 Third Legacy: Traditions of Hierarchy and Clientelism
- •2.2.1.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition of Reconciliation
- •2.2.2.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of Bureaucratic Elites as a Privileged Group
- •2.2.2.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.2.3 Third Legacy: The Practice of Staging Military Coups
- •2.2.2.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition for Military Elites to be Loyal to the King
- •2.2.3.1 First Legacy: Elected Politicians as the New Political Boss
- •2.2.3.2 Second Legacy: Frequent and Unpredictable Changes of Political Bosses
- •2.2.3.3 Third Legacy: Politicians from the Provinces Becoming Bosses
- •2.2.3.4 Fourth Legacy: The Problem with the Credibility of Politicians
- •2.2.4.1 First Emerging Legacy: Big Businessmen in Power
- •2.2.4.2 Second Emerging Legacy: Super CEO Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.4.3 Third Emerging Legacy: Government must Serve Big Business Interests
- •2.2.5.1 Emerging Legacy: The Clash between Governance Values and Thai Realities
- •2.2.5.2 Traits of Governmental Culture Produced by the Five Masters
- •2.3 Uniqueness of the Thai Political Context
- •2.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •3.1 Thailand Administrative Structure
- •3.2 History of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.2.1 Thailand as a Centralized State
- •3.2.2 Towards Decentralization
- •3.3 The Politics of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.3.2 Shrinking Political Power of the Military and Bureaucracy
- •3.4 Drafting the TAO Law 199421
- •3.5 Impacts of the Decentralization Reform on Local Government in Thailand: Ongoing Challenges
- •3.5.1 Strong Executive System
- •3.5.2 Thai Local Political System
- •3.5.3 Fiscal Decentralization
- •3.5.4 Transferred Responsibilities
- •3.5.5 Limited Spending on Personnel
- •3.5.6 New Local Government Personnel System
- •3.6 Local Governments Reaching Out to Local Community
- •3.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.2 Corruption: General Situation in Thailand
- •4.2.1 Transparency International and its Corruption Perception Index
- •4.2.2 Types of Corruption
- •4.3 A Deeper Look at Corruption in Thailand
- •4.3.1 Vanishing Moral Lessons
- •4.3.4 High Premium on Political Stability
- •4.4 Existing State Mechanisms to Fight Corruption
- •4.4.2 Constraints and Limitations of Public Agencies
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 History of Performance Management
- •5.2.1 National Economic and Social Development Plans
- •5.2.2 Master Plan of Government Administrative Reform
- •5.3 Performance Management Reform: A Move Toward High Performance Organizations
- •5.3.1 Organization Restructuring to Increase Autonomy
- •5.3.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.3 Knowledge Management Toward Learning Organizations
- •5.3.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.3.5 Challenges and Lessons Learned
- •5.3.5.1 Organizational Restructuring
- •5.3.5.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.5.3 Knowledge Management
- •5.3.5.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.4.4 Outcome of Budgeting Reform: The Budget Process in Thailand
- •5.4.5 Conclusion
- •5.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •6.1.1 Civil Service Personnel
- •6.1.2 Development of the Civil Service Human Resource System
- •6.1.3 Problems of Civil Service Human Resource
- •6.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •6.2.1 Main Feature
- •6.2.2 Challenges of Recruitment and Selection
- •6.3.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.2 Salary Management
- •6.4.2.2 Performance Management and Salary Increase
- •6.4.3 Position Allowance
- •6.4.5 National Compensation Committee
- •6.4.6 Retirement and Pension
- •6.4.7 Challenges in Compensation
- •6.5 Training and Development
- •6.5.1 Main Feature
- •6.5.2 Challenges of Training and Development in the Civil Service
- •6.6 Discipline and Merit Protection
- •6.6.1 Main Feature
- •6.6.2 Challenges of Discipline
- •6.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •English References
- •Contents
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Setting and Context
- •7.3 Malayan Union and the Birth of the United Malays National Organization
- •7.4 Post Independence, New Economic Policy, and Malay Dominance
- •7.5 Centralization of Executive Powers under Mahathir
- •7.6 Administrative Values
- •7.6.1 Close Ties with the Political Party
- •7.6.2 Laws that Promote Secrecy, Continuing Concerns with Corruption
- •7.6.3 Politics over Performance
- •7.6.4 Increasing Islamization of the Civil Service
- •7.7 Ethnic Politics and Reforms
- •7.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •8.1 Introduction
- •8.2 System of Government in Malaysia
- •8.5 Community Relations and Emerging Recentralization
- •8.6 Process Toward Recentralization and Weakening Decentralization
- •8.7 Reinforcing Centralization
- •8.8 Restructuring and Impact on Decentralization
- •8.9 Where to Decentralization?
- •8.10 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 Ethics and Corruption in Malaysia: General Observations
- •9.2.1 Factors of Corruption
- •9.3 Recent Corruption Scandals
- •9.3.1 Cases Involving Bureaucrats and Executives
- •9.3.2 Procurement Issues
- •9.4 Efforts to Address Corruption and Instill Ethics
- •9.4.1.1 Educational Strategy
- •9.4.1.2 Preventive Strategy
- •9.4.1.3 Punitive Strategy
- •9.4.2 Public Accounts Committee and Public Complaints Bureau
- •9.5 Other Efforts
- •9.6 Assessment and Recommendations
- •9.7 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •10.1 History of Performance Management in the Administrative System
- •10.1.1 Policy Frameworks
- •10.1.2 Organizational Structures
- •10.1.2.1 Values and Work Ethic
- •10.1.2.2 Administrative Devices
- •10.1.2.3 Performance, Financial, and Budgetary Reporting
- •10.2 Performance Management Reforms in the Past Ten Years
- •10.2.1 Electronic Government
- •10.2.2 Public Service Delivery System
- •10.2.3 Other Management Reforms
- •10.3 Assessment of Performance Management Reforms
- •10.4 Analysis and Recommendations
- •10.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •11.1 Introduction
- •11.2 Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.2.1 Public Service Department
- •11.2.2 Public Service Commission
- •11.2.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •11.2.4 Malaysian Administrative Modernization and Management Planning Unit
- •11.2.5 Administrative and Diplomatic Service
- •11.4 Civil Service Pension Scheme
- •11.5 Civil Service Neutrality
- •11.6 Civil Service Culture
- •11.7 Reform in the Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •12.1 Introduction
- •12.2.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.2.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.3.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.3.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.4.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.4.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.5.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.5.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.6.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.6.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.7 Public Administration and Society
- •12.7.1 Public Accountability and Participation
- •12.7.2 Administrative Values
- •12.8 Societal and Political Challenge over Bureaucratic Dominance
- •12.9 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •13.1 Introduction
- •13.3 Constitutional Framework of the Basic Law
- •13.4 Changing Relations between the Central Authorities and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •13.4.1 Constitutional Dimension
- •13.4.1.1 Contending Interpretations over the Basic Law
- •13.4.1.3 New Constitutional Order in the Making
- •13.4.2 Political Dimension
- •13.4.2.3 Contention over Political Reform
- •13.4.3 The Economic Dimension
- •13.4.3.1 Expanding Intergovernmental Links
- •13.4.3.2 Fostering Closer Economic Partnership and Financial Relations
- •13.4.3.3 Seeking Cooperation and Coordination in Regional and National Development
- •13.4.4 External Dimension
- •13.5 Challenges and Prospects in the Relations between the Central Government and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •References
- •Contents
- •14.1 Honesty, Integrity, and Adherence to the Law
- •14.2 Accountability, Openness, and Political Neutrality
- •14.2.1 Accountability
- •14.2.2 Openness
- •14.2.3 Political Neutrality
- •14.3 Impartiality and Service to the Community
- •14.4 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •15.1 Introduction
- •15.2 Brief Overview of Performance Management in Hong Kong
- •15.3.1 Measuring and Assessing Performance
- •15.3.2 Adoption of Performance Pledges
- •15.3.3 Linking Budget to Performance
- •15.3.4 Relating Rewards to Performance
- •15.4 Assessment of Outcomes of Performance Management Reforms
- •15.4.1 Are Departments Properly Measuring their Performance?
- •15.4.2 Are Budget Decisions Based on Performance Results?
- •15.4.5 Overall Evaluation
- •15.5 Measurability of Performance
- •15.6 Ownership of, and Responsibility for, Performance
- •15.7 The Politics of Performance
- •15.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •16.1 Introduction
- •16.2 Structure of the Public Sector
- •16.2.1 Core Government
- •16.2.2 Hybrid Agencies
- •16.2.4 Private Businesses that Deliver Public Services
- •16.3 Administrative Values
- •16.4 Politicians and Bureaucrats
- •16.5 Management Tools and their Reform
- •16.5.1 Selection
- •16.5.2 Performance Management
- •16.5.3 Compensation
- •16.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •17.1 Introduction
- •17.2 The Philippines: A Brief Background
- •17.4 Philippine Bureaucracy during the Spanish Colonial Regime
- •17.6 American Colonial Regime and the Philippine Commonwealth
- •17.8 Independence Period and the Establishment of the Institute of Public Administration
- •17.9 Administrative Values in the Philippines
- •17.11 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •18.1 Introduction
- •18.2 Toward a Genuine Local Autonomy and Decentralization in the Philippines
- •18.2.1 Evolution of Local Autonomy
- •18.2.2 Government Structure and the Local Government System
- •18.2.3 Devolution under the Local Government Code of 1991
- •18.2.4 Local Government Finance
- •18.2.5 Local Government Bureaucracy and Personnel
- •18.3 Review of the Local Government Code of 1991 and its Implementation
- •18.3.1 Gains and Successes of Decentralization
- •18.3.2 Assessing the Impact of Decentralization
- •18.3.2.1 Overall Policy Design
- •18.3.2.2 Administrative and Political Issues
- •18.3.2.2.1 Central and Sub-National Role in Devolution
- •18.3.2.2.3 High Budget for Personnel at the Local Level
- •18.3.2.2.4 Political Capture by the Elite
- •18.3.2.3 Fiscal Decentralization Issues
- •18.3.2.3.1 Macroeconomic Stability
- •18.3.2.3.2 Policy Design Issues of the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.3.2.3.4 Disruptive Effect of the Creation of New Local Government Units
- •18.3.2.3.5 Disparate Planning, Unhealthy Competition, and Corruption
- •18.4 Local Governance Reforms, Capacity Building, and Research Agenda
- •18.4.1 Financial Resources and Reforming the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.4.3 Government Functions and Powers
- •18.4.6 Local Government Performance Measurement
- •18.4.7 Capacity Building
- •18.4.8 People Participation
- •18.4.9 Political Concerns
- •18.4.10 Federalism
- •18.5 Conclusions and the Way Forward
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •19.1 Introduction
- •19.2 Control
- •19.2.1 Laws that Break Up the Alignment of Forces to Minimize State Capture
- •19.2.2 Executive Measures that Optimize Deterrence
- •19.2.3 Initiatives that Close Regulatory Gaps
- •19.2.4 Collateral Measures on Electoral Reform
- •19.3 Guidance
- •19.3.1 Leadership that Casts a Wide Net over Corrupt Acts
- •19.3.2 Limiting Monopoly and Discretion to Constrain Abuse of Power
- •19.3.3 Participatory Appraisal that Increases Agency Resistance against Misconduct
- •19.3.4 Steps that Encourage Public Vigilance and the Growth of Civil Society Watchdogs
- •19.3.5 Decentralized Guidance that eases Log Jams in Centralized Decision Making
- •19.4 Management
- •19.5 Creating Virtuous Circles in Public Ethics and Accountability
- •19.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •20.1 Introduction
- •20.2 Problems and Challenges Facing Bureaucracy in the Philippines Today
- •20.3 Past Reform Initiatives of the Philippine Public Administrative System
- •20.4.1 Rebuilding Institutions and Improving Performance
- •20.4.1.1 Size and Effectiveness of the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.1.2 Privatization
- •20.4.1.3 Addressing Corruption
- •20.4.1.5 Improving Work Processes
- •20.4.2 Performance Management Initiatives for the New Millennium
- •20.4.2.1 Financial Management
- •20.4.2.2 New Government Accounting System
- •20.4.2.3 Public Expenditure Management
- •20.4.2.4 Procurement Reforms
- •20.4.3 Human Resource Management
- •20.4.3.1 Organizing for Performance
- •20.4.3.2 Performance Evaluation
- •20.4.3.3 Rationalizing the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.3.4 Public Sector Compensation
- •20.4.3.5 Quality Management Systems
- •20.4.3.6 Local Government Initiatives
- •20.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •21.1 Introduction
- •21.2 Country Development Context
- •21.3 Evolution and Current State of the Philippine Civil Service System
- •21.3.1 Beginnings of a Modern Civil Service
- •21.3.2 Inventory of Government Personnel
- •21.3.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •21.3.6 Training and Development
- •21.3.7 Incentive Structure in the Bureaucracy
- •21.3.8 Filipino Culture
- •21.3.9 Bureaucratic Values and Performance Culture
- •21.3.10 Grievance and Redress System
- •21.4 Development Performance of the Philippine Civil Service
- •21.5 Key Development Challenges
- •21.5.1 Corruption
- •21.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •22.1 Introduction
- •22.2 History
- •22.3 Major Reform Measures since the Handover
- •22.4 Analysis of the Reform Roadmap
- •22.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •23.1 Decentralization, Autonomy, and Democracy
- •23.3.1 From Recession to Take Off
- •23.3.2 Politics of Growth
- •23.3.3 Government Inertia
- •23.4 Autonomy as Collective Identity
- •23.4.3 Social Group Dynamics
- •23.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •24.1 Introduction
- •24.2 Functions and Performance of the Commission Against Corruption of Macao
- •24.2.1 Functions
- •24.2.2 Guidelines on the Professional Ethics and Conduct of Public Servants
- •24.2.3 Performance
- •24.2.4 Structure
- •24.2.5 Personnel Establishment
- •24.3 New Challenges
- •24.3.1 The Case of Ao Man Long
- •24.3.2 Dilemma of Sunshine Law
- •24.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •25.1 Introduction
- •25.2 Theoretical Basis of the Reform
- •25.3 Historical Background
- •25.4 Problems in the Civil Service Culture
- •25.5 Systemic Problems
- •25.6 Performance Management Reform
- •25.6.1 Performance Pledges
- •25.6.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.7 Results and Problems
- •25.7.1 Performance Pledge
- •25.7.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.8 Conclusion and Future Development
- •References
- •Contents
- •26.1 Introduction
- •26.2 Civil Service System
- •26.2.1 Types of Civil Servants
- •26.2.2 Bureaucratic Structure
- •26.2.4 Personnel Management
- •26.4 Civil Service Reform
- •26.5 Conclusion
- •References
Public Ethics and Corruption in Malaysia 179
network structures that facilitate administrative corruption. Further, these elected representatives have allowed themselves to profit from questionable business dealings by way of patronage and by assuming positions in companies to derive profit. The constitutional requirement in Article 48(1)
(c) of the federal constitution clearly states that elected representatives in Parliament are prohibited from holding any office for profit or business ventures, as their primary and only role is to serve the people.
Drawing on past experiences in the country, much needs to be done when performance data are so commonly politicized and there is little transparency about costs and revenues. Often, there is no conclusive proof that the private sector has managed the projects at a cheaper cost or even more effectively than the public sector could have done despite the anomalies of public administration and the underlying assumptions of the performance of the private sector.
9.4 Efforts to Address Corruption and Instill Ethics
Every nation without exception needs to define and promote ethical conduct, as well as restrain bureaucratic corruption and curb unethical bureaucratic behavior. Efforts by some organizations such as the “Inter-American Convention against Corruption” by the Organization of American States, and the “Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions” by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) are signs of current consensus to stem corruption.3 Yet, one’s personal integrity and good intentions may fail when faced with unrelenting pressures from their political masters or a pervasively unethical work environment. Cooper [3] espouses the concept of “individual autonomy,” which requires “a conscious effort to continuously cultivate self-awareness of the dynamic relationship between the interest of the self and the demands of the role, without which laws and organizational safeguards are likely to be no avail.”
The Civil Service Commission plays a preventive role in setting standards and norms for civil service appointments and a punitive role in meting out penalties and punishments for violations. Having the highest ethical standards will presumably encourage a self-initiated compliance with the law with a sense of the public interests and the exercise of sound decision-making procedures. The civil service has developed a set of values known as “The Twelve Pillars” to which civil servants subscribe: (1) the value of time; (2) the success of perseverance; (3) the pleasure of working; (4) the dignity of simplicity; (5) the worth of character; (6) the power of kindness; (7) the influence of examples; (8) the obligation of duty; (9) the wisdom of economy; (10) the virtue of patience; (11) the improvement of talent; and (12) the joy of originating. Though the commission is entrusted with such conviction, confidence in such an arrangement is waning as it seems more preoccupied in the regulation of other matters such as the salary reviewing process rather than commissioning and instilling professionalism in the public service, which is currently lacking in enforcing mechanisms of control. The Public Service Commission would have greater credibility if it could better demonstrate its key role in the process of appointing quality public servants, terminating or dismissal of public servants and protecting against partisan influence.
The current Malaysian government is reforming the public service periodically and responding to demands for performance, and change management. Since the 1980s, in particular, greater
3United Nations, Promoting Ethics in the Public Service, Department of Economics and Social Affairs, Division for Public Economics and Public Administration, New York, 2000; ST/ESA/PAD/SER.E/8. http://unpan1. un.org/intradoc/groups/public/document (accessed January 2008).
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
180 Public Administration in Southeast Asia
attention has been given to the concepts of “Clean, Efficient, and Trustworthy,” “Integration of Islamic Values,” “Excellent Work Culture,” “Code of Work Ethics,” “Client’s Charter,” “ISO 9000,” and “Islam Hadhari.” Recent efforts to develop a public administration ethic grounded in good governance are compatible with increased attention to ethics. One such notion is Islam Hadhari, which aspires to demonstrate unity in diversity. Few public administration scholars have acknowledged the important roles that religion or spirituality play in managing organizations or public institutions [4]. The concept of Islam Hadhari was launched by the previous prime minister, Tun Abdullah Badawi, in 2003 with inclusive principles that outline a hybridization of religious and universal values, promoting a just and trustworthy government, with the emphasis on the individual being honest and hardworking as one of the key principles in promoting better ethics among public servants. Secularism and religiosity are jointly called on in the Malaysian context, particularly in terms of sharing the common ethics of life and work so that the principles of good governance can be accomplished more effectively, especially in tackling corruption and ensuring integrity in this conceptualization [5]. Public servants and leaders are obligated to serve as exemplars of spiritual values with commitment to the common good, service to others, and benevolence. Though Islam Hadhari is a holistic approach to human, social, and national development, hindrances have hampered the practice from within the dominant groups, be it coercion, conflict, or complicity. The desire to pursue this idea was not continued in the current reign of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Mohd Najib Abdul Razak, as it is common for a change of political discourse under a different leadership and administration, as is currently with the One Malaysia concept though a new philosophy, it is hoped to be one of a progressive realization.
9.4.1The Anti-Corruption Agency/Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission
The ACA set up in 1967 under the Anti-Corruption Agency Act 1982 and the Prevention of Corruption Act 1961 (revised 1971) has been promoting awareness on corruption and maintaining integrity. A review of existing legislation led to the enactment of the Anti-Corruption Act 1997 to provide for additional offences and powers for the ACA and the public prosecutor.
The main functions of the ACA are to investigate offences of corruption, curb corruption in the public service, and to investigate the conduct of civil servants. There are six divisions, namely, Prosecutions; Investigations; Information; Prevention; Training; and Administration. Increasing responsibilities have been given to the agency, including the adoption of revised regulations for the conduct and discipline of public officers in 1993, and of a judges’ code of ethics in 1994. In reality, the ACA does not have the power to prosecute, as the final decision lies with the attorney general, even though the prosecution unit exists but its power is limited to investigation and recommendation to prosecute.
Staff is recruited at levels equivalent to the ranks of police sergeants, inspectors, and assistant superintendents. On-the-job training and specialist courses are conducted for the staff from time to time, such as criminology, and investigative science, locally and abroad. The director-general is a political appointment by the prime minister on agreement with the king as in other federal appointments. The number of staff is limited as it is only a small number, currently less than fifteen though recruitment drive is envisaged in the future.
The ACA utilizes a three-pronged strategy against corruption: educational, preventive, and punitive. The first focuses on efforts to inculcate ethical values among members of the administration whereas the second is aimed at eliminating weaknesses in work procedures that can provide
© 2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
Public Ethics and Corruption in Malaysia 181
opportunities for corruption. The third strategy involves the strict enforcement of the law through investigation and procedures for prosecution.
9.4.1.1 Educational Strategy
The educational strategy [6] utilizes the tool of religion, specifically Islam as the majority of the staff are Malays, via videoclips depicting morality concerns, social pressure, and self-respect, accompanied by penalty and punishment that can be used in the event of breaches of civil service ethics and corruption involvement. This strategy focuses on efforts in inculcating ethical values through in-depth preventive education against corruption, face-to-face communication, dissemination of information materials, lectures, dialogues, exhibitions, anti-corruption promotion competitions, radio interviews, press releases, courtesy calls, and community relations activities.
9.4.1.2 Preventive Strategy
The preventive strategy is aimed at eliminating weaknesses in work procedures that provide opportunities for corruption. ACA serves as consultant by evaluating the weaknesses in the work systems and procedures and advising organizations on improvements in addressing corruption.
9.4.1.3 Punitive Strategy
The punitive strategy involves the strict enforcement of the law through investigation and prosecution, providing a higher deterrent effect. In addition, any disciplinary reports by the ACA against public officers found violating the Public Officer (Conduct and Discipline) Regulations 1993 Act is another punitive measure. Table 9.1 demonstrates the number of cases from the year 2000 to 2005. Current statistics reveal that investigations of cases have far surmounted, by approximately fivefold, the number of cases of arrests followed by prosecution by the attorney general. Hence, the ACA’s credibility would be enhanced if it was made independent and answerable to the parliament.
Restructuring took place in replacing the ACA by making it more independent through an independent advisory board in naming it Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) in December 2008. This new structure includes the setting up of an independent corruption prevention advisory board and ensuring that public interest cases are dealt with appropriately and also empowered to investigate graft in the private sector. However, the ultimate decision to prosecute still lies with the attorney general, as previously, although the board could ask him to revise his decisions on cases he had decided not to prosecute. Initially, there was the intention to put in place legislation on whistleblowers, however, thus far, it has not been realized.
It was noted that the MACC investigated only 10.1% or just 7,223 cases, of the 71,558 reported between 2000 and 2006, and the number of people successfully convicted was only 0.7% or 524, of those suspected of corruption.4 According to TI Malaysia president, Datuk Paul Low in a press statement, the MACC and other reforms introduced by the government have so far been ineffective in fighting corruption as the measures have not produced the desired results, hence the public perception of corruption remains unchanged.5 Although previously the ACA
4 |
The Sun, September 25, 2009, p. 7. |
5 |
The Sun, September 24, 2009, p. 1. |
© 2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC