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56 Public Administration in Southeast Asia

Table 3.1 Current Types and Numbers of Local Government in Thailand

Types

No.

 

 

Provincial Administrative Organization (PAO)

75

 

 

Municipal government

2,006

 

 

• City level

23

 

 

• Town level

142

 

 

• Sub-district level

1,841

 

 

Sub-district/Tambon Administrative Organization (SAO)

5,770

 

 

Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA)

1

 

 

Pattaya City

1

 

 

Total

7,853

 

 

Source: Department of Local Administration, Ministry of Interior. Thailand (December 15, 2009).

3.2 History of Decentralization in Thailand

3.2.1 Thailand as a Centralized State

Before decentralization started in 1994, several Thai scholars have argued that politics and administration in Thailand was too centralized. In all ministries, policy initiatives, budget allocation, and personnel administration were determined in their Bangkok-based headquarters, and implementation was carried out through the ministries’ provincial and district offices. By contrast, local government lacked authority, funding, and personnel.

The MOI played a special role in this regard. It was the very symbol of a centralized administrative system. Appointed provincial governors, apart from being the most senior executive officials of the MOI in each of Thailand’s 75 provinces, also presided over most of the branch offices and agencies of other ministries located in the province. In addition, most other ministries and departments devolved power to the provincial governors to supervise and control their field officials in the provinces. Moreover, governors and other MOI bureaucrats also held ex o cio positions in local government, which enabled them to control these bodies.

Decentralization in Thailand was very limited. In the past, neither politicians nor bureaucrats allowed real local self-government to take place, because both groups benefited from the existing system of a centralized state. Amorn (1995) found that societal forces in Thailand were too weak and insignificant to make demands for local self-government;1 as a result, all forms of local administration in Thailand were closely controlled by central government. The structure of all forms of local government organizations prior to 1994 originated from and was formed solely by central government.

1Decentralization in Thailand could be classified as having occurred in four eras: (1) King Rama V established the sanitary district (sukhaphiban) in 1897 but it was abolished after the king’s death. (2) The coup leaders in 1932 (known as the People’s Party) established the municipality in 1933. (3) Field Marshal P. Phibulsongkram established the sanitary district, provincial administrative organization, tambon administrative organization, and tambon councils in 1952, 1955, 1956, and 1956, respectively. (4) The category of special city was established for Bangkok in 1975 and Pattaya in 1978. (Amorn Raksasat, 1995: 18–21).

©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

Decentralization and Local Governance in Thailand 57

Municipalities (thesaban) were first established in 1933. The councilors and chairman are elected, but the councils’ scope of activity is limited to providing services such as rubbish disposal, water supply, slaughterhouses, markets, piers, and ferries, cemeteries and crematoria. Moreover, their budgets are inadequate even for this limited range of activities. Semi-urbanized areas were designated as “sanitary districts” (sukhaphiban) governed by a council presided over by the chief district officer (nai amphoe) as ex o cio head. In the rural areas, Tambon Councils (TCs) were created as a local government body at the sub-district (tambon) level in 1972, but never acquired the status of juristic persons and hence were very limited in their scope of activity, and functioned mainly as advisory bodies for the governor and district officers.

The capital city has a more complex Metropolitan Administration established by its own act in 1975, and a similarly more complex form was created for the resort city of Pattaya by an act passed in 1978. However, in the cases of both Bangkok and Pattaya, the scope of the municipal government’s authority is still rather limited.

The PAO was created in 1955, with a council partially constituted by direct election, but from 1955 to 1997, the provincial governor held the post of ex o cio chairman and several other provincial officials also held ex o cio posts, so officialdom dominated the PAO’s activity.

In general, the forms of local government that existed in Thailand before 1994 did not correspond to the five key principles of local self-government advocated in the 1950s and 1960s as the blueprint for newly independent countries.2 According to these principles, a local government body should: be a local body that is constitutionally separate from central government and responsible for a range of significant local services; have its own treasury, budget, and accounts along with substantial authority to raise its own revenue; employ its own competent staff who it can hire, fi re, and promote; have a majority-elected council, operating along party lines, that decides policy and determines internal procedures; and have central government

Table 3.2 History of Key Local Government Acts before 1994

 

Local Government

 

Year of Enactment

Organizations

Structure of Administration

 

 

 

1952

Sanitary district

Commission (government officers are

 

 

assigned as ex officio officials)

 

 

 

1953

Municipality

Council (direct election); mayor (indirect

 

 

election from municipalities’ council

 

 

members)

 

 

 

1955

Provincial

Council (direct election); mayor (governor

 

Administrative

in each province)

 

Organization (PAO)

 

 

 

 

1975

Bangkok Metropolitan

Bangkok Council (direct election); governor

 

Administration (BMA)

(direct election)

 

 

 

1978

Pattaya City

Pattaya Council (direct election); manager of

 

 

Pattaya City (contract by consent of Council,

 

 

and city mayor)

 

 

 

Source: Thai Local Government Acts.

 

 

 

 

2 Mawhood (1993: 12).

 

 

© 2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

5
6
7
8

58 Public Administration in Southeast Asia

administrators serving purely as external advisors and inspectors, having no role within the local authority.

Thai local government bodies had little autonomy in fiscal and personnel affairs. Most of the people and politicians found no real advantages in local self-government,3 and MOI bureaucrats cited the lack of popular enthusiasm as justification for constraining decentralization. They claimed that people were not ready for self-government, and that benign bureaucratic rule was the best means to make people happy.4

3.2.2 Towards Decentralization

Against this background, in the past 10–20 years, several international organizations, namely, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Monetary Fund, and the Asian Development Bank, have actively promoted decentralization in many developing countries and in a variety of ways.5 Examples of where they made their influence felt are Indonesia and the Philippines; the governments of these countries seriously embarked on decentralization in 19746 and 1987,7 respectively. The effect of those international organizations in Thailand, however, was only slight. For several decades after the Provincial Administrative Organization Act was passed in 1955, little decentralization could be observed.8

Since 1973, Thai academics have been arguing in favor of decentralization. Scholars like David Morell and Chai-anan Samudavanija, for example, noted that decentralization was popular because it would allow people to participate in politics, especially elections.9 In 1974, Likhit Thirawekhin, a political scientist from Thammasat University, proposed an initial step away from the dominance of appointed officials under which the MOI would nominate three to four candidates for the post of provincial governor, and the final selection would be made by the inhabitants of the province.10 He argued that this would allow “the people” to elect a governor from their own province yet still allow Bangkok to have a say in provincial affairs. Two years later, Kraisorn Tantiphong, a member of Parliament from Chiang Mai, proposed that the provincial governor become an elective post. His proposal was soon forgotten, however, because he failed to mount an active campaign, and more importantly, because he gained no support from the parliament, media or general public.11

Without popular support, the idea to make provincial positions elective went nowhere. Even when the proposal was twice considered by Parliament—during the Seni Pramot government in 1976, and the Chuan Leekpai government in 1992—it was rejected because the coalition in power was not unified behind the measure.12 Yet, the issue was never completely taken out of the legislative agenda.

3 For details, see Tet (1989), Chaianan (1995), and Tanet (2002: 109–10).

4This motto was used to claim legitimacy by many MOI authorities since the establishment of the ministry in 1892. However, the motto was generally criticized as symbolic of an over-centralized ministry.

Litvack, Ahmad, and Bird (1998: 1).

Law No. 5 was passed in 1974, PREM note, Number 43, September 2000, p. 1. The Philippines Constitution of 1987 (Hutchcroft, 2000).

Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) was established 20 years later in 1975 as an amalgamation of three contiguous municipalities. Pattaya City, upgraded from a sanitary district, was established in 1978.

9 David Morell and Chai-anan Samudavanija (1981: 313–14).

10Likhit Thirawekhin (1974: 6–7).

11Interview with Associate Professor Dr. Thanet Charoenmuang, August 18, 2003, Faculty of Political Science, Chulalongkorn University.

12The Chuan Leekphai government was the first to specify decentralization to the “local” level (although without using the word “regional” government) (Thai Congress Working Document 1997).

©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC

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