- •Public Administration And Public Policy
- •Contents
- •Acknowledgments
- •About The Authors
- •Comments On Purpose and Methods
- •Contents
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 Culture
- •1.3 Colonial Legacies
- •1.3.1 British Colonial Legacy
- •1.3.2 Latin Legacy
- •1.3.3 American Legacy
- •1.4 Decentralization
- •1.5 Ethics
- •1.5.1 Types of Corruption
- •1.5.2 Ethics Management
- •1.6 Performance Management
- •1.6.2 Structural Changes
- •1.6.3 New Public Management
- •1.7 Civil Service
- •1.7.1 Size
- •1.7.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •1.7.3 Pay and Performance
- •1.7.4 Training
- •1.8 Conclusion
- •Contents
- •2.1 Introduction
- •2.2 Historical Developments and Legacies
- •2.2.1.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of King as Leader
- •2.2.1.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.1.3 Third Legacy: Traditions of Hierarchy and Clientelism
- •2.2.1.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition of Reconciliation
- •2.2.2.1 First Legacy: The Tradition of Bureaucratic Elites as a Privileged Group
- •2.2.2.2 Second Legacy: A Tradition of Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.2.3 Third Legacy: The Practice of Staging Military Coups
- •2.2.2.4 Fourth Legacy: A Tradition for Military Elites to be Loyal to the King
- •2.2.3.1 First Legacy: Elected Politicians as the New Political Boss
- •2.2.3.2 Second Legacy: Frequent and Unpredictable Changes of Political Bosses
- •2.2.3.3 Third Legacy: Politicians from the Provinces Becoming Bosses
- •2.2.3.4 Fourth Legacy: The Problem with the Credibility of Politicians
- •2.2.4.1 First Emerging Legacy: Big Businessmen in Power
- •2.2.4.2 Second Emerging Legacy: Super CEO Authoritarian Rule, Centralization, and Big Government
- •2.2.4.3 Third Emerging Legacy: Government must Serve Big Business Interests
- •2.2.5.1 Emerging Legacy: The Clash between Governance Values and Thai Realities
- •2.2.5.2 Traits of Governmental Culture Produced by the Five Masters
- •2.3 Uniqueness of the Thai Political Context
- •2.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •3.1 Thailand Administrative Structure
- •3.2 History of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.2.1 Thailand as a Centralized State
- •3.2.2 Towards Decentralization
- •3.3 The Politics of Decentralization in Thailand
- •3.3.2 Shrinking Political Power of the Military and Bureaucracy
- •3.4 Drafting the TAO Law 199421
- •3.5 Impacts of the Decentralization Reform on Local Government in Thailand: Ongoing Challenges
- •3.5.1 Strong Executive System
- •3.5.2 Thai Local Political System
- •3.5.3 Fiscal Decentralization
- •3.5.4 Transferred Responsibilities
- •3.5.5 Limited Spending on Personnel
- •3.5.6 New Local Government Personnel System
- •3.6 Local Governments Reaching Out to Local Community
- •3.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.2 Corruption: General Situation in Thailand
- •4.2.1 Transparency International and its Corruption Perception Index
- •4.2.2 Types of Corruption
- •4.3 A Deeper Look at Corruption in Thailand
- •4.3.1 Vanishing Moral Lessons
- •4.3.4 High Premium on Political Stability
- •4.4 Existing State Mechanisms to Fight Corruption
- •4.4.2 Constraints and Limitations of Public Agencies
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 History of Performance Management
- •5.2.1 National Economic and Social Development Plans
- •5.2.2 Master Plan of Government Administrative Reform
- •5.3 Performance Management Reform: A Move Toward High Performance Organizations
- •5.3.1 Organization Restructuring to Increase Autonomy
- •5.3.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.3 Knowledge Management Toward Learning Organizations
- •5.3.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.3.5 Challenges and Lessons Learned
- •5.3.5.1 Organizational Restructuring
- •5.3.5.2 Process Improvement through Information Technology
- •5.3.5.3 Knowledge Management
- •5.3.5.4 Performance Agreement
- •5.4.4 Outcome of Budgeting Reform: The Budget Process in Thailand
- •5.4.5 Conclusion
- •5.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •6.1.1 Civil Service Personnel
- •6.1.2 Development of the Civil Service Human Resource System
- •6.1.3 Problems of Civil Service Human Resource
- •6.2 Recruitment and Selection
- •6.2.1 Main Feature
- •6.2.2 Challenges of Recruitment and Selection
- •6.3.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.1 Main Feature
- •6.4.2 Salary Management
- •6.4.2.2 Performance Management and Salary Increase
- •6.4.3 Position Allowance
- •6.4.5 National Compensation Committee
- •6.4.6 Retirement and Pension
- •6.4.7 Challenges in Compensation
- •6.5 Training and Development
- •6.5.1 Main Feature
- •6.5.2 Challenges of Training and Development in the Civil Service
- •6.6 Discipline and Merit Protection
- •6.6.1 Main Feature
- •6.6.2 Challenges of Discipline
- •6.7 Conclusion
- •References
- •English References
- •Contents
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Setting and Context
- •7.3 Malayan Union and the Birth of the United Malays National Organization
- •7.4 Post Independence, New Economic Policy, and Malay Dominance
- •7.5 Centralization of Executive Powers under Mahathir
- •7.6 Administrative Values
- •7.6.1 Close Ties with the Political Party
- •7.6.2 Laws that Promote Secrecy, Continuing Concerns with Corruption
- •7.6.3 Politics over Performance
- •7.6.4 Increasing Islamization of the Civil Service
- •7.7 Ethnic Politics and Reforms
- •7.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •8.1 Introduction
- •8.2 System of Government in Malaysia
- •8.5 Community Relations and Emerging Recentralization
- •8.6 Process Toward Recentralization and Weakening Decentralization
- •8.7 Reinforcing Centralization
- •8.8 Restructuring and Impact on Decentralization
- •8.9 Where to Decentralization?
- •8.10 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 Ethics and Corruption in Malaysia: General Observations
- •9.2.1 Factors of Corruption
- •9.3 Recent Corruption Scandals
- •9.3.1 Cases Involving Bureaucrats and Executives
- •9.3.2 Procurement Issues
- •9.4 Efforts to Address Corruption and Instill Ethics
- •9.4.1.1 Educational Strategy
- •9.4.1.2 Preventive Strategy
- •9.4.1.3 Punitive Strategy
- •9.4.2 Public Accounts Committee and Public Complaints Bureau
- •9.5 Other Efforts
- •9.6 Assessment and Recommendations
- •9.7 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •10.1 History of Performance Management in the Administrative System
- •10.1.1 Policy Frameworks
- •10.1.2 Organizational Structures
- •10.1.2.1 Values and Work Ethic
- •10.1.2.2 Administrative Devices
- •10.1.2.3 Performance, Financial, and Budgetary Reporting
- •10.2 Performance Management Reforms in the Past Ten Years
- •10.2.1 Electronic Government
- •10.2.2 Public Service Delivery System
- •10.2.3 Other Management Reforms
- •10.3 Assessment of Performance Management Reforms
- •10.4 Analysis and Recommendations
- •10.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •11.1 Introduction
- •11.2 Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.2.1 Public Service Department
- •11.2.2 Public Service Commission
- •11.2.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •11.2.4 Malaysian Administrative Modernization and Management Planning Unit
- •11.2.5 Administrative and Diplomatic Service
- •11.4 Civil Service Pension Scheme
- •11.5 Civil Service Neutrality
- •11.6 Civil Service Culture
- •11.7 Reform in the Malaysian Civil Service
- •11.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •12.1 Introduction
- •12.2.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.2.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.3.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.3.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.4.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.4.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.5.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.5.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.6.1 Context and Driving Force of Development
- •12.6.2 Major Institutional Development
- •12.7 Public Administration and Society
- •12.7.1 Public Accountability and Participation
- •12.7.2 Administrative Values
- •12.8 Societal and Political Challenge over Bureaucratic Dominance
- •12.9 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •13.1 Introduction
- •13.3 Constitutional Framework of the Basic Law
- •13.4 Changing Relations between the Central Authorities and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •13.4.1 Constitutional Dimension
- •13.4.1.1 Contending Interpretations over the Basic Law
- •13.4.1.3 New Constitutional Order in the Making
- •13.4.2 Political Dimension
- •13.4.2.3 Contention over Political Reform
- •13.4.3 The Economic Dimension
- •13.4.3.1 Expanding Intergovernmental Links
- •13.4.3.2 Fostering Closer Economic Partnership and Financial Relations
- •13.4.3.3 Seeking Cooperation and Coordination in Regional and National Development
- •13.4.4 External Dimension
- •13.5 Challenges and Prospects in the Relations between the Central Government and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region
- •References
- •Contents
- •14.1 Honesty, Integrity, and Adherence to the Law
- •14.2 Accountability, Openness, and Political Neutrality
- •14.2.1 Accountability
- •14.2.2 Openness
- •14.2.3 Political Neutrality
- •14.3 Impartiality and Service to the Community
- •14.4 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •15.1 Introduction
- •15.2 Brief Overview of Performance Management in Hong Kong
- •15.3.1 Measuring and Assessing Performance
- •15.3.2 Adoption of Performance Pledges
- •15.3.3 Linking Budget to Performance
- •15.3.4 Relating Rewards to Performance
- •15.4 Assessment of Outcomes of Performance Management Reforms
- •15.4.1 Are Departments Properly Measuring their Performance?
- •15.4.2 Are Budget Decisions Based on Performance Results?
- •15.4.5 Overall Evaluation
- •15.5 Measurability of Performance
- •15.6 Ownership of, and Responsibility for, Performance
- •15.7 The Politics of Performance
- •15.8 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •16.1 Introduction
- •16.2 Structure of the Public Sector
- •16.2.1 Core Government
- •16.2.2 Hybrid Agencies
- •16.2.4 Private Businesses that Deliver Public Services
- •16.3 Administrative Values
- •16.4 Politicians and Bureaucrats
- •16.5 Management Tools and their Reform
- •16.5.1 Selection
- •16.5.2 Performance Management
- •16.5.3 Compensation
- •16.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •17.1 Introduction
- •17.2 The Philippines: A Brief Background
- •17.4 Philippine Bureaucracy during the Spanish Colonial Regime
- •17.6 American Colonial Regime and the Philippine Commonwealth
- •17.8 Independence Period and the Establishment of the Institute of Public Administration
- •17.9 Administrative Values in the Philippines
- •17.11 Conclusions
- •References
- •Contents
- •18.1 Introduction
- •18.2 Toward a Genuine Local Autonomy and Decentralization in the Philippines
- •18.2.1 Evolution of Local Autonomy
- •18.2.2 Government Structure and the Local Government System
- •18.2.3 Devolution under the Local Government Code of 1991
- •18.2.4 Local Government Finance
- •18.2.5 Local Government Bureaucracy and Personnel
- •18.3 Review of the Local Government Code of 1991 and its Implementation
- •18.3.1 Gains and Successes of Decentralization
- •18.3.2 Assessing the Impact of Decentralization
- •18.3.2.1 Overall Policy Design
- •18.3.2.2 Administrative and Political Issues
- •18.3.2.2.1 Central and Sub-National Role in Devolution
- •18.3.2.2.3 High Budget for Personnel at the Local Level
- •18.3.2.2.4 Political Capture by the Elite
- •18.3.2.3 Fiscal Decentralization Issues
- •18.3.2.3.1 Macroeconomic Stability
- •18.3.2.3.2 Policy Design Issues of the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.3.2.3.4 Disruptive Effect of the Creation of New Local Government Units
- •18.3.2.3.5 Disparate Planning, Unhealthy Competition, and Corruption
- •18.4 Local Governance Reforms, Capacity Building, and Research Agenda
- •18.4.1 Financial Resources and Reforming the Internal Revenue Allotment
- •18.4.3 Government Functions and Powers
- •18.4.6 Local Government Performance Measurement
- •18.4.7 Capacity Building
- •18.4.8 People Participation
- •18.4.9 Political Concerns
- •18.4.10 Federalism
- •18.5 Conclusions and the Way Forward
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •19.1 Introduction
- •19.2 Control
- •19.2.1 Laws that Break Up the Alignment of Forces to Minimize State Capture
- •19.2.2 Executive Measures that Optimize Deterrence
- •19.2.3 Initiatives that Close Regulatory Gaps
- •19.2.4 Collateral Measures on Electoral Reform
- •19.3 Guidance
- •19.3.1 Leadership that Casts a Wide Net over Corrupt Acts
- •19.3.2 Limiting Monopoly and Discretion to Constrain Abuse of Power
- •19.3.3 Participatory Appraisal that Increases Agency Resistance against Misconduct
- •19.3.4 Steps that Encourage Public Vigilance and the Growth of Civil Society Watchdogs
- •19.3.5 Decentralized Guidance that eases Log Jams in Centralized Decision Making
- •19.4 Management
- •19.5 Creating Virtuous Circles in Public Ethics and Accountability
- •19.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •20.1 Introduction
- •20.2 Problems and Challenges Facing Bureaucracy in the Philippines Today
- •20.3 Past Reform Initiatives of the Philippine Public Administrative System
- •20.4.1 Rebuilding Institutions and Improving Performance
- •20.4.1.1 Size and Effectiveness of the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.1.2 Privatization
- •20.4.1.3 Addressing Corruption
- •20.4.1.5 Improving Work Processes
- •20.4.2 Performance Management Initiatives for the New Millennium
- •20.4.2.1 Financial Management
- •20.4.2.2 New Government Accounting System
- •20.4.2.3 Public Expenditure Management
- •20.4.2.4 Procurement Reforms
- •20.4.3 Human Resource Management
- •20.4.3.1 Organizing for Performance
- •20.4.3.2 Performance Evaluation
- •20.4.3.3 Rationalizing the Bureaucracy
- •20.4.3.4 Public Sector Compensation
- •20.4.3.5 Quality Management Systems
- •20.4.3.6 Local Government Initiatives
- •20.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •21.1 Introduction
- •21.2 Country Development Context
- •21.3 Evolution and Current State of the Philippine Civil Service System
- •21.3.1 Beginnings of a Modern Civil Service
- •21.3.2 Inventory of Government Personnel
- •21.3.3 Recruitment and Selection
- •21.3.6 Training and Development
- •21.3.7 Incentive Structure in the Bureaucracy
- •21.3.8 Filipino Culture
- •21.3.9 Bureaucratic Values and Performance Culture
- •21.3.10 Grievance and Redress System
- •21.4 Development Performance of the Philippine Civil Service
- •21.5 Key Development Challenges
- •21.5.1 Corruption
- •21.6 Conclusion
- •References
- •Annexes
- •Contents
- •22.1 Introduction
- •22.2 History
- •22.3 Major Reform Measures since the Handover
- •22.4 Analysis of the Reform Roadmap
- •22.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •23.1 Decentralization, Autonomy, and Democracy
- •23.3.1 From Recession to Take Off
- •23.3.2 Politics of Growth
- •23.3.3 Government Inertia
- •23.4 Autonomy as Collective Identity
- •23.4.3 Social Group Dynamics
- •23.5 Conclusion
- •References
- •Contents
- •24.1 Introduction
- •24.2 Functions and Performance of the Commission Against Corruption of Macao
- •24.2.1 Functions
- •24.2.2 Guidelines on the Professional Ethics and Conduct of Public Servants
- •24.2.3 Performance
- •24.2.4 Structure
- •24.2.5 Personnel Establishment
- •24.3 New Challenges
- •24.3.1 The Case of Ao Man Long
- •24.3.2 Dilemma of Sunshine Law
- •24.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •Appendix A
- •Contents
- •25.1 Introduction
- •25.2 Theoretical Basis of the Reform
- •25.3 Historical Background
- •25.4 Problems in the Civil Service Culture
- •25.5 Systemic Problems
- •25.6 Performance Management Reform
- •25.6.1 Performance Pledges
- •25.6.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.7 Results and Problems
- •25.7.1 Performance Pledge
- •25.7.2 Employee Performance Assessment
- •25.8 Conclusion and Future Development
- •References
- •Contents
- •26.1 Introduction
- •26.2 Civil Service System
- •26.2.1 Types of Civil Servants
- •26.2.2 Bureaucratic Structure
- •26.2.4 Personnel Management
- •26.4 Civil Service Reform
- •26.5 Conclusion
- •References
224 Public Administration in Southeast Asia
the civil servants. This time around, the revision upward was substantial with the Support Group II getting an increment of 35% and Support Group I an increase of 25%. Higher-ranking officers from the Management and Professional Group, and the Premier Grade Groups (JUSA), received an increment of 15% and 7.5%, respectively.17
Thus, with the 2007 increase, civil service pay has become more comparable, if not better than the private sector. Lower-level workers in the government receive a minimum wage of at least RM1000 together with medical benefits for self and family, as well as a pension, while workers of the same level in the private sector receive between RM500 and RM600 monthly with minimal medical benefits.18 Early career graduates in the private sector may draw a starting salary of RM1800 to RM2500, depending on the nature of the work, and the organization, as well as the industry. In the civil service, it may be higher, as shown in Table 11.5. The stability of tenure of government jobs is also often seen as an attraction, however, the salary increments and upward mobility is still slow in comparison to the private sector. Unlike the private sector, which may swiftly decide on human resource matters such as promotion, in the public sector, such affairs have to be referred to the central agency, and given the size of the public sector and the numerous schemes of service and salary grades, this certainly affects the pace. Still, the civil service is fast becoming the career of choice given the attractive remuneration package.19
Other benefits enjoyed by civil servants, such as medical benefits for life and for the whole family, a generous pension scheme, housing loan with an interest rate of only 4%, scholarship for full-time postgraduate studies with full-pay, maternity leave for two months with full pay, career development opportunities in terms of training and professional recognition, has managed to retain civil servants over the years. The introduction of performance-based and competency-based performance appraisal through the NRS, followed by the MRS was also an attempt by the government to cap the flow of its workers to the private sector. Only in areas such as medicine, where the salary gap between the public and private sector is too wide, is the issue of brain-drain significant. This is also being addressed by the government giving a generous allowance to doctors and other health professionals, but the disparity between public and private pay is too wide for the government to match, especially for medical specialists in private practice [25]. The starting salary for a sample of posts in the civil service is as in Table 11.3.
11.4 Civil Service Pension Scheme
It must also be pointed out that the pension scheme is one of the unique features of the Malaysian civil service, and a discussion on the compensation and benefits for the Malaysian civil servants is inadequate if the pension scheme is not deliberated on. The civil service pension scheme is also a legacy of the British administration, which was introduced in 1875. It is a non-contributory scheme that provides support to employees in public service after they retire and to their dependants for a specified period after their death. The pension formula is calculated from the last drawn salary divided by the length of service subject to a maximum of 25 years, but the resulting amount
17The Malaysian Bar, May 22, 2007, Record pay rise: Between 7.5% and 42%, http://www.malaysianbar.org.my/ news (accessed September 30, 2009).
18The Star Online, February 16, 2009, In times of volatility, government jobs offer security, http://biz.thestar. com.my (accessed September 29, 2009).
19The Star Online, December 16, 2007, The civil service beckons, http://biz.thestar.com.my (accessed October 1, 2009).
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
LLC Group, Francis and Taylor by 2011 ©
Table 11.5 Starting Salary for Selected Posts in Malaysian Civil Service
|
|
|
Civil Service |
Housing |
Cost of Living |
|
|
Salary |
Starting |
Allowance |
Allowance |
Allowance |
|
Post |
Grade |
Salary (RM)a |
(RM) |
(RM) |
(COLA) (RM) |
Total (RM) |
Managerial and Professional Group |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Administrative officer |
N41 |
1690.28 |
300 |
250 |
300 |
2540.28 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Administrative and diplomatic officer |
M41 |
1993.63 |
300 |
250 |
300 |
2843.63 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Research officer |
Q41 |
1899.01 |
300 |
250 |
300 |
2749.01 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Mechanical engineer |
J41 |
2088.25 |
300 |
250 |
300 |
2938.25 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Support Group II |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Assistant administrative officer |
N27 |
1204.55 |
160 |
180 |
300 |
1844.55 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Assistant research officer |
Q27 |
1207.58 |
160 |
180 |
300 |
1847.58 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Assistant information technology officer |
F29 |
1544.86 |
160 |
180 |
300 |
2184.86 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Assistant engineer |
1549 |
1549.40 |
160 |
180 |
300 |
2189.40 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Support Group II |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Administrative assistant |
N17 |
820.38 |
115 |
180 |
300 |
1415.38 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Technician |
J17 |
843.06 |
115 |
180 |
300 |
1438.06 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Public health assistant |
U17 |
862.73 |
115 |
180 |
300 |
1457.73 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Cook |
N17 |
820.38 |
115 |
180 |
300 |
1415.38 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Source: Public Service Commission, http://www.spa.gov.my/portal (accessed September 29, 2009).
Malaysia in System Service Civil
a US$1 is equivalent to RM3.47.
225
226 Public Administration in Southeast Asia
must not be more than half of the last drawn salary.20 Prior to the NRS, a civil servant would have to work with the government for at least 10 years before he or she is put on the pensionable scheme. However, under the NRS, the duration was shortened to 3 years, provided the employee has been confirmed in service. The pension is provided to a retiree for life, and in the event of his death, it is extended to his spouse, also for life; and to the children, until the age of 18 years. It is one of the benefits that have greatly contributed to the retention of workers in the public sector. The compulsory retirement age in Malaysia is 58 years, although civil servants are allowed to retire at 40 years of age, but they can only receive their pension at the age of 58.
Under the NRS, civil servants are also given the option to join the Employee Provident Fund (EPF), which relies on contributions from both employee and employer. The EPF was also established during the British administration in 1951, with the objective to provide financial support to employees on retirement, or of disability or death in work, to workers outside the public sector. Since 1997, employees contribute 11% of their salaries to the EPF while employers contribute 12%. However, in 2008, employees were allowed to reduce their contribution from 11% to 8% in order to give them more disposable income.21 Employees are allowed to withdraw from the fund, which includes accumulated interest and dividends, on reaching the retirement age of 58. Apart from saving for retirement, contributors are also allowed to make partial withdrawal for housing, medical expenses, and children’s higher education from time to time.
11.5 Civil Service Neutrality
A point that deserves a mention with regard to the Malaysian civil service is the concept of civil service neutrality. Malaysia has been ruled by the multi-racial Alliance Party since independence, which is the predecessor to the current ruling coalition of political parties known as the National Front. In both the Alliance Party and National Front, the United Malay National Organization (UMNO) has been the dominant political party. The first two presidents of UMNO as well as the country’s first two prime ministers were former civil servants, which reflects the enhanced relationship between the top politicians and senior civil servants. It is also not uncommon for ministers and deputy ministers to come from the civil service, although they are required to resign from the public service in order to join politics. Despite the close relationship between politics and the civil service, Malaysian civil servants closely adhere to the concept of civil service neutrality. Though there has not been any change of government at the federal level since independence, nevertheless, political changes in state governments either from the National Front to the Opposition, or vice versa, has not in the least weakened the dedication and efficiency of the civil service to the party in power [26].
The neutrality of the civil service was also tested during UMNO’s leadership crises in 1987 and 1997. In the crisis of 1987, former Prime Minister Mahathir’s leadership was challenged by a group of ex-ministers; and in the 1997 crisis, the rift between him and his deputy caused him to dismiss his deputy, Anwar Ibrahim, from office. The tumultuous fi nancial crisis that the country went through in 1997 was among the factors that led to the leadership crisis of 1997 [27]. In both cases, however, the civil service remained neutral and gave their loyalty to Prime Minister Mahathir [28]. The strongest test of civil service neutrality, however,
20Public Service Department, Pension Division, http://www.jpapencen.gov.my (accessed March 8, 2008).
21The Star Online, November 5, 2008, EPF down from 11% to 8%, http://thestar.com.my/news/story (accessed October 1, 2009).
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
Civil Service System in Malaysia 227
was witnessed during the constitutional crisis of 1993, which erupted when the ruling party attempted to check on the prerogative powers of the Malay royalty [29]. The country, particularly the Malays, with their deep-rooted sentiment and loyalty to their sultans, were very much divided over the issue. The crisis put the country’s top civil servants in a more difficult situation since they deal directly with both the Istana22 and the political elites in discharging their duties. Despite the difficult situation, the civil service held true to the notion of neutrality, and was steadfast in its loyalty to the elected government.
Civil service neutrality was also witnessed in the aftermath of the 12th Malaysian general election held in March 2008, which was also a watershed in the political landscape of the country. For the first time in Malaysian history, the National Front lost control of four states: Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, with the Opposition continuing to retain their hold on the state of Kelantan. Overall, the opposition alliance comprising the Democratic Action Party (DAP), People Justice Party (PKR), and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) won 82 seats—they had only 20 seats from the previous election—out of 222 parliamentary constituencies.23 It was also the National Front’s worst performance in a general election since independence, which also resulted in the loss of its two-thirds majority needed to amend the constitution.24 Throughout the whole episode and the following repercussions from the election, the civil service was clear in their neutral and apolitical stance. This allowed the administration of the country to proceed as usual despite the political mayhem.
In most situations, civil servants remain aloof from the media, particularly in times of crises as mentioned above. This lends credence to their neutral stance. Even in managing daily affairs of the country, civil servants rarely make public pronouncements, leaving the task of talking to the press mainly to the political masters of the respective ministries.
11.6 Civil Service Culture
Civil service throughout the world with its bureaucratic image is often perceived to be less efficient than the market-driven private sector. In this respect, the Malaysian civil service has not been spared from criticisms of inefficiency too, and was perceived as a bureaucracy that was too big and too slow to adapt to a changing and dynamic world. In the words of the then Chief Secretary to the Government, Tan Sri Ahmad Sarji:
the public service was more than not associated with “bureaucracy”; which conjures in the minds of people ine ciency and the worst of organisational nightmares. The people who have been to the “bureaucracy” experience it as red tape, infl exible policies, and being hard to do business with when decision seems to take forever [30].
Consequently, the Malaysian civil service saw numerous reform efforts carried out from the 1980s onward. The realization on the part of the government that Malaysia will not be able to
22“Istana” literally means palace in Malay, but it is generally understood to be the administrative office of the sultan.
23The Star Online, March 9, 2008, MALAYSIA DECIDES 2008, http://thestar.com.my/election/ (accessed October 15, 2009).
24Channelnewsasia.com, March 9, 2008, Malaysia’s BN coalition suffers worst electoral defeat, http://www. channelnewsasia.com/stories/southeastasia (accessed October 15, 2009).
©2011 by Taylor and Francis Group, LLC
