Структура та зміст державного іспиту

1. Перше питання: теорія англійської мови

1. Вимоги до відповіді на питання з теорії англійської мови

Розкриття питання з теорії мови передбачає вміння дати логічну, чітку, зв’язну відповідь студента на теоретичне питання, керуючись пунктами плану, який передує відповіді на питання, дати релевантні дефініції лінгвістичних, понять їх функції, зазначити прізвища науковців і лінгвістичні школи, що займалися проблемою, яка розглядається, проаналізувати смислові, структурні зв’язки між мовними явищами, зробити висновки, проілюструвати теоретичні положення прикладами. Викладаючи теоретичні положення, студент має граматично і фонетично правильно оформлювати висловлення.

Перелік теоретичних питань, що виносяться на комплексний державний екзамен

Історія англійської мови

1. Specific phonetic features of the Germanic languages.

2. Specific lexical and grammatical features of the Germanic languages.

3. The development of English from a synthetic to an analytic type.

4. Historical background of English spelling.

Теоретична фонетика англійської мови

5. The phonic substance of language and ways of its analysis and description.

6. Phonological and phonetic features of RP \ General American (at the student’s choice).

7. Pronunciation norm of English and its dictionary presentation.

8. Word stress as a component of sound structure of English.

Теоретична граматика англійської мови

9. Grammar in the system of language. Analytical and synthetical forms. Lingual levels. Units of language.

10. Parts of speech (definition of the part of speech, classification of parts of speech, principles of their classification, notional and functional parts of speech).

11. Noun (general characteristics, the category of number, case, gender) (at the student’s choice).

12. Verb tense, aspect, perfect, voice, mood (at the student’s choice).

13. Phrase. General characteristics. Types of phrases.

14. Sentence. General characteristics, classification of sentences. Parts of sentence.

Лексикологія англійської мови

15. English Etymology.

16. General characteristics of English Vocabulary.

17. Word-building. Affixation.

18. English Phraseology.

19. Variants and dialects of the English Language.

Стилістика англійської мови

20. The word and its meaning.

21. Expressive means of semasiology.

22. Syntactic stylistic means.

Основні положення теорії мови, що виносяться на комплексний державний екзамен

Історія англійської мови

1. Specific phonetic features of the Germanic languages: word stress in Indo-European and Old Germanic languages; common Germanic consonant shift (Grimm's Law; Verner's Law), gemination; common Germanic vowel shift, ablaut, umlaut.

- Historical linguistics distinguishes Modern and Old classification of Germanic languages. The Old one presupposes 3 branches: North, West, and East (where Gothic, Vandalic, Burgundian belonged). Today the East languages are not spoken (they are dead l-ges), so the Modern classification includes 2 branches: West: English, German, Flemish, Frisian, Yiddish, Africaans, Dutch.

North: Swedish, Norwegian, Danish, Icelandic, Faroese, Gutnish.

- The accent on a syllable depended partly on stress (acoustic loudness), partly on intonation (musical pitch), but some languages relied more on stress than on intonation. PIE probably made great use of free (i.e. could fall either on the root syllable, or on the suffix, or on the inflexion) accent, but in PG the stress accent starts to become predominant. At the same time, there was a strong tendency in PG to adopt a uniform position for the stress on a word by putting it on the 1^st syllable, except verbs (at the time when the stress became fixed a syntactic combination of prepositional adverb with the verb was not yet a single word, so such combination developed into compound words with the second element stressed). The role of the dynamic stress grew. It meant that in PG there existed more stressed and less stressed syllables. The tendency to stabilize the accent on the first syllable together with the adoption of a stress type of accent had profound consequences: it all led to a weakening and loss of unstressed syllables, especially at the end of the word. This trend continued in Germanic languages throughout their history (ex. OE beran > ME bere, ber > ModE bear).

- The phoneme system was reconstructed by some 19^th century scholars, who claimed that in PIE there was a rich amount of stop consonants. In PG this system underwent great changes. The most important series of changes is called “the 1^st consonant shift” or “Grimm’s law” (after Jacob Grimm). The consonant shift is meant by the complex of phonetic processes, the essence of which is the change of the type of articulation of IE voiced stops. The shift is considered to have started some centuries B.C and finished (approx.) in the 5^th-6^th cent. A.D. Modern Germanic linguistics states that the 1^st Consonant Shift includes several changes within a definite group of consonants.

IE G

Aspirated Voiced

voiced stops stops

bh > b (Sanskr. bhrāta – Goth. brōþar; OInd sabha плем’я – OE sib, G Sippe, OInd bharet – E bear)

dh > d (OInd. madhyas – Goth. midjis, E middle; OInd bandhu родич – E bind)

gh > g (*IE ghostis – Goth. gasts)

IE G

Vioced Voiceless

stops stops

b > p (Ukr. болото – E pool; Lat. labi – Goth. slepan, E sleep, G. schlafen)

d > t (Lat. duo, Ukr. два - Goth. twai, E two; Lat. videre – OE witan)

g > k (Lat. iugum, Rus. иго – E yoke; Lat. gelidus – Goth. kalds, E cold; Lat. genu – Goth kniu, E knee)

IE G

Voiceless Voiceless

stops fricatives

p > f (Sanskr. pitár –Goth. fadar; Lat.pedem \Gr. poda – Goth fotus, OE fōt; Lat. piscis – OE fisc)

t > þ (OInd. trayas, Ukr. три – Goth. þreis, E three; Lat. tenius – E thin)

k > h (Lat. octo – Goth. ahtau, E.eight; Lat. decem, Welsh deg – Goth. taihun, E ten, OHG zehan)

K.Verner, a Danish linguist, in 1877 noticed and analyzed the development of IE voiceless stops in the intervocal position, and in the position at the end of the word after a vowel. Old IE stress doesn’t fall on the preceding vowel. Under such conditions these sounds appeared in Germanic as voiced stops. This addition came to be called as “Verner’s Law”. (Note: if the old IE stress fell on the preceding vowel Germanic voicless stops remained voiceless). Ex. OInd mátar, Rus. мать(тери) – OSax. modar. In PG voiced variant of s [z] was seldom used, mostly before voiced consonant. As a result of the Verner’s Law its sphere widened. Later in North and West Germanic (independently) this development continued to r. This process was called rhotacism. Perhaps, phonetically this development went through some intermediate steps: s > z > ž > ř > r. Eg. OE ceosan – curon (to choose)

As a result of the first consonant shift the PG consonant system was formed, different from PIE consonants.

- Germanic consonants (except r) are lengthened if they are followed by j, w, r, l, m, n, and are preceded by a short vowel. This process is also called “doubling” or “gemination”. After a long vowel the lengthening didn’t occur. The most frequent cases occurred before j, less frequent before m. E.g. Goth. bidjan (просити) – OE biddan.

- In PIE the opposition between short and long vowels could be reduced or even lost, but in Proto-Germanic this opposition was very strict. The Germanic Vowel Shift reflected as the following:

IE short vowels G short vowels IE long vowels G long vowels

a (Lat. ager поле) > a (Goth. akrs) i (Lat. svīnus) > i (OE svīn)

o (Lat. hostis гість) > a (Goth. gasts) ū (Lat. m ūs) > ū (OE m ūs)

i (Lat. piscis риба) > i (OE fisc) ō (Lat. pōs) > ō (OE fōt)

(Lat. vir чоловік) > e (OIcl verr) ā (Lat. m āter) > ō (OE m ōdor)

e (Lat. edere їсти) > e (OE etan) Goth. ē (became front)

(Lat. medius середній) > i (OE midd) ē (complex > æ

u (OInd upa на) > u (OE uppe) development) West G., North.G ā

( Lat. iugum ярмо) > o (OE eok)

Thus, we have the opposition of “short – long” vowels in PG completed.

- In the domain of vowels the most important property of the Germanic languages is Ablaut or Gradation. This is a spontaneous vowel variation mostly inside a root which is common to all Indo-European languages. Germanic Ablaut goes back to some regular changes inherent in IE parent language. This vowel variation became a very important grammatical means especially in the verb system where it is employed for making past verb-forms of strong verbs. The old system of gradation is vividly seen in Gothic: Goth.: reisan-rais-risum-risans, OE: rīson-rās-rison-risen, ModE: rise-rose-risen

Ablaut is also used in Germanic as a word-forming means: faran їхати– fōr мандрівка, length – long. Other IE languages also possess features of Ablaut: укр. віз – возити – везу.

- The term Umlaut was introduced by J.Grimm for marking a regressive assimilation of a vowel which aquires articulation of the following vowel. In Germanic languages there were 2 types of umlaut: i-umlaut, and u-umlaut. The most widely used was the first type.

So, English belongs to IE family, Germanic group, Westgermanic branch. All Germanic languages have specific phonetic features as compared with other IE languages.

2. Specific lexical and grammatical features of the Germanic languages (etymological layers of English vocabulary; noun structure and declensions, stem suffixes in nouns; categories; verb structure, morphological classes of verbs; categories).

- The PG vocabulary is composed of 3 major groups of words: Words of the IE stock, i.e. those which have cognates in different IE languages: OE – sunu (Germ. – Sohn, ModE – son, Ukr. - син); Words of the Common Germanic stock, i.e. words having cognates in other Germ. languages, but none in the rest of the IE family: OE – lānd (Germ. – Land, Sw. – land, Goth. – land).

- PIE was a highly inflected language, that is it made great use of endings. Not much of IE system of inflections is left in ModE, which prefers other grammatical devices like prepositions and word order. Also in PG there were some declensions of nouns. All nouns had grammatical gender, that is every noun had to be either masculine, or feminine, or neuter. This grammatical gender had no necessary connection with sex or with animacy, which means that the names of inanimate objects could be masculine or feminine, and the names of sexed creatures could be neuter. Similar considerations apply to adjectives. In PG they developed 2 declensions, which has not survived in ModE, but can be found in some other Germanic languages (for ex. in Swedish the weak form is used after the definite article, or after words like this, that, my, your, in other cases the strong adjective is used. In OE gōd mann – strong, sē gōda mann – weak). The historical grammar of all Indo-European languages bases its description of the Noun on the original Indo-European noun-system. The Indo-European Noun conformed to a three-part structure: root – stem-suffix – inflexion. (пор. рос. Реб-ят-а, гот. Dag-a-m). Nouns were divided into classes (groups) according to the type of their stem-suffix, which, perhaps, had been of certain semantic significance to the ancient mind. The most important Indo-European classes (groups) of nouns are: o-stems,i-stems, ā-stems, u-stems, n-stems, root-stems, other cons. Stems. OE

- Noun had 3 grammatical (or morphological) categories: number, case & gender.

By the beginning of the historic period of the Germanic languages stem-suffixation had evidently lost their former significance and the distinctions between different classes of nouns had become obliterated (стерті), which resulted in the reshaping of the noun-structure: thr stem-suffix and the inflexion merged into one.

- PG had only two tense forms of the verb – present and past, plus different endings for different persons and numbers. From PIE PG inherited a set of verbs which showed change of tense by the change of the root-vowel (in ModE sing-sang-sung). These were Strong Verbs. The gradation of vowels for grammatical purpose was highly characteristic of the IE languages. Accordingly, in PG there was a large number of strong verbs. But, alongside, PG developed a new type, called Weak Verbs. The IE verb-stem had the following structure: consonant-vowel-consonant. The sounding of the vowel in the root was dependent on the conditions of the stress falling upon it. This vowel-variation, termed Ablaut, was primarily a phonetic process in IE. In Germanic languages it was widely employed as a grammatical means. The root-vowel could either change its quality (qualitative Ablaut), or its quantity/length (quantitative Ablaut). IE gradation was first widely used in the category of aspect which represented actions as completed/non-completed, repeated, etc. In IE there existed many aspect forms: the durative, the perfective, and the momentary aspects. In the course of time both sounding and the grammatical meaning of these forms changed: 1) the changes in sounding took place in accordance with the Germanic Vowel Shift: IE e > Germ. e/i, IE o > Germ. a. 2) grammatically, the aspects changed into tenses, that is the categories expressing the time of the action in its relation to the time of the utterance.

3. The development of English from a synthetic to an analytic type (synthetic and analytic ways of expressing grammar meanings; the loss of synthetic features by nominal/verbal parts of speech; the formation of analytical forms).

- Old English was a synthetic (or inflected) type of a language, i.e. the relations between words and other grammatical meanings were expressed by synthetic grammatical forms: endings, sound-interchange in the root, grammatical prefixes and suppletive forms. Modern English is an analytical type of a language, which uses a set of analytical means to connect the words in the sentence (prepositions, articles, fixed word order). In other words, synthetic languages are defined as ones of ‘internal’ grammar of the word – most of grammatical meanings and grammatical relations of words are expressed with the help of inflexions (Ukrainian - зроблю, Russian, Latin, etc). Analytical languages are those of ‘external’ grammar because most grammatical meanings and grammatical forms are expressed with the help of words (will do).

- next – give example of a OE noun (sunu) or verb (to beran) and explain how they lose their endings. Mind the influence of stress. Mention analytical innovations (noun: prepositional phrases, articles, more and most for degrees of comparison), (verb: Perfect, Passive, Future, Continuous).

4. Historical background of English spelling (the main principles of spelling (phonological, morphological, historical, etymological, differentiating); Old English principle of spelling; the main reasons for the historical background of English spelling (influence of French ways of writing, non-reflection of the Great Vowel Shift in writing).

- The English Orthography is based on some definite principles: 1) The word milk is spelt exactly as it is pronounced, that is each phoneme has its letter-counterpart in the alphabet (milk: 4 phonemes, 4 graphemes). In such cases of exact correspondence between pronunciation and spelling the latter is based on phonetic principle, and the spelling is called phonetic. 2) The spelling of the word milked doesn’t exactly correspond to its pronunciation [milkt]. So, in such cases when the spelling of the whole word or of some part of it doesn’t correspond to its pronunciation, but vividly reflects its relation with other morphemes, we say that spelling is based on morphological principle. 3) In order to spell the word know correctly we should have a look at its historical development (that is 1) in OE it was spelt like cnawan; 2) in OE it was pronounced as [knāwan]; 3) in OE k was pronounced before n; only in the 17^th century it stopped being pronounced when the spelling was already fixed; 4) the digraph ow emerged only in MidE for the newly appeared diphthong ou which descended from OE ā+w)). In such cases we say that the spelling of such words cannot be explained by the norms of Modern English but historically. It is based on historical principle. Other examples are take, knife, delight, scent, quick, busy, ache, thorough etc. 4) In order to spell such words as cent, or psychology correctly it is not enough to know the spelling rules according to which some variants are possible, like sent, scent, cent or sikology, cicology, sicology. So, in such cases when the spelling is explained only by the peculiarities of the original language but not English, we speak about etymological principle. 5) The meanings of the words die and dye are not the same, though their pronunciation is identical (whole-hole, night-knight, scent-cent etc.). So, when the spelling serves as a means of differentiating the meanings of the words which sound the same, this spelling is based on differentiating or hieroglyphic principle.

- The main difficulty of ModE spelling is the non-correspondence between phonetic and graphic representation od words, that is between how the word is pronounced and how it is spelt. There are some reasons for this. The main one is that the spelling of the majority of English words was established in the 13-15 centuries and at the end of MidE was fixed in printed texts (remember: introduction of printing). But later, during 15-18 centuries phonetic system underwent essential changes: new phonemes appeared, some changed, some disappeared forever. Logically, with the changes in pronunciation one could expect the corresponding changes in spelling (e.g. introducing new letters to express new phonemes, or excluding some letters which expressed “mute” sounds, or substituting some letters in case they undergo changes). But nothing of this kind happened in English orthography.

Let’s take such an example. In OE the word boc was pronounced [bōk]. So, the spelling, as we see, corresponds to the pronunciation. Only the length of o was not marked anyhow. In MidE to mark the long o the digraph oo was introduced, and c was marked by the French letter k which didn’t exist in OE alphabet. In such a way this word acquired a new spelling book which more exactly corresponded to its OE pronunciation [bōk]. When in late MidE (15^th cent.) long ō shifted into long ū, the spelling book was already fixed in English texts. So, nowadays we have the discrepancy between spelling and pronunciation of this word. A bit later, again, in the 18^th cent. long [u:] shortened in the position before [k] and some dental consonants. Since that time, digraph oo means short u, though we see that non-correspondence between –ook (spelling) and [uk] (pronunciation) is vivid. Other examples are look, hook, took etc.

- the existence of a great number of non-pronounced elements, and a lot of digraphs, trigraphs and polygraphs may be explained, on one hand, by the disappearance of some sounds out of phonetic system of English, and, on the other hand, by the disappearance of some sounds out of pronunciation of the words

Теоретична фонетика англійської мови

5. The phonic substance of language and ways of its analysis and description.

Language is shaped into a spoken message by means of its sound matter which is a combination of four components: 1) segmental/ phonemic component, 2) syllabic structure, 3) lexical / word stress, 4) supra-segmental / prosodic component.

Segmental/ phonemic component is the first and basic component of the phonic substance of language. First of all, a spoken message/an utterance can be thought as a succession of the smallest, further indivisible segments which are easily singled out in the flow of speech as separate discrete elements. They are called sounds of a language or sounds. Sounds function as phonemes, i.e. linguistically distinctive, relevant units capable of differentiating the meanings of morphemes, words, sentences. Phonemes are abstract representations of those speech sounds which can differentiate the meaning - i.e. ‘sounds in the mind’ (the term suggested by Peter Roach). Realizations of a definite phoneme in definite positions in words are called allophones / variants, i.e. “sounds in the mouth” (the term suggested by Peter Roach). The segmental component can be studied and described as: a) a system of phonemes 20 vowels and 24 consonants; b) certain patterns of allophones and their distribution; c) a set of methods of joining speech sounds/allophones together in words and at their junctions- coarticulatory/adjustment phenomena.

The problem of the syllabic structure of words has two aspects:

1) syllable formation, 2) syllable division/separation.

Articulatorily, the syllable is the minimal articulatory unit of the utterance. Auditorily, the syllable is the smallest unit of perception: the listener identifies the whole of the syllable and after that the sounds which it contains. Phonologically it is a structural unit which consists of a sequence of one or some phonemes of a language in numbers and arrangements permitted by the given language.

Different languages have different kinds of syllable structure. In English the syllable is formed:

1) by any vowel alone or in combination with one or more consonants - not more than 3 preceding and not more than 4 following it, e.g. are /a:/ , we /wi:/, it /t/, sixths /sikss/.

2) by a word final sonorants /n/, /l/, /m/ immediately preceded by a consonant: e.g. rhythm r.m, garden :dn .

Structurally, the commonest types of syllable in English are VC; CVC.

CV is considered to be the universal structure. CV syllabic types constitute more than half of all structural types in Russian and Ukrainian.

Supra-segmental / prosodic component/ intonation consists of pitch, force and temporal components. The pitch component is made up by the speech melody, e.i. variations in the pitch of the voice in connected speech. Different levels of pitch (tones) are used in particular sequences to express a wide range of meanings.The force component is represented by sentence stress (the greater prominence of one or more words among other words in an utterance).The temporal component is represented by variations in tempo. Rhythm as regular recurrence of stressed and unstressed syllables is a combination of force and temporal components. English has stress-timed rhythm.

Phonetics is the science which studies the characteristics of human sound-making and provides methods for its description, classification and transcription. There are 4 branches of phonetics: 1) articulatory, 2) auditory, 3) acoustic and 4) functional (phonology). There are two more branches of phonetics: 1) experimental phonetics – which uses controlled experiments, 2) instrumental phonetics – which uses measuring devices and instrumental techniques.

6. Phonological and phonetic features of RP \ General American (at the student’s choice).

6.1. General American \ Network English as the American English Pronunciation Standard

First of all, one should dwell on contemporary sociolinguistic situation in the USA

The development of American English on the American continent has a comparatively short history. Its starting point was the English language of the 17th century when first English settlers came to America. However, in the course of time American English has drifted considerably from British English. The treatment of American English is as the national variant of English in the USA.

As regards pronunciation, American English is not homogeneous. Traditionally three main groups of regional American English educated accents are distinguished: 1) the Eastern type; 2) the Southern type; 3) the Western type or General American (the rest of the USA).

General American (GenAm) is treated as the pronunciation standard of AE, and represents the literary norm, while Southern American and Eastern American represent regional types of AE literary pronunciation.

General American possesses the following segmental features at the phonological level.

a) systemic (differences in phonemic inventory)

With the exception of a possible // (/hw/) there are no deviations in GenAm from RP consonantal systems (e.g. which [hwt]).

There are two areas of systemic difference between GenAm and RP within the vocalic systems:

1) in the area of low back vowels. GenAm has no low back RP vowel //, and those words which have // in RP are pronounced with unrounded /: ()/ in GenAm, e.g. cod, spot, pocket. Also in words such as law, taught, walk, awe where British speakers pronounce /:/, GenAm speakers have //.

2) GenAm does not have centering diphthongs //, /e/, //. Sound sequences /r/, /er/, /r/ are pronounced instead.

b) structural specification

GenAm is a rhotic accent where /r/ can occur, unlike RP, before consonants and before pauses.

c) selectional differences

1) Words which in RP have /:/, in GenAm have //, such words have /n/, /s/, /f/, // after a vowel, e.g. ask, answer, can’t, dance, pass, grass, cast.

2) some words and names spelled er are pronounced /:/ in RP, but /r/ in GenAm, e.g. clerk, derby, Kerr.

3) words ending in -ile tend to be pronounced /al/ in RP but /l/ or /l/ in GenAm, e.g. hostile, missile, fertile, fragile, futile.

Segmental differences at the phonetic level (realizational differences)

The most salient differences of realization among the GenAm consonants lie in the allophones of /r/, /t/, /l/, /j/, //, nasal consonants.

1) the retroflex pronunciation of /r/ is one of the most characteristic features of GenAm.. Its main features are: a) having the tongue in the central position, as for //, b) the tongue tip is curled high toward the back of the mouth, but not touching anywhere, c) having the back of the tongue low and the sides of the tongue slide along the back part of the tooth ridge as along two rails, d) the movement of the tongue always begins by a motion toward the back of the mouth.

2) the pronunciation of /t/ is highly variable in GenAm. (A) GenAm speakers tend to pronounce a voiced alveolar tap/flap intervocalically before a weakly stressed vowel. In the dictionaries it is shown by the symbol []. It sounds like a quick English /d/, e.g. city, better, latest, forty, party. (B) After /n/ GenAm [] can optionally be elided. Accordingly, GenAm winter [wnr] can sound identical to winner [wnr].

3) the pronunciation of /l/. GenAm speakers tend to produce a darker, more velarized allophone [] in all positions, whereas RP speakers produced a very distinct clear or light allophone in prevocalic position and [] in postvocalic position.

4) the pronunciation of /j/:

Yod Dropping: /j/ is not pronounced in the combination of /j/+/u:/ after t, s, d, e.g. tube, suit, student, news.

Yod Coalescence (coalescent assimilation): /t/+/j/, /d/+/j/ before a weak vowel are assimilated into /t/, /d/, e.g. educate [eduket], factual [fktul].

5) // vocalization: in GenAm // is vocalized in final weak syllables ending with -ion, -ia, e.g. Asia [e], version [vrn].

6) nasal twang: nasality is found in vowels adjacent to m, n, , thus the preceding vowel sounds nasal, e.g. manner [mnr], candy [knd]. Nasal twang is treated by some American phoneticians as a defect of American speech.

6.2. Phonological and phonetic features of RP

The historical origins of RP go back to the 16^th-17^th century recommendations that the speech model should be that provided by the educated pronunciation of the court and the capital. Thus, the roots of RP are in London, more particularly the pronunciation of the London region and the Home Counties lying around London within 60 miles.

By the 19^th century London English had increasingly acquired social prestige losing some of its local characteristics. It was finally fixed as the pronunciation of the ruling class.

In the mid 19^th century there was an increase in education, in particular, there occurred the rise of public schools (since 1864 Public School Act). Since that time London English or Southern English was termed as Classroom English, Public School English or Educated English.

By 1930 the term “Standard Pronunciation” was replaced by “Received Pronunciation” (RP), which had been introduced for Southern Educated English by phonetician Ida Ward who defined it as pronunciation whish had lost all easily noticeable local differences.

The British Broadcasting Corporation (the BBC) adopted RP for the use by its news-readers since 1920s. For that reason RP was often called BBC English.

According to Prof. J.C. Wells contemporary RP does not constitute a single variety but a set of varieties correlating with the speaker’s education, social status and other social factors.

Estuary English (EE) received great media attention in 1993 as the new standard English. It resembles RP and Cockney but is not equal to any of them.

Major linguistic sources for RP. The first description and codification of RP was made by professor Daniel Jones in his books The Pronunciation of English (1909) and Outline of English Phonetics (1917). Professor Alfred Charles Gimson gave an explicit description of RP in the middle of the 20^th century in his book An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English. One of the most authoritative and detailed descriptions of all major accents of English was made by professor John C. Wells in his three-volume Accents of English.

Now we will outline segmental parameters of RP/BBC English.

As for its phoneme inventory, this accent has 20 vowels and 24 consonants. The system of vowels embrace 12 pure vowels or monophthongs: i:, , e, , , :, , :, , u:, :, , and 8 diphthongs: e, a, , , a, , e, .

According to the phonotactic specification of /r/ occurrence, RP is a non-rhotic or r-less accent, i.e. /r/ does not occur after a vowel or at the end of the words.

Phoneme lexical distribution. The recent and current changes in RP embrace the decline of weak [], glottalling, l-vocalization, intrusive /r/ and yod-coalescence.

Decline of weak []. The vowel [] is becoming less frequent in weak syllables. Traditional RP [] is yielding ground: 1) on the one hand to [i], in final and pre-vocalic positions: happy [hpi], coffee [kfi], and prevocalically in various [veris]; 2) on the other hand, in preconsonantal positions, to []. This trend is found particularly in the endings -less, -ness, -ily, -ity and adjectival -ate, and to some extent also in -ed, -es, -et, -ace: quality [kwlt], deliberate [delbrt], angrily [grl].

Glottalling is the switch from an alveolar to a glottal articulation of /t/, whereby [t] is pronounced as [] in a range of syllable-final environments. This is by now very firmly established in casual RP before obstruents (football [fb:l], it’s quite good [s kwa gd]) and is increasingly heard before other consonants (atmosphere [msf]).

L vocalization is the development whereby the dark allophone of /l/ loses its alveolar lateral nature and becomes a vowel of the [o] or [U] type. L vocalization is accordingly restricted to the preconsonantal and word-final environments. Examples are: milk [mok], middle [mdo].

Intrusive R is very prevalent in RP. It involves the insertion of an r-sound at the end of a word ending in a non-high vowel (usually one of , , :,:] where the next word begins with a vowel, as in put a comma [r] in, the idea[r] of it, I saw[r] it happen.

There is a strong tendency towards coalescence of yod with a preceding alveolar plosive, so that:

t+j= t, d+j=d (the process of affricatization);

s+j=, z+j= (the process of assibilation).

The words actual, mutual, education, educate, gradual, during, virtue, statue, issue, hosier, etc have common alternative forms with affricates or sibilants, the latter gaining ground as the dominant form.

7. Pronunciation norm of English and its dictionary presentation.

Literary pronunciation/standard of pronunciation is defined by its norm. Pronunciation norm is a set of parameters describing that phonetic shaping of spoken form of a national language which at a given time is 1) generally considered correct, 2) statistically relevant and/or 3) enjoys social prestige.

Pronunciation norm must not appear for EFL learners as a set of rigid regulations, fixed once and for ever. It is dynamic in nature i.e. liable for changes in the course of time, in language diachrony. At any particular time in the evolution of an accent, in language synchrony, there are likely to be a number of different, co-existent, realizations of phonemes, word pronunciation forms – pronunciation variants.

The English pronunciation norm appears for EFL learners in the explicit, materialized form through its codification (кодифікація, фіксація в словниках), i.e. reflection/fixing of actual pronunciation forms in pronunciation dictionaries and other sources of reference.

Proninciation norm may be of two types: actual and codified. There is no one-to-one correlation between them: codified pronunciation is never fully adequate to the actual one. For technical reasons pronouncing dictionaries do not reflect the newest tendencies occurring in the living pronunciation.

The most authoritative specialist dictionaries of English pronunciation which cover both of the two of the most prestigious accents of English – contemporary RP/BBC English and GenAM – are The English Pronouncing Dictionary (EPD) and The Longman English Pronunciation Dictionary (LPD).

The EPD has been in use for about 90 years. It was originally compiled by Prof. Daniel Jones and first published in 1917. The first 14 editions of the EPD covered only British English. The 15th edition (1997) introduced American pronunciation.

The most recent edition of the EPD is the 17th which was first published in 2006 under the title The Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary (CEPD) CEPD.

The LPD is compiled by John C. Wells and was first published in1995. The third (currently the latest) impression of the LPD is of 2008. It gives full coverage of both British and American English.

Both The CEPD (2003) and The LPD (2000) are the most up-to-date, comprehensive, and authoritative sources of reference for the pronunciation of contemporary English which EFL teachers and learners can rely on.

8. Word stress as a component of sound structure of English.

Word stress (WS) can be defined as the singling out of one or more syllables in a word, which is accompanied by the change of the force of utterance, pitch of the voice, qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the sound which is usually a vowel [Леонтьева 1988:179].

The analysis of WS can be carried out according to the following parameters: 1) the nature of English word-stress; 2) its degree and syllabic location; 3) its functions; 4) basic stress patterns of the English words.

Phoneticians claim that at least four different factors are important in making a syllable prominent: loudness, length of the syllables, pitch, and quality. English lexical stress is traditionally defined as dynamic implying the greater force (muscular energy) with which the syllable is pronounced. However, recent investigations of lexical stress in English show the existence of a hierarchy of acoustic cues to the stressed status of a syllable in English: the perceptually most influential cue is (higher) pitch, the second most important cue in the hierarchy is (longer) duration, the third is (greater) intensity and the last is segmental (sound) quality [Laver 1995:513].

Types of English word stress according to its degree. Strictly speaking, a polysyllabic word has as many degrees of stress as there are syllables in it. But the majority of British phoneticians (D. Jones, R. Kingdon, A.C. Gimson among them) and Russian phoneticians (V. A. Vassilyev, J. Shakhbagova ) consider that there are three degrees of word-stress in English: 1) рrimary - the strongest, 2) secondary - the second strongest, partial, and 3) weak - all the other degrees. The syllables bearing either primary or secondary stress are termed stressed, while syllables with weak stress are called, somewhat inaccurately, unstressed. American linguists distinguish four degrees of word stress, adding the so-called tertiary stress (третинний). Secondary stress differs from tertiary that it usually occurs on the third or fourth pre-tonic syllable, and tertiary is always post-tonic, e.g. administrative, dictionary, category.

In Ukrainian, and Russian there are two degrees of word stress: primary and weak.

Types of English word stress according to its position. Languages of the world which make a linguistic use of stress fall into one of the two broad types: 1) locating the word-stress predominantly on a given syllabic location in the word or 2) allowing much more freedom for placement the stress [Laver 1995:519]. We can call the first type a language which uses (predominantly) fixed lexical stress, and the second type one which permits variable lexical / (free) stress. In English lexical stress is free (variable). In languages with variable/(free) lexical stress, e.g. English, Ukrainian, etc., it may fall on the first syllable in some words, in others - on the second or third (etc.), i.e. it is free in the sense that the main stress is not tied to any particular location in the chain of syllables constituting a word as in languages with fixed lexical stress.

The word stress tendencies are as follows: 1) the recessive tendency; 2) the rhythmic tendency; 3) the retentive tendency and 4) the semantic factor [Vassilyev 1970: 271-279].

The first and the oldest of the English lexical stress tendencies (characteristic of all Germanic languages) known as the recessive tendency originally consisted in placing lexical stress on the initial syllable of nouns, adjectives and verbs derived from them and on the root syllable of words which belonged to other parts of speech and had a prefix. There are two subtypes of this tendency: 1) unrestricted: when stress falls on the initial syllable, provided it is not a prefix which has no referential meaning . A great majority of native English words of Germanic origin are stressed this way: father, mother, husband, wonder. 2) restricted: when stress falls on the root of the native English words with a prefix which has no referential meaning now: among, become, before, forget, etc.

Rhythmic tendency results in alternating stressed and unstressed syllables. Borrowed polysyllabic words developed a secondary stress on the syllable separated from the word-final primary stress by one unstressed syllable. These words began to be pronounced, in isolation, on the model of short phrases in which a stressed syllable alternates with an unstressed one: pronunciation prnnsen.

The retentive tendency consists in the retention of the primary stress of the parent word in the derivative: person - personal, or more commonly the retention of the secondary stress on the parent word: personal – personality.

There are certain categories of English words stressing of which is determined by the semantic factor, e.g. compound words and words with the so-called separable prefixes. The majority of such words have two equally strong stresses, both stressed parts are considered to be of equal semantic importance, with the semantic factor thus canceling the rhythmic tendency in word stressing , e.g. compound adjectives (hard-working, blue-eyed), verbs with post positions (sit down, take off), numerals from 13 to 19 (fourteen, sixteen).

Word stress in a language performs the following functions:

1) The constitutive function: it organizes the syllables of a word into a language unit having a definite accentual structure.

2) The identificatory function: correct lexical stress enables the listener to decode the information in verbal communication adequately, while misplaced word stresses prevent understanding.

3) The distinctive / contrastive function: word stress alone is capable of differentiating the meanings of words or their forms. But still there are about 135 pairs of words of identical orthography in English which could occur either as nouns (with stress on the penultimate syllable) or as verbs (with stress on the final syllable), with a very small number of cases the location of lexical stress alone being the differentiating factor: import (noun) - import (verb), insult (noun) - insult (verb) [Laver 1995:516].

The placement of WS in English depends on the following factors: 1) whether the word is morphologically simple, or whether it is complex containing one or more affixes (prefixes or suffixes) or a compound word; 2) the grammatical category to which the word belongs (noun, verb, adjective, etc.); 3) the number of syllables in a word; 4) the phonological structure of the syllables [Roach 1995:88]; 5) the historical origin of a word.

Теоретична граматика англійської мови

9. Grammar in the system of language. Analytical and synthetical forms. Lingual levels. Units of language.

- Language is a multifaceted, complex phenomenon which can be studied and described from various points of view: as a psychological or cognitive phenomenon, as a social phenomenon, from the point of view of its historic changes, etc. But first and foremost language is treated as a semiotic system (system of signs). A system is a structured set of elements united by a common function. Language is a system of specific interconnected and interdependent lingual signs united by their common function of forming, storing and exchanging ideas in the process of human intercourse.

- The study of grammar may be either practical (practical grammar), which describes grammar as a set of rules and regulations to follow, or theoretical (theoretical grammar), aiming at the explanation of how and why the grammatical system works.

- The foundations of systemic language description were formulated at the turn of the 20th century in the works of many linguists, among them the Russian linguists I. A. Baudoin de Courtenay, A. A. Potebnya and others. The originator of the systemic approach in linguistics is considered to be a Swiss scholar Ferdinand de Saussure. He was the first to divide the phenomenon of language in general into two sides: an ‘executive’ side (‘parole’), concerned with the production, transmission, and reception of speech, and an underlying language system (‘langue’). This is one of the basic postulates of modern systemic linguistics: language in general comprises two aspects: the system of special lingual units, language proper, and the use of the lingual units, speech proper. (In other words, 1) language in the narrow sense of the term is a system of means of expression, while speech is the manifestation of the system of language in the process of intercourse. 2) The system of language comprises the lingual units and the rules of their use, while speech includes the act of producing utterances and the result of it (the utterances themselves, or the text). 3) Speech is individual, personal while language is common for all individuals. 4) Language is abstract and speech is concrete. 5) Language is stable, less changeable while speech tends to changes. 6) Language is a closed system, its units are limited while speech tends to openness and infinity).

- Ferdinand de Saussure was also among the first scholars who defined lingual units as specific signs - bilateral (two-sided) units that have both form and meaning.

- The most wide - spread opinion is that there are five language (speech) units and respectively there are five language (speech) levels, they are: phonetic/phonological; morphological; lexicological, syntax - minor and syntax - major. The levels and their units are as follows:

1. phonological/phonetical level: phoneme/phone (the smallest meaningless unit of language is called phoneme) 2. morphological level: morpheme/morph (the smallest meaningful unit of language is called a morpheme) 3. lexicological level: lexeme/lex (“Lexeme” is a language unit of the lexicological level which has a nominative function) 4. Syntax - minor: sentence (The sentence can be defined as the immediate integral unit of speech built up by words according to a definite syntactic pattern and distinguished by a contextually relevant communicative purpose). 5. Syntax - major: text (the text is a speech sequence of lingual units interconnected semantically (topically) and syntactically (structurally); in other words, it is a coherent stretch of speech, characterized by semantic and syntactic unity).

- According to the morphological classification English is one of the flexional languages. But the flexional languages fall under synthetical and analytical ones. The synthetical-flexional languages are rich in grammatical inflections and the words in sentences are mostly connected with each-other by means of these inflections though functional words and other grammatical means also participate in this. But the grammatical inflections are of primary importance. The slavonic languages (Russian, Ukraine…) are of this type. The flectional-analytical languages like English and French in order to connect words to sentences make wide use of the order of words and functional words due to the limited number of grammatical flexions. The grammatical means - order of words – is of primary importance for this type of languages.

Synthetic languages are defined as ones of ‘internal’ grammar of the word – most of grammatical meanings and grammatical relations of words are expressed with the help of inflexions (Ukrainian - зроблю, Russian, Latin, etc). Analytical languages are those of ‘external’ grammar because most grammatical meanings and grammatical forms are expressed with the help of words (will do). However, we cannot speak of languages as purely synthetic or analytic – the English language (Modern English) possesses analytical forms as prevailing, while in the Ukrainian language synthetic devices are dominant. In the process of time English has become more analytical as compared to Old English. Analytical changes in Modern English (especially American) are still under way.

10. Parts of speech (definition of the part of speech, classification of parts of speech, рrinciples of their classification, notional and functional parts of speech).

- The term “parts of speech” is accepted by modern linguistics as a conventional, or “non-explanatory” term (“name-term”) to denote the lexico-grammatical classes of words correlating with each other in the general system of language on the basis of their grammatically relevant properties.

There are three types of grammatically relevant properties of words that differentiate parts of speech: semantic, formal and functional properties. They traditionally make the criteria for the classification of parts of speech.

- The semantic criterion refers to the generalized semantic properties common to the whole class of words, e.g.: the generalized (or, categorial) meaning of nouns is “thingness”, of verbs “process”, of adjectives “substantive property”, of adverbs “non-substantive property”.

- The formal criterion embraces the formal features (word-building and word-changing) that are characteristic for a particular part of speech, e.g.: the noun is characterized by a specific set of word-building affixes, cf.: property, bitterness, worker, etc., and is changed according to the categories of number, case and article determination: boy-boys, boy – boy’s, boy – the boy – a boy, etc. Combinability is also a relevant formal feature for each particular part of speech; for example, verbs can be modified by adverbs, while nouns cannot (except in specific contexts).

- The functional criterion is based on the functions that the words of a particular class fulfill in the sentence, e.g.: the most characteristic functions of the noun are those of a subject and an object; the only function of the finite form of the verb is that of a predicate; the adjective functions in most contexts as an attribute; the adverb as an adverbial modifier.

- Traditionally, all parts of speech are subdivided on the upper level of classification into notional words and functional words. Notional words, which traditionally include nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, pronouns and numerals, have complete nominative meanings, are in most cases changeable and fulfill self-dependent syntactic functions in the sentence. The noun, for example, as a part of speech, is traditionally characterized by 1) the categorial meaning of substance (“thingness”), 2) a specific set of word-building affixes, the grammatical categories of number, case and article determination, prepositional connections and modification by an adjective, and 3) the substantive functions of subject, object or predicative in the sentence. In the same way, all the other notional parts of speech are described. Functional words, which include conjunctions, prepositions, articles, interjections, particles, and modal words, have incomplete nominative value, are unchangeable and fulfill mediatory, constructional syntactic functions.

The employment of the three criteria combined, in present-day mainstream linguistics, was developed mainly by V. V. Vinogradov, L. V. Scherba, A. I. Smirnitsky, B. A. Ilyish and others.

11. Noun (general characteristics (categorical meaning, formal markers, syntactic functions), the categories of number, case, gender).

- The categorial meaning of the noun is “substance” or “thingness”. Nouns directly name various phenomena of reality and have the strongest nominative force among notional parts of speech: practically every phenomenon can be presented by a noun as an independent referent, or, can be substantivized. Nouns denote things and objects proper (tree), abstract notions (love), various qualities (bitterness), and even actions (movement). All these words function in speech in the same way as nouns denoting things proper.

- Formally, the noun is characterized by a specific set of word-building affixes and word-building models, which mark a noun: suffixes of the doer (worker, naturalist, etc.), suffixes of abstract notions (laziness, rotation, security, elegance, etc.), special conversion patterns (to find – a find), etc. As for word-changing categories, the noun is changed according to the categories of number (boy-boys), case (boy-boy’s), and article determination (boy, a boy, the boy). Formally the noun is also characterized by specific combinability with verbs, adjectives and other nouns. The noun is the only part of speech which can be prepositionally combined with other words, e.g.: the book of the teacher, to go out of the room, away from home, typical of the noun, etc.

- The most characteristic functions of the noun in a sentence are the function of a subject and an object, since they commonly denote persons and things as components of the situation, e.g.: The teacher took the book. Besides, the noun can function as a predicative (part of a compound predicate), e.g.: He is a teacher; and as an adverbial modifier, e.g.: It happened last summer. The noun in English can also function as an attribute in the following cases: when it is used in the genitive case (the teacher’s book), when it is used with a preposition (the book of the teacher), or in contact groups of two nouns the first of which qualifies the second (cannon ball, space exploration, sea breeze, the Bush administration, etc.).

- The category of gender in English is a highly controversial subject in grammar. The fact is, the category of gender in English differs from the category of gender in many other languages, for example, in Russian, in French or in German. The category of gender linguistically may be either meaningful (or, natural), rendering the actual sex-based features of the referents, or formal (arbitrary). In Russian and some other languages the category of gender is meaningful only for human (person) nouns, but for the non-human (non-person) nouns it is formal; i.e., it does not correspond with the actual biological sex, cf.: рука is feminine, палец is masculine, тело is neuter, though all of them denote parts of the human body.

-In English gender is a meaningful category for the whole class of the nouns, because it reflects the real gender attributes (or their absence/ irrelevance) of the referent denoted. It is realized through obligatory correspondence of every noun with the 3rd person singular pronouns - he, she, or it: man – he, woman – she, tree, dog – it. Personal pronouns are grammatical gender classifiers in English. The category of gender is formed by two oppositions organized hierarchically. The first opposition is general and opposes human, or person nouns, distinguishing masculine and feminine gender (man – he, woman – she) and all the other, non-human, non-person nouns, belonging to the neuter gender (tree, dog – it). The second opposition is formed by the human nouns only: on the lower level of the opposition the nouns of masculine gender and of feminine gender are opposed.

- The category of number presents a classic example of a binary privative grammatical opposition. The category of number is expressed by the paradigmatic opposition of two forms: the singular and the plural. The strong member in this opposition, the plural, is marked by special formal marks, the main of which is the productive suffix –(e)s which exists in three allomorphs - [s], [z], [iz], e.g.: cats, boys, roses. The singular is regularly unmarked (weak member).

- The category of case in English constitutes a great linguistic problem. Linguists argue, first, whether the category of case really exists in modern English, and, second, if it does exist, how many case forms of the noun can be distinguished. The main disagreements concern the grammatical status of “noun + an apostrophe + –s” form (Ted’s book). There are four approaches which can be distinguished in the analysis of this problem (the theory of positional cases, the theory of prepositional cases, the theory of limited case, the theory of the possessive postposition”or “the theory of no case”). The theory of limited case” is the most widely accepted theory of case in English today. It was formulated by linguists H. Sweet, O. Jespersen and further developed by Russian linguists A. Smirnitsky, L. Barchudarov and others. It is based on the oppositional presentation of the category; the category of case is expressed by the opposition of two forms: the first form, “the genitive case”, is the strong, featured member of the opposition, marked by the postpositional element ‘–s’ e.g.: the girl’s books, the girls’ books; the second, unfeatured form is the weak member of the opposition and is usually referred to as “the common case” (“non-genitive”). The category of case is realized in full in animate nouns and restrictedly in inanimate nouns in English, hence the name – “the theory of limited case”.

12. Verb: (general characteristics (categorical meaning, formal markers, syntactic functions), the categories of tense, aspect, voice, mood.

- The verb as a notional part of speech has the categorial meaning of dynamic process, or process developing in time.

- Formally, the verb is characterized by a set of specific word-building affixes, e.g.: to activate, to widen, to classify, to synchronize, to overestimate, to reread, etc.; there are some other means of building verbs, among them sound-replacive and stress-shifting models, e.g.: blood – to bleed, import – to import. The processual semantics of the verb determines its combinability with nouns, and with adverbs. In certain contexts, some verbs can be combined with adjectives (in compound nominal predicates).The verb is usually characterized as the most complex part of speech, because it has more word-changing categories than any other notional part of speech. It is changed according to the categories of person and number, tense, aspect, voice and mood. Besides, each verb has a specific set of non-finite forms (the infinitive, the gerund, participle), otherwise called “verbals”, or “verbids”, opposed to the finite forms of the verb; their opposition is treated as “the category of “finitude”.

- The verbal category of tense in the most general sense expresses the time characteristics of the process denoted by the verb. The tense category in English differs a lot from the verbal categories of tense in other languages, for example, in Ukrainian. The tense category in Ukrainian renders absolutive time semantics; the three Ukrainian verbal tense forms present the events as developing in time in a linear way from the past to the future, cf.: Він працював учора; Він працює сьогодні; Він працюватиме завтра. In English there are four verbal tense forms: the present (work), the past (worked), the future (shall/will work), and the future-in-the-past (should/would work). The two future tense forms of the verb express the future in two separate ways: as an after-event in relation to the present, e.g.: He will work tomorrow (not right now), and as an after-event in relation to the past, e.g.: He said he would work the next day.

- there is not just one verbal category of tense in English but two interconnected tense categories, one of them rendering absolutive time semantics by way of retrospect (past vs. present) and the other rendering relative time semantics by way of prospect (after-action vs. non-after-action). The first verbal tense category, which can be called “primary time”, “absolutive time”, or “retrospective time”, is expressed by the opposition of the past and the present forms. The suffix “-ed” of the regular verbs is the formal feature which marks the past as the strong member of the opposition. The present, like any other weak member of an opposition, has a much wider range of meanings than its strong counterpart. The second verbal tense category, which may be called “prospective”, or “relative”, is formed by the opposition of the future and the non-future separately in relation to the present or to the past. The strong member of the opposition is the future, marked by the auxiliary verbs shall/will (the future in relation to the present) or should/would (the future in relation to the past).

- The general meaning of the category of aspect is the inherent mode of realization of the process. Aspect can be expressed both by lexical and grammatical means. This is one more grammatical domain in which English differs from Ukrainian: in Ukrainian, aspect is rendered by lexical means only, through the subdivision of verbs into perfective and imperfective, робити - зробити. In Ukrainian the aspective classification of verbs is constant and very strict. In English, the aspective meaning is manifested in the lexical subdivision of verbs into limitive and unlimitive, e.g.: to go – to come, to sit – sit down, etc. One of the most controversial points in considering the category of aspect is exactly the same logical contradiction that we had to deal with when studying the category of time: the category cannot be expressed twice in one and the same grammatical form, and the members of one paradigm should be mutually exclusive, but there is a double aspective verbal form known as the perfect continuous form. This contradiction can be solved in exactly the same way as with the tense category: the category of aspect, like the category of tense, is not a unique grammatical category in English, but a system of two categories. The first category is realized through the paradigmatic opposition of the continuous (progressive) forms and the non-continuous (indefinite/simple) forms of the verb. This category can be called the category of development. The strong, marked member of the opposition, the continuous, is formed by means of the auxiliary verb to be and participle I of the notional verb, e.g.: I am working. The weak, unfeatured member of the opposition, the indefinite, stresses the fact of the performance of the action. The second aspective category is formed by the opposition of the perfect and the non-perfect forms of the verb; this category can be called the category of retrospective coordination. The strong member of the opposition, the perfect, is formed with the help of the auxiliary verb to have and participle II of the notional verb: I have done this work.

- The verbal category of voice shows the direction of the process which regards the participants of the situation reflected in the syntactic structure of the sentence. Voice is a very specific verbal category: it does not reflect the actual properties of the process denoted, but the speaker’s estimation of it.

The category of voice is expressed by the opposition of the passive and active forms of the verb; the active form of the verb is the unmarked, weak member of the opposition, and the passive is the strong member marked by the combination of the auxiliary verb to be (or the verbs to get, to become in colloquial speech) and participle II of the notional verb. It denotes the action received or a state experienced by the referent of the subject of the syntactic construction; in other words, the syntactic subject of the sentence denotes the patient, the receiver of the action in the situation described, while the syntactic object, if any, denotes the doer, or the agent of the action,

- The category of mood expresses the character of connections between the process denoted by the verb and actual reality, in other words, it shows whether the action is real or unreal. This category is realized through the opposition of the direct (indicative) mood forms of the verb and the oblique mood forms: the indicative mood shows that the process is real, i.e. that it took place in the past, takes place in the present, or will take place in the future, e.g.: She helped me; She helps me; She will help me; the oblique mood shows that the process is unreal, imaginary (hypothetical, possible or impossible, desired, etc.), e.g.: If only she helped me! In this respect the category of mood resembles the category of voice: it shows the speaker’s subjective interpretation of the event as either actual or imaginary.

The list of the oblique mood types presents a great problem due to its meaningful comlexity in contrast to the lack of English word inflexion: the oblique mood has no morphological forms of its own; most of its forms are homonymous with the forms of the indicative.

13. Phrase. General characterisrics. Types of phrases.

- The phrase is the syntactic unit used as a notional part of a sentence. As a level-forming unit, it is characterized by some common and some differential features with the unit of the lower level, the word, and the unit of the upper level, the sentence. Like the word, the phrase is a nominative unit, but it provides a complex nomination of the referent, a polynomination consisting of several (at least two) nominative components, presenting the referent as a complicated phenomenon: a girl – a beautiful girl; a decision – his unexpected decision. Moreover, the regular free phrase does not enter speech as a ready-made unit like the word; it is freely formed in speech, like the sentence according to a certain grammatical pattern. The basic difference between the phrase and the sentence is as follows: the phrase cannot express full predication, even if it denotes a situation. The phrase enters speech only as a constituent of a sentence, as “a denoteme”, to be more exact, as “a polydenoteme” as contrasted with the word, which enters a sentence as “a monodenoteme”. The definition of the phrase is rather a controversial issue. In Russian linguistics, the narrow approach, which was put forward by V. V. Vinogradov, traditionally prevails: only a combination of two notional words, one of which dominates the other, is considered to be a word-combination. A much broader approach was proposed by L.Bloomfield and it is shared by many modern linguists. One of the leading specialists in this field, V. V. Burlakova, defines a word-combination as any syntactically organized group of syntagmatically connected words.

- Notional phrases are semantically independent combinations of notional words, as the basic type of phrases. Besides notional phrases (phrases proper), two other structural types: formative and functional phrases. The formative phrase is a combination of a notional word with a functional word in a moment, without doubt. Functional phrases are combinations of functional words similar to regular functional words, e.g.: apart from, as soon as, must be able, etc.

Notional phrases are subdivided into different types, which reveal various grammatical and semantic properties of the phrase in general.

On the basis of constituent rank, notional phrases are subdivided into equ`ipotent (paratactic) and dominational (hypotactic).

The constituents of equipotent phrases are of equal syntactic rank; none of them modifies another: poor but honest;his, not Mary’s. As these examples show, the syntactic connections in equipotent phrases can be realized with the help of a coordinative conjunction or without any connecting element. In the above examples, the phrase constituents form logically consecutive connections, which are defined as “coordinative”. Besides coordinative phrases, there are phrases in which the sequential element, although connected by a coordinative conjunction, is unequal to it in the character of nomination, e.g.: came, but late; agreed, or nearly so. Such formally equipotent phrases of a non-consecutive type are defined as “cumulative”. Cumulative connection in writing is usually signaled by some punctuation mark (comma/hyphen).

In dominational phrases, one word modifies another. The principal constituent, which dominates the other constituent syntactically, is called the kernel, the key-word, or the head word. The subordinate (dominated) constituent, which modifies the kernel, is called the adjunct. Dominational connection, like equipotent connection, can be both consecutive and cumulative: definitely off the point (consecutive domination) – off the point, definitely (cumulative domination). Logically consecutive dominational connections are defined as “subordinative”. Dominational connection is achieved by - different forms of the word (categorial agreement, government), - connective words (prepositions, i.e. prepositional government), or - word order (adjoining, enclosure). Agreement takes place when the subordinate word assumes a form similar to the form of the kernel: these boys; the child plays. Government takes place when a certain form of adjunct is required by its head-word, but it does not coincide with the form of the head word: to see him. Adjoining involves no special formal mark of dependence between constituents; words are combined by contact: to go home. Enclosure takes place in phrases in which the subordinate word is placed between two parts of an analytical head-word form: to thoroughly think over, the then governmen,.

14. Sentence. General characteristics, classification of sentences. Parts of sentence.

- The sentence is the central object of study in syntax. It can be defined as the immediate integral unit of speech built up by words according to a definite syntactic pattern and distinguished by a contextually relevant communicative purpose. The correlation of the word and the sentence shows some important differences and similarities between these two main level-forming lingual units. Both of them are nominative units, but the word just names objects and phenomena of reality. It is a purely nominative component of the word-stock, while the sentence is at the same time a nominative and predicative lingual unit: it names dynamic situations, and at the same time reflects the connection between the nominal denotation of the event and objective reality, showing the time of the event. A sentence can consist of only one word, as any lingual unit of the upper level can consist of only one unit of the lower level: Why? Thanks. But a word, making up a sentence, is turned into an utterance-unit expressing various connections between the situation described and actual reality. Another difference between the word and the sentence is as follows: the word exists in the system of language as a ready-made unit, which is reproduced in speech; the sentence is produced in speech, except for a limited number of idiomatic utterances. Being a unit of speech, the sentence is distinguished by a relevant intonation: each sentence possesses certain intonation contours, including pauses, pitch movements and stresses, which separate one sentence from another in the flow of speech

- The center of predication in the sentence is the finite form of the verb, the predicate: it is through the finite verb’s categorial forms of tense, mood, and voice that the main predicative meanings are expressed.

- The primary classification of sentences is based on the communicative principle, traditionally defined as “the purpose of communication”. According to the purpose of communication, sentences are subdivided into declarative, interrogative and imperative. Declarative sentences are traditionally defined as those expressing statements, either affirmative or negative: He (didn’t) shut the window. Imperative sentences express inducements of various kinds (orders or requests); they may also be either affirmative or negative: (Don’t) Shut the window, please. Interrogative sentences express questions, or requests for information: Did he shut the window?

- On the basis of various communicative intentions of the speaker, J. R. Searle and J.Austin produced a detailed classification of so-called pragmatic utterance types. The two basic utterance types are defined as performatives and constatives (representatives): performatives are treated as utterances by which the speaker explicitly performs a certain act: I pronounce you husband and wife; and constatives (representatives) as utterances by which the speaker states something, e.g.: I am a teacher.

- Traditionally, the simple sentence has been studied primarily from the point of view of its grammatical, or nominative division. The content of the situation reflected by the sentence, which includes 1) a certain process as its dynamic center, 2) the agent of the process, 3) the objects of the process, 4) various conditions of the process form the basis for traditional syntactic division of the sentence into its nominative parts, or members of the sentence.

The syntactic functions or the members of the sentence are traditionally divided into principal (main) and secondary. The principal parts of the sentence are the subject and the predicate, which modify each other: the subject is the “person” modifier of the predicate, and the predicate is the “process” modifier of the subject. They are interdependent. The secondary parts are: the object – a substance modifier of the predicate; the attribute – a quality modifier of substantive parts, either the subject or the object; the adverbial modifier – a quality modifier of the predicate; the apposition – a substance modifier of the subject; the parenthesis (parenthetical enclosure) - a detached speaker-bound modifier either of one of the nominative parts of the sentence or of the sentence in general; the address (addressing enclosure) – a modifier of the destination of the whole sentence; the interjection (interjectional enclosure) – an emotional modifier.

Лексикологія англійської мови

15. English Etymology (native words, borrowed words).

- The etymology is the study of lexical history. It investigates the origins of individual lexemes, the relations they have had to each other, and how they have changed in meaning and in form to reach their present state.

- Native vocabulary. Many lexemes have always been there – in the sense that they arrived with the Germanic invaders, and have never fallen out of use. They stand for fundamental things dealing with everyday objects and things, e.g. domestic life: house,door, floor; calendar: sun, day, month; adjectives: black, wide, long; verbs: fly, drink, be. prepositions: above, about..

- The fact that most of these words are short and concrete has often been noted as a major stylistic feature of the Anglo-Saxon lexicon. Native words belong to the original English word-stock and are known from the earliest Old English manuscripts. It is customary to subdivide native words into those of the Indo-European stock (having cognates in the vocabularies of all or almost all Indo-European languages) and those of the common Germanic origin (having cognates only in Germanic languages, but not in Romance, Slavonic or other languages). Words having cognates in the vocabularies of different Indo-European languages form the oldest layer, denoting elementary concepts without which no human communication would be possible. That they fall into definite semantic groups (Antrushina 2000:54): e.g. terms of kinship: mother, son; landscape: summer, sun, wind, wood; animals: cat, goose; parts of body: hand, foot, bone; verbs: sit (sitzen), know, come, know; most numerals also belong here: 1-8,10, hundred.

- A much bigger part of this native vocabulary layer is formed by words of the common Germanic stock, i.e. of words having parallels in German, Norwegian, Dutch, but none in Russian or French. It contains a greater number of semantic groups, e.g.: nouns of general character: bridge, chicken, god, cheek, ice. verbs: burn, send, hear; adjectives: sick, grey, free. adverbs and pronouns: all, each, self. prepositions: after, by, up.

- The English proper element is opposed to the above-mentioned groups: the words are specifically English having no cognates in other languages standing alone in the vocabulary system of Indo-European Languages: bird, boy, girl, lord, lady, woman, daisy, always.

- Foreign borrowings. Whenever two languages come into contact, one or both may be modified. The feature which is imitated is called the model; the language in which the model occurs, or the speaker of that language, is called the donor; the language which acquires smth new in the process is the borrowing language. So, when one language takes lexemes from another, the new items are usually called loan words or borrowings. The number and character of borrowings do not only depend on the historical conditions, on the nature and length of the contacts, but also on the degree of the genetic and structural proximity of languages concerned. The closer the languages the deeper is the influence. Borrowings enter the language in 2 ways: through oral speech (by immediate contact between the people) and through written speech (by direct contact through books).To distinguish types of borrowings existing in the Modern English it is necessary to consider changes borrowings have undergone in the English language and how they have adapted themselves to its peculiarities. So, the adaptation of loan words (or assimilation) must be considered as a way of their interaction with the system of the language as a whole. The term “assimilation” of a loan word in used in Modern English Lexicology (Prof. J.V.Arnold, R.S.Ginsburg) to denote a partial or total conformation to the phonetical, graphical and morphological standards of the receiving language and its semantic system. The degree of assimilation depends upon the length of period during which the word has been used in the receiving language, upon its importance for communication purpose and its frequency.

Prof. D.I.Kveselevich suggests the following three groups of borrowings according to the degree of assimilation:

1. completely assimilated borrowings (denizens) that follow English phonetical, grammatical and graphic standards and do not seem foreign in origin, e.g. call, face, husband, street, table, take, etc.

2. partially (or partly) assimilated borrowings (aliens) which fall into four subgroups:

a) not assimilated semantically because they denote objects and notions peculiar to the country from which they come (i.e. units of specific national lexicon), e.g. sombrero, shah, sheikh, toreador, hrivna;

b) not assimilated grammatically, e.g. nouns of Latin of Greek origin which retain their original plural forms: crisis – crises, phenomenon – phenomena;

c) not assimilated phonetically, e.g. accent on the final syllable (machine, police), sounds that are not standard for the English language (// – regime, bourgeois), variation in pronunciation (boulevard, restaurant);

d) not assimilated graphically, e.g. final consonant is not pronounced (ballet, buffet), diacritic mark is kept (cliché), French digraphs are retained in spelling (bouquet, naive).

3) unassimilated borrowed words and phrases (barbarisms) which preserve their original spelling and other characteristics, always corresponding English equivalents and, therefore, are not indispensable in English, e.g. ciao, persona grata, affiche, eureka, etc.

- The Celtic Element in the English Vocabulary. Especially numerous among the Celtic borrowings were place names, names of rivers, hills. For instance, the names of the rivers Thames, Avon, originate from Celtic words meaning “river” and “water”. Town names include Dover “water”, Eccles “church”, London (a tribal name), Kent (meaning unknown). Some Celtic words survived in English in some geographical names: aber -- Aberdeen, dun - Dundee, Dunstable, Dunbar, Dunbarton; inch- Inchcape, Inchcolon; inver-Inverary, Inverness.Some English personal names have Celtic origin: Arthur, Donald, Evan etc. A few Celtic words which have acquired international currency: budget, career, clan, flannel, mackintosh, plaid, tunnel.

- The Classical Element in the English Vocabulary.

Latin loans in Middle English : Administration and law: client, conspiracy, legal, summary; Science and learning: comet, equator, history, simile; Religion: limbo, memento; General: combine, depression, nervous.

The simultaneous borrowing of French and Latin words led to a highly distinctive feature of Modern English vocabulary – sets of three items all expressing the same fundamental notion differing slightly in meaning or style, e.g. kingly /royal/ regal and rise /mount/ ascend where the Old English word is usually the more popular one, with the French more literary, and the Latin word more learned.

Greek words that came into English through the medium of Latin include: allegory, anaesthesia, chaos, dilemma. Modern scientific and technical terms of Greek origin are nearly all of international currency. Greek coming via French include: centre, character, chronicle, machine. The following came directly from Greek, though some are combinations unknown in classical times: pathos, telegram, xylophone. Also there were borrowings from French, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese.

Renaissance loan words in English from Latin and Greek: anonymous, appropriate, catastrophe, impersonal, monosyllable, parasite, pneumonia, tonic, transcribe, utopian, vacuum, virus.

Completely assimilated Latin borrowings in English: animal, box, butter, cap, cheese, cook, cross, cup;

Greek borrowings: analysis, botany, comedy, chorus, democracy, dialogue, epilogue, episode, metaphor;

- The Scandinavian Element in the English vocabulary. The linguistic result the Viking raids on Britain which began in AD 787 and continued at intervals for some 200 years was threefold:

1) a large number of settlements with Danish names appeared in England. There are over 1500 such place names in England, especially in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire. Over 600 end in -by, the Scandinavian word for “farm” or “town” – Grimsby, Rugby etc. Many end in – thorp (“village”), as in Althorp, Astonthorpe; -thwaite (“clearing”-порубка), as in Applethwaite, Storthwaite; -toft (“homestead”-участок земли), as in Lowestoft, Eastoft;

2) there was a marked increase in personal names of Scandinavian origin. The Scandinavian influence in the north ant east of the country was evident, where over 60 percent of personal names in early Middle English records show Danish influence. Scandinavian personal names ending in -son, such as Davidson, Jackson, Henderson, expressed kinship, the relation to a parent or ancestor.

3) many general words entered the language, nearly 1,000 eventually becoming part of Standard English. Only 150 of these words appeared in Old English manuscripts including landing, score, take, fellow.

In grammar Scandinavian influence is also seen: they, them, their, both, same, till.

Completely assimilated Scandinavian borrowings: egg, husband, fellow, window, ugly, to scrub, to take.

- The French Element in the English Vocabulary. The main influence on English was, of course, French – strictly, Norman French, the language introduced to Britain by the invader. Following William the Conqueror, French was rapidly established in the corridors of power. Within 20 years of the invasion, almost all the religious houses were under French-speaking superiors. The linguistic consequences of these contacts was the borrowing of some French words into Old English, e.g. sennan, 'serve', prisun, 'prison', castel, 'casde'.

French loans in Middle English: administration: baron, constable, government, liberty, majesty, prince, treaty, vassal; law: accuse, advocate, blame, verdict, warrant; religion: abbey, baptism, temptation, virgin; military: army, battle, spy; food and drink: appetite, lettuce, salad, sardine, saucer; fashion: boots, button, collar, wardrobe; leisure and the arts: art, paper, pen, poet, prose, romance, sculpture; science and learning: poison, pulse, surgeon; the home: basin, closet, curtain, lamp, tower; general nouns: action, mountain, ocean, people, person, power; general adjectives: active, honest, horrible, special, usual; general verbs: form, grant, inform, remember, reply, satisfy, suppose; turns of phrase: by heart, have mercy on, on the point of.

Completely assimilated French borrowings in English: aunt, beauty, beast,chance, fruit, garden, honour, language, manner, pair, part, place, story, trouble, general, to agree, to decide, to enjoy, to repeat, to wait.

The most popular borrowings: Italian: sonata, piano, casino, spaghetti, Dutch: deck, yacht, landscape, luck, boss; Spanish: armada, banana, barbecue, chilli, chocolate, cigar, potato, siesta, tobacco, vanilla; Portuguese: cobra, Madeira, verandah; Russian: early borrowings 16c – shuba, tsar, kvass, Cossack, sable, 17c – steppe, troika, 18 c – kibitka, suslik, beluga, 19 c – samovar, vodka, taiga, after 1917 Sovietisms: soviet, komsomol, kolkhoz; German: nickel, Fahrenheit, kindergarten, rucksack, waltz; Indian: bandana, bungalow, jungle, nirvana, sugar, orange; Chinese: tea, silk; Japanese: hara-kiri, riksha, kimono, samurai; Australian: boomerang, kangaroo, kaola; African: baobab, chimpanzee, zebra; Polinisian: tattoo, taboo; North American Indians: moccasin, opossum, tomahawk, wigwam; Persian and Turkish: lemon, shah.

16. General characteristics of English Vocabulary (borrowed words, etymological doublets, hybrids; international words; neologisms; shortening; lexical and graphic abbreviations; acronyms).

- Linguostylistics discerns the following lexico-stylistic layers of the English vocabulary: 1. Stylistically neutral words; 2. Literary-bookish words; 3. Colloquial words.

- Stylistically neutral layer, which is the living core of the vocabulary, consists of words mostly of native origin though it also comprises fully assimilated borrowings. Such words are devoid of any emotive colouring and are used in their denotative meaning, e.g. table, street, move, easy, never, etc. In groups of synonyms neutral words fulfil the function of the synonymic dominant. The words belonging to the common core of the language: Pronouns: she, it, you, my, , this, these, somebody, nothing, which, why; Prepositions and articles: a, the, in, at, for, if; Nouns: man, boy, bird, Terms of kinship: mother, sister, daughter; Parts of the body: arm, leg, neck, eyes; Nature: moon, sky, field, river, sea etc; Household items: house, bed, plate; Food: meat, fish, bread; Verbs: to be, can, must, , to see, to hear, to eat, , to make, to do, to put; Adjectives: good, bad, strong, big, short, low, white, yellow;

- Literary-bookish words belong to the formal style. The so-termed learned words are used in descriptive passages of fiction, scientific texts, radio and television announcements, official talks and documents, business correspondence, etc. As a rule, these words are mostly of foreign origin and have polymorphemic structure, e.g. cordial, paternal, comprise, exclude, miscellaneous, thereby, herewith.

Terms are words or nominal groups which convey specialized concepts used in science, technology, art, etc., e.g. phoneme, radar, knee-joint, periodic table, still life, choreography, etc. As a rule terms are devoid of any emotional colouring and are not used in transferred meaning.

Barbarisms are words or expressions borrowed without (or almost without) any change in form and not accepted by native speakers as current in the language, e.g. ad libitum, entre nous, table d'hote, coup d'Etat,.

Poetic words with elevated, "lofty" colouring are traditionally used only in poetry. Most of them are archaic and have stylistically neutral synonyms, e.g. lone ("lonely"), woe ("sorrow"), array ("clothes"), behold ("see"), oft ("often"), ere ("before"), etc.

Archaisms are obsolete names for existing things, actions, phenomena, etc. All of them can be replaced by neutral synonyms, e.g. deem ("think"), glee ("joy"), nigh ("near"). Among archaisms the so-called Grammatical archaisms are singled out which represent obsolete grammatical forms: thee, thy; he goeth, thou knowest, etc. Among archaic words one should distinguish historical words that denote no-longer existing objects, e.g. mail, archer, fletcher, galleon, arbalernt, etc. Historical words have no neutral synonyms in Modern English.

- Colloquial words are characteristic of the informal style of spoken English. Informal style is relaxed, free-and-easy, familiar and unpretentious. The choice of words is determined in each particular case not only by an informal situation, but also by the speaker’s educational and cultural background, age group. One should distinguish between literary (standard) colloquial words as units of Standard English and non-literary colloquialisms that belong to sub-standard English vocabulary. Literary colloquial words are used in everyday conversations both by cultivated and uneducated people and are also met in written literary texts. As for their etymology and syllabic structure, literary colloquial words are closer to neutral words than to literary-bookish units, but, as a rule, have stronger emotional colouring. They are formed on standard word-formative patterns, some of them being particularly frequent: old chap, I’ve got, granny, disco, baby-sit, chopper, make-up.

The informal style of spoken English is also characterized by extensive use of occasional words, qualifiers, responsives, pragmatic phraseological units, evaluative attributes and predicatives, e.g. Oscarish, awfully glad, dead right, there you are, what next?, smart kid.

- Non-literary (sub-standard) colloquial words include slang, jargonisms, professionalisms and vulgarisms. Slang comprises highly informal words not accepted for dignified use. Such words are expressive sub-standard substitutes for current words of standard vocabulary. As a rule, their meanings are based on metaphor and have a jocular or ironic colouring, e.g. bob, attic ("head"), beans ("money"), governor ("father"), to leg /it/ ("to walk"). Slang words are easily understood by all native speakers, because they are not specific for any social or professional group (cf. with Ukrainian просторіччя, e.g. баньки /"очі"/, макітра /"голова"/, поцупити / "вкрасти"/ etc.). Informal words peculiar for a certain social or professional group should be considered as jargonisms. Such words are usually motivated and, like slang words, have metaphoric character, e.g. walkie-talkie (воен.), to cut a lesson (школ.); astronauts' jargon/; Mae West ("pneumatic vest") /military jargon/; grass, tea, weed ("narcotic") /drug addicts' jargon/, etc. Among social jargons cant or argot (thieves' jargon) stands somewhat apart. Cant (argot) words are non-motivated and have special "agreed-upon", secretive meanings, e.g. book ("life sentence"), splosh ("money"), to rap ("to kill"), altar room (toilet)etc. Professionalisms are sub-standard colloquial words used by people of a definite trade or profession. Such words are informal substitutes for corresponding terms, e.g. identikit ("photorobot"), Hi-Fi ("high fidelity"), smash-up ("accident"), ack-ack gun ("anti-aircraft gun"), and the like. Vulgarisms include: a/ expletives and swear words of abusive character, like damn, goddam, bloody, etc.; b/ obscene (or taboo) words which are highly indecent mug, boozer, to shoop.

- It is interesting to point out also that phraseological units, like words, belong to stylistically neutral, literary-bookish and colloquial layers. In most cases, phraseological collocations (standardized phrases) are stylistically neutral: to make friends, to make haste; to go to bed, all of a sudden. Among literary-bookish phraseological units one can find barbarisms: ad verbum (Lat.), a la lettre (Fr.), a propos (Fr.), etc.); archaic and poetic units (a heart of oak, the apple of discord, to fall from grace, etc.). A great number of phraseological units are literary colloquial e.g. bag and baggage, like water off duck's back, to be at sixes and sevens, to be on the carpet, etc.

Non-literary (sub-standard) colloquial phraseological units are subdivided into:

a) slang units, e.g. to have a crush on smb., to get (to go) bananas, to buy the farm, what’s cooking (I wonder what is going to happen), The million dollar question (The question that everybody would like to know the answer to), a hen party (a party to which only women or girls are invited),etc. b) jargonisms, e.g. to put to bed (jur-); to lay an egg (a bomb) (theatr.); to sell one's back (sport); rough stuff (sport.); to go into the drunk, sleeping partner (a person who invested capital in business, but plays no part in managing it), a glass jaw (a weakness which renders a person extremely vulnerable to attack – used in boxing),etc. c) professionalisms, e.g. to hit the ground (av.); to ride the beam (av.); to fall into a caldron (mil.); to ride a desk (mil.); to hit the headlines (jour.), to send smb down (to send smb to prison), d) vulgarisms, e.g. to hand smb. crap to have a boob, a baby snatcher (a woman who has a boy-friend much younger than herself), use your loaf (use your brain, think), sugar daddy (an old rich man who gives money for young women for sex).

- Taboo language. When a lexeme is highly charged with connotation we commonly refer to it as “loaded”. The language of politics and religion is full of such loaded expressions: capitalist, radical, federalism, democracy, politician, priest, dogma, sect, etc. The language of science and law, on the other hand, attempts to avoid vocabulary which is highly connotative. In general, the more a domain or topic is controversial, the more it will contain loaded vocabulary. A few dozen lexemes comprise the special category of taboo language – items which people avoid using in polite society, either because they believe them harmful or feel them embarrassing or offensive. The Concise Oxford Dictionary (1996) defines taboo (borrowed into English from the Tongan language) as:' 1. a system or the act of setting a person or thing apart as sacred, prohibited, or accursed; 2. a prohibition or restric­tion imposed on certain behaviour, word usage, etc., by social custom.' Taboo subjects or words may often be of a religious or cultural nature, the name of God, for example; or men may be prohibited from mentioning certain things associated with women. In lexicology, the label 'taboo' is usually applied to words that would be extremely offensive if spoken in most contexts. Indeed, many dictionaries no longer use the label 'taboo' for these kinds of word: Collins Electronic Dictionary (1992) still does, but the Longman Dictionary of the English Language (LDEL) (1991) uses 'vulgar', and the Concise Oxford Dictionary (1996) uses 'coarse slang'. This is perhaps a recognition that such words, which would at one time have been almost unmentionable and even excluded from diction­aries, can now be found to a large extent in popular fiction and even in daily newspapers. Taboo words in English are largely concerned with non-technical words for parts of the human anatomy associated with sex and excretion and for the act of sexual intercourse — some eighteen such terms labelled 'coarse slang' in The Concise Oxford Dictionary (1996).

There are various ways of avoiding a taboo item. One is to replace it by a more technical term, as commonly happens in medicine. Another, common in older writing, is to part-spell the item (bl – ). The everyday method is to employ an expression which refers to a taboo topic in an indirect way – a euphemism. English has thousands of euphemistic expressions, of which these are a tiny example: under the weather (ill), not all there (mentally subnormal), be economical with the truth (to lie).

Jargon is itself a loaded word. One dictionary defines it neutrally as “the technical vocabulary or idiom of a special activity or group”, but this sense is almost completely overshadowed by another: “obscure and often pretentious language marked by a roundabout way of expression and use of long words”.

For most people, it is this second sense which is at the front of their minds when they think about jargon. Jargon is said to be a bad language, something to be avoided at all costs. No one ever describes it in positive terms. Nor does one usually admit to using it oneself: the myth is that jargon is something only other people employ. It is interesting to note that the reality is that everyone uses jargon. It is an essential part of the network of occupations and pursuits which make up society. All jobs present an element of jargon, which workers learn as they develop their expertise. All hobbies require mastery of jargon. All sports and games have their jargon. Each society grouping has its jargon. The phenomenon turns out to be universal – and valuable. It is the jargon element which, in a job, can promote economy and precision of expression, and thus help make life easier for the workers [Crystal p.174].

Clichés. In clichés we see fragments of language apparently dying, yet unable to die. Clichés emerge when expressions outlive their usefulness as conveyors of information. Such phrases as at this moment, every Tom, Dick and Harry have come to be so frequently used that they have lost their power to inform, to enliven, to mean. And yet they survive, in a kind of living death, because people continue to use them, despite criticism. They are, in effect, lexical zombies [Crystal p. 186]. To use expressions which have been largely emptied of meaning implies that the user is someone who cannot be bothered to be fresh, clear, careful, or precise, or possibly someone who wishes to avoid clarity. The suggestion is that such people are at best lazy or unimaginative. In the case of learned clichés, perhaps they want also to impress, to show of. But clichés have their defenders who point out that many of the expressions have a value, and their value is the ability to avoid saying anything precise. Such clichés are commonplace, because it is not possible to be fresh and imaginative all the time. Life is full of occasions when a serious conversation is simply too difficult and clichés can fill a gap in conversation. In such circumstances, clichés are an admirable lexical life jacket. The passing remarks as people recognize each other in the street but with no time to stop, the politeness of strangers on train, the interactions at cocktail parties: these are the kinds of occasion which give cliché right to be. On the one hand, they are “comfortable”, on the other hand they “stop us thinking of nothing”. But whether we like them or not, one thing is certain: “they are highly contagious, and there is no known immunity, except possibly silence… and even that only conceals the infection…”[Crystal p.186].

17. Word-building. Affixation: prefixes, their classification; suffixes, their classification; productive and unproductive affixes.

- From the structural point of view, words may be divisible into smaller units which are called morphemes. Morphemes are the smallest meaningful units which may constitute words or parts of words. They are “smallest” or “minimal” in the sense that they cannot be broken down further on the basis of meaning: “morphemes are the atoms which words are built” [Jackson 2001:2]. From the semantic point of view all morphemes are subdivided into 2 large classes: root morphemes (roots) and affixational morphemes (affixes) [Квеселевич 2000:16]. The root is known to the lexical nucleus of a word. It is common to a set of words that make up a lexical word cluster, e.g. act in act, actor, active, action; theor in theory, theorist, theoretician, theoretical, etc. There exist many roots that coincide with root-words, e.g. son, desk, see, look.

Affixational morphemes include inflectional affixes or inflections and derivational affixes. Inflections carry only grammatical meaning and are thus relevant only for formation of word-forms, whereas derivational affixes are relevant for building various types of words. Lexicology, as has been mentioned, is concerned only with derivational affixes which are lexically always dependent on the root which they modify.

- So, the affixes, in their turn, fall into prefixes which precede the root (unhappy, rewrite, discover, impossible, misbehaviour) and suffixes which follow the root (worker, friendship, peaceful).

The part of a word which remains unchanged in all the forms of its paradigm is called a stem, e.g. girl- in girls, girl’s, girls; darken- in darkens, darkened, darkening. Stems that coincide with roots are known as simple stems, e.g. boys, trees, read, stems that contain one or more affixes are derived stems, e.g. teacher’s, governments, etc. Binary stems comprising two simple or derived stems are called compound stems, e.g. machine-gunner’s, ex-film-star, gentlemanly, etc.

- From the structural point of view morphemes fall into 3 types: free morphemes, bound morphemes, and semi-bound morphemes. A free morpheme can occur alone as individual words, e.g. friendly, friendship (a friend). Bound morphemes occur only as constituent parts of words, i.e. can occur only with another morpheme, e.g. freedom, greatly, depart, enlarge, dishonest, misprint, conceive, receive, etc. Semi-bound morphemes can function both as affixes and as free morphemes (i.e. words). Let’s compare after, half, man, well, self and after-thought, half-baked, chairman, well-known, himself.

- While discussing the basic unit of morphology any concrete realization of a morpheme in a given utterance must be pointed out that is called a “morph”. Morphs shouldn’t be confused with syllables as the basic difference between them is that while morphs are manifestations of morphemes and represent a specific meaning, syllables are parts of words which are isolated only on the basis of pronunciation [Jackson 2001:3].

Two or more morphs may vary slightly and still have the same meaning, e.g. the indefinite article may be realized either as a or an, depending on the sound at the beginning of the following word. Morphs which are different representation of the same morpheme are referred to as “allomorphs” of that morpheme (from Greek allo “other” and morph “form”). For example:

a context vs. an index [Jackson 2001:3].

Prof. Kveselevich interprets allomorphs as positional variants of a morpheme [2001:16]. Thus the prefix in- (intransitive, involuntary) can be represented by allomorph il- (illegal, illiteracy), im- (immortal, impatience), ir- (irregular, irresolute).

English words fall into four main structural types:

1) compound words (compounds) in which two or more stems are combined into a lexical unit, e.g. classroom, forget-me-not, salesgirl, blacklist, speedometer;

2. derivational compounds in which phrase components are joined together by means of compounding and affixation, e.g. long-legged, black-eyed, oval-shaped, bald-headed, strong-willed, etc.

- Word-formation is the process of creating new words from the material available in the word stock according to certain structural and semantic patterns specific for the given language [Kveselevich 2001:21].

Each word-formation process will result in the production of a specific type of word. Consequently, an understanding of these processes is one way of studying the different types of word that exist in English. Various types of word-formation in Modern English possess different degrees of productivity. Productivity – is the relative freedom with which speakers coin new forms by it. Some of them are highly-productive (affixation, conversion, compounding, shortening, forming, phrasal verbs); others are semi-productive (back-formation, blending, reduplication, lexicalization of the plural of nouns, sound-imitation) and non-productive (sound interchange, change of stress).

Lexicologists agree that the most productive word-formation process in English is Affixation in which words are created by adding word-building affixes to stems [Kveselevich 2001:21]. The role of the affix in this procedure is very important and therefore it is necessary to consider certain facts about the main types of affixes [Antrushina 2001:80]. From the etymological point of view affixes are classified according to their origin into native (e.g. -er, -ness, -ing, un-, mis-, etc) and borrowed (Romanic, e.g. -tion, -ment, -ance, re-, sub-, etc.; Greek, e.g. -ist, -ism, anti-, etc.). Prof. Antrushina classified affixes into productive and non-productive types (p.81). By productive affixes the ones are meant which take part in deriving new words in the particular period of language development, e.g. - productive affixes: noun-forming – er, ing, ness, ism, adjective-forming – y, ish, ed, able, less, adverb-forming – y, verb-forming – ize/ise, ate

- non-productive: noun-forming – th, hood, adjective-forming – ly, some, en, ous, verb-forming – en.

Affixation includes prefixation, i.e. forming new words wish the help of prefixes, and suffixation, i.e. forming new words with the help of suffixes. Let’s consider the details of the above mentioned processes.

From the etymological point of view prefixes in the English language are mostly Germanic or Latin [Паращук 1999:49]. The list of all common prefixes in English [Crystal p.128], where some of them appear more than once because they have more than one meaning

- Suffixation: -tion, -ship, -ness, -able, -ery, -ese, -ling, -like, -let, -esque, -ette, -ess, -ism, -ite, ‑ish, are some of the commonly occurring English suffixes. A number of them have a meaning which is fairly eary to state: -ess, e.g., means “female of” (lioness). Some have several meanings: ette can mean “female of” (usherette), “small version of” (kitchenette), or “substitute for” (leatherette). Some have a highly abstract meaning, difficult to define precisely: one of the meanings of -ery is “the quality or state of having a particular trait” (snobbery). Suffixes do more than alter the meaning of the word to which they are attached. Many of them also change the word’s grammatical status – for example, the -ify ending turns the noun beauty into the verb beautify, and the ending -ing turns the concrete noun farm into the abstract one farming. In this respect, suffixes differ from prefixes, which rarely cause words to change their class.

The difference between inflection and derivation

Inflection is a general grammatical process which combines words and affixes (always suffixes in English) to produce alternative grammatical forms of words (e.g., the addition of the inflexion -er to the adjective cold gives colder), which is not a different lexical item, but an inflectional variant of the same word. One of the most important characteristics of inflectional suffixes is that they tend to lend themselves to paradigms which apply to the language as a whole [Jackson 2001:71]. The paradigm of a major word class consists of a single stem of that class with the inflexional suffixes which the stem may take.

Finally, under inflections, the distinction between “regular” and “irregular” inflections needs to be pointed out. Regular inflections are those that are formed according to a common pattern, e.g. –s for the plural of nouns. Irregular inflections are those that do not follow this pattern, e.g. some nouns form their plurals irregularly: child – children, mouse – mice, tooth – teeth.

As for derivation, it is a lexical process which actually forms a new word out of an existing one by the addition of a derivational affix. For example, the suffixes -dom and -ful may be added to the adjective free and the noun hope respectively to derive the noun freedom and the adjective hopeful, which again are different words. Following H.Jackson [2001:70] it may be said that strictly speaking, the term “derivation” refers to the creation of a new word by means of the addition of an affix to a stem.

English has over sixty common derivational affixes, and there is no theoretical limit to their number. Derivations have a “low functional load”, in the sense that each single derivation occurs rarely and is limited to a few specific combinations with particular stems. In other words, they tend not to be paradigms which apply to sets of words as a whole.

Derivational affixes do not always cause a change in grammatical class, e.g. intelligent/unintelligent, probable/improbable, but sometimes they can change the word class of the item they are added to and establish words as member of the various classes. They are inner with respect to inflections, so that if derivations and inflections co-occur, derivations are inner, closer to the stem, and inflections are outer, furthest from the stem, as shown in the table below [Jackson 2001:74].

Derivational affixes are of such kinds: class-changing and class-maintaining. Class changing derivational affixes change the word class of the word to which they are added. They, resign, a verb + -ation gives resignation, a noun. Class – maintaining derivational affixes do not change the word class of the word, but change the meaning of the derivative (i/e/ a word which results from the derivation). Thus child, a noun + -hood gives childhood, still a noun, but now an abstract rather than a concrete noun.

Class-changing derivational affixes, once added to a stem, form a derivative which is automatically marked by that affix as noun, verb, adjective or adverb. The derivations are said to determine or govern the word class of the stem as will be shown below, English class-changing derivations are mainly suffixes.

Noun derivational affixes “nominalizers” , e.g.

Verb derivational affixes, also known as “verbalizers”, are used to form verbs from other stems. When compared with other derivational affixes, they are rather rare, because verbs are the most basic forms in English: while they are used to derive other words, they themselves are not readily derived from other forms.

Adjective derivational affixes or “adjectivizers” are used to form adjectives when added to a given stem. In English, adjectives are generally formed from nouns, more rarely from verbs [Jackson 2001:77]

Adverb derivational affixes or “adverbializers” are affixes which form adverbs when added to a given stem. Adverbs, in English, are generally formed from adjectives, sometimes from nouns.

Class-maintaining derivations refer to those derivations which do not change the word class of the stem to which they are added although they do change its meaning. Unlike class-changing derivations, which are mainly suffixes, English class-maintaining derivations are mainly prefixes.

According to Prof.Amosova suffixes are used not only to form new words but also to mark parts of speech. Accordingly they are subdivided into noun-forming suffixes, verb-forming suffixes, adjective and adverb-forming suffixes.

18. English Phraseology.

- Phraseology is a kind of picture gallery in which are collected vivid and amusing sketches of the nation’s customs, traditions and prejudices, scraps of folk-songs and fairy-tales. Also phraseology is considered to be not only the most colourful but probably the most democratic area of vocabulary and draws its resources mostly from the very depth of popular speech [Antrushina p.225]. So, English phraseology is a huge and intricate mixture of set word combinations, ranging stylistically from neutral literary expressions to the taboo [Kunin 1984:16].

- Word-groups viewed as functionally and semantically inseparable units are usually described as word-equivalents are traditionally regarded as the subject matter of the branch of lexicological science that studies phraseology [Ginzburg 1966:100]. In modern linguistics there is considerable confusion about the terminology associated with word-groups. Most Russian scholars use the term ‘phraseological unit’ (фразеологічна одиниця) which was first introduced by Academician V.V.Vinogradov. The term ‘idiom’ is widely used by western scholars. In the “Illustrated American Idioms” Dean Curry points out: “Idioms form a very important part of American English. They are used to give life and richness to the language by enabling it to absorb new concepts which need to be expressed linguistically in a new way. Idioms take existing words, combine them in a new sense, and bring forth new expressions”. In our further discussion the traditional term ‘phraseological units’ is used: stable word-groups characterized by a completely or partially transferred meaning [Kveselevich 2001:84]. There are some other terms denoting more or less the same linguistic phenomenon: set-expressions, set-phrases, phrases, fixed word-group, collocations. The confusion in the terminology reflects insufficiency of positive or wholly reliable criteria by which phraseological units can be distinguished from ‘free’ word-groups. This is probably the most discussed and the most controversial problem in the field of phraseology. According to Prof. Antrushina [2001:229] there are two major criteria for distinguishing between phraseological units and free word-groups: semantic and structural.

- From the semantic point view phraseological units are said to be characterized by semantic unity, i.e. may be defined as word-groups conveying a single concept (whereas in free word-groups each meaningful component stands for a separate concept). This is the feature that makes phraseological units similar to words: both words and phraseological units possess semantic unity, e.g. the meanings of the constituents merge to produce an entily new meaning: to have a bee in one’s bonnet means to have an obsession about something.

The structural criterion also brings forth pronounced distinctive features characterizing phraseological units and free word-groups. Structural invariability is an essential feature of phonological units, though, some of them possess it to a lesser degree than others. So, structural invariability of phraseological units has a number of restrictions: restriction in substitution; restriction in introducing any additional components into the structure of a phraseological unit; grammatical invariability.

- Idioms must be distinguished not only from free phrases but from specially assembled sequences of items which have been called lexical phrases. They are chunks of language in which all the items have been preassembled. Hundreds of such phrases exist of varying length and complexity, such as it seems to me, would you mind, on the one hand. Such phrases are used frequently in both speech and writing, but they are especially important in conversation where they perform a number of roles – expressing agreement, introducing example, changing the topic. The following types of lexical phrases are distinguished [Crystal 1997:163]: polywords – short phrases which function very much like individual lexemes. They cannot be varied and their parts cannot be separated, e.g. by the way; institutionalized expressions – units of sentence length, functioning as separate utterances. Like polywords they are invariable and their parts cannot be separated. They include proverbs, aphorisms, e.g. How do you do? phrasal constraints – these are phrases which allow some degree of variation; they are usually short, e.g. as I was saying/mentioning, good morning/night; sentence builders – phrases that provide the framework for the whole sentences; they allow considerable variation, e.g. my point is that,.

- Classification of Phraseological Units based on the semantic principle [Kveselevich 2001:84].

Fusions – completely non-motivated idiomatic word-group, e.g. to pull smb’s leg (= to deceive smb.); a white elephant (= a present one can’t get rid of); etc. Half-fusions – stable word-groups in which the leading component in literal, while the rest of the group is idiomaticaly fused, e.g. to rain cats and dogs (to rain heavily), to talk through one’s hat (to talk foolishly). Unities – metaphorically motivated idioms, e.g. to make a mountain out of a molehill (to become excited about trifles); a snake in the grass (a hidden enemy), etc. Half-unities – binary word-groups in which one of the components is literal, while the other is phraseologically bound (the so-termed phrasemes), e.g. black frost (frost without ice or snow), etc. Phraseological collocations (standardized phrases) – word-groups with the components whose combinative power (valency) is strictly limited, e.g. to make friends (not to do friends), etc. Phraseological expressions – proverbs, sayings and aphoristic familiar quotations, e.g. Still water runs deep (= Тиха вода греблю рве).

- The classification based on the structural principles distinguishes phraseological units into the following classes: Verbal, e.g. to ride the high horse, to drop a brick; Substantive, e.g. a grass window, etc.; Adjectival, e.g. high and mighty,as dead as a door nail, etc.; Adverbial, e.g. from head to foot, etc.; Interjectional, e.g. goodness gracious!

- Phraseological units differ in their functions in the acts of communication. Thus, they fall into 4 classes [Kveselevich 2001:89]: Nominative phraseological units of various patterns which correlate with words belonging to different parts of speech, e.g. a dark horse, etc.; Communicative phraseological units represented by proverbs and sayings, e.g. the race is got by running, etc.; Nominative-communicative phraseological units which include nominative verbal idioms that can be transformed into a sentence structure when the verb is used in the Passive Voice, e.g. to put the cart before the horse – the cart was put before the horse, etc. Pragmatic phraseological units (interjectional idioms and response phrases), e.g. My aunt!; Bless your heart!

- Proverbs. Prof. A.V.Koonin includes proverbs in his classification of phraseological units and labels them communicative phraseological unit. From his point of view, one of the main criteria of a phraseological unit is its stability. The criterion of nomination and communication can’t be applied here either, says A.V.Koonin, because there are many verbal phraseological units which are word-groups when the verb is used in the Passive Voice, e.g. to cross the Rubicon – the Rubicon is crossed. Prof. Antrushina remarks that there doesn’t seem to exist any rigid or permanent boarder-line between proverbs and phraseological units as the latter frequently originate from the former, e.g. to catch at a straw originates from a proverb A drowning man catches at straws, etc. [Antrushina p.236]. Proverbial expressions have been given a variety of labels: adages, dictums, maxims, mottoes, precepts, and truisms. The terms all convey the notion of a piece of traditional wisdom, handed down by previous generations. In most cases the origin of a proverb is unknown. The effectiveness of a proverb lies largely in its brevity and directness [Crystal p.184]. It is obvious that a proverb, a crystallised summary of popular wisdom or fancy, is certain to have been long current in popular speech before it could make any appearance in literature [Apperson 1993:VII]. The syntax of the proverb is simple, the images vivid, and the allusions domestic, and thus easy to understand. Memorability is aided through the use of alliteration, rhythm and rhyme.

19. Variants and dialects of the English Language: American / British variant of the English language and the lexical peculiarities.

- The present day world status of English is primarily the result of two factors: 1) the expansion of British colonial power, which peaked towards the end of the 19^th century, and 2) the emergence of the United States as the leading economic power of the 20^th century. The USA contains nearly four times as many English mother-tongue speakers as the UK, and these two countries comprise 70 per cent of all English mother-tongue speakers in the world. Contemporary English stands out in the world linguistic space as a unique phenomenon: it is a multi-ethnic (nationally heterogeneous) language entity whose national variants set up a socio-communicative system with the main function of maintaining mutual intelligibility between the speakers of these variants [Паращук 2000:2].

- British/American English. The development of American English on the American continent has a comparatively short history. It is generally assumed that its starting point was the English language of the 17^th century when first English settlers came to America. However, in the course of time (the last two centuries) American English has drifted considerably from British English and has been modified locally, though not enough to give linguists ground to speak of two different languages. The treatment of American English is as the national variant of English in the USA. For almost four centuries the American variant of the English language developed more or less independently of the British stock, and, as a result, it differs from British English in spelling, some features of grammar, but chiefly in pronunciation and vocabulary. The American vocabulary was influenced by the new surroundings. The early American settlers had to coin words for the unfamiliar fauna and flora. They also had to find names for the new conditions of economic life. Numerous contacts with other cultures resulted in a lot of borrowings from other languages.

Recent decades have seen a major increase in the amount of influence the two models (American and British) have had an each other, especially American on British. The influence of US films and television has led to a considerable passive understanding of much American English vocabulary in Britain, and some of this has turned into active use (as in the case of mail), especially among the younger people.

- Lexical differences. American vocabulary has its distinctive features, i.e. there are groups of words that belong to American vocabulary exclusively and constitute its specific feature. They are called Americanisms. The first group is described as historical Americanisms (e.g. fall guess, sick). These words may be found in both American and British vocabulary; 2) proper Americanisms – not likely to be found in British vocabulary, they are specifically American describing landscape, climate, trees and plants, animals and birds (backwoods=uninhabited districts, cold snap=a sudden frost, blue jack=a small American oak). One more group of Americanisms is represented by American shortenings (they were produced in America, though most of them are used in both Am and Br English), e.g. b.f.=boyfriend, n.g.= no good, mo= for a moment just a mo. It is useful to remember the need to be careful with idioms, as well as individual words when crossing the Atlantic.It is unusual for there to be an exact idiomatic equivalent between BrE and AmE. Among the exceptions are the following (BrE variant is given first):a skeleton in the cupboard / closet, cash on the nail / head

- The spelling differences between British and American English :BrE -re, AmE -er (centre, center); BrE – our, AmE -or (colour, color), and BrE -ogue, AmE -og (catalogue, catalog).

- Grammar peculiarities:

1. In the verb phrase, AmE prefers have to have got for possession (Do you have the time? vs. Have you got the time?); answers tend to vary (I don’t vs. I haven’t);

AmE prefers such forms as burned to burnt, and there are some special past tense forms (colloquial snuck out, dove); AmE also sometimes uses a simple past tense form where BrE has a present perfect (I just ate vs. I’ve just eaten); will/wont is generally found for shall; there are also differences in the use of tag questions (when some words are used which perform the same function as tag questions. They include eh?, OK?, and right?);

2. In the noun phrase there are some differences of word-order (e.g. Hudson River vs. River Thames, a half hour vs. half an hour) and the use of the article (in the future vs. in future, in the hospital vs. in hospital); AmE prefers collective nouns in the singular (the government is), whereas BrE allows plural also (the government are).

3. Clausal patterns sometimes differ, as in AmE (Come take a look) vs. (Come and take); AmE also makes more use of the subjunctive, as in I asked that he go vs. I asked him to go, and prefers were to was in such sentences as I wish she were here; different than/from is more common than different to/from.

4. There are some ways in which prepositions contrast between AmE and BrE and it considered to be an area of major grammatical differentiation.

5) Gotten is probably the most distinctive of all the AmE/BrE grammatical differences, but British people who try to use it often get it wrong. It is not simply an alternation for have got. Gotten is used in such contexts as They’ve gotten a new boat (=obtain), They’ve gotten interested (=become) and He’s gotten off the chair (=moved), but it is not used in the sense of possession (=have). AmE doesn’t allow I’ve gotten the answer or I’ve gotten plenty, but uses I’ve got as in informal BrE. The availability of gotten does however mean that AmE can make such distinctions as the following: they’ve got to leave (they must leave) vs they’ve gotten to leave (they’ve managed to leave).

- Differences in punctuation:

- # is used for “number” in AmE (as in #12), but not in BrE (as №12). However, this symbol, often called a “hash”, is increasingly used in BrE because of its role in computational work;

- the raised dot is used for a decimal point in BrE; an ordinary period in AmE;

- a colon plus dash (:-) is very unusual in AmE, but is also now decreasing in BrE.

Стилістика англійської мови

20. The word and its meaning (denotative and connotative meanings of the word; components of the connotative meanings of the word).

- V.V. Vinogradov considers the word in the language as a system or unity of the form and meanings. I.R. Galperin defines the word as a unit of language functioning within a sentence or within a part of it which by its sound or graphical form expresses a concrete or abstract notion or a grammatical notion through one of its meanings and which is capable of enriching its semantic structure by acquiring new meanings and losing old ones. The material aspect of a word is its sound form, its ideal aspect – the notion contained. It should be mentioned that the word and the notion form a unity, not identity. Various examples prove that one notion may be expressed by different words, as in to phone, to call, to ring up, and vice versa: one word may contain different notions, as we may see in head, head of a a state, head of a river, head of a nail.

The word qualifies and evaluates objects of the surrounding reality. The most essential feature of the word is that it expresses the concept of a thing, process, phenomenon, naming/denoting them. Concept is a logical category, its linguistic counterpart is meaning. Meaning, as the outstanding scholar L.Vygotsky put it, is the unity of generalization, communication and thinking. The general tendency is to regard meaning as something stable at a given period of time. Every notional word expresses some definite information which is divided into denotative (the main) and connotative (additional). The first is viewed as objective and the second – as subjective aspects of the meaning of the word. The majority of the English words contain only denotative information owing to which they are neutral from the viewpoint of Stylistics. Stylistics deals with the meanings of the word realized in the text, their stylistic function for the perception of the idea of the work.

Every neutral word in a certain context can acquire some connotative meaning. Stylistics mostly deals with the connotative meaning of the word which is constituted by the following components: emotive, evaluative, expressive, stylistic, pragmatic, associative, ideological/conceptual. All these components may overlap; some of them become more important for the act of communication than the others.

- An emotive component of the meaning reveals the emotional layer of cognition and perception. It may be traditional or occasional. A word or its lexico-semantic variant possesses an emotive component when it expresses some emotion or feeling. An emotive component appears on the basis of the logical meaning and ousts it (e.g. honey and duck expressing affection); - An evaluative component states the value of the indicated notion, expressing positive or negative judgement. It may be included into the dictionary definition of the word (e.g. In the Hornby dictionary: to sneak - to move silently and secretly, usually for a bad purpose); - An expressive component of the word underlines, intensifies something in the word itself or in the words connected with it syntactically by means of its figurativeness or in some other way (e.g. She was a thin, frail, little thing. Thing intensifies the meaning of the epithets thin frail, little). Expressiveness may be figurative (the above mentioned example) and quantitative recognized by such intensifiers as all, ever, even, really, absolutely; - A stylistic component (stylistic connotation) is typical of definite functional styles or the situations of communication with which it is associated even being used in uncommon context. It indicates “the register”: science, official document, poetry, etc. (e.g. foe, thee are characteristic of poetry, terms – of scientific style, etc. - A pragmatic component reveals the meaning directed at the perlocutionary effect of the utterance (e.g. hungry doesn’t require the whole sentence as a background context in order to decipher its meaning (a person is hungry); - An associative component is connected through individual psychological or linguistic associations with related and non-related notions (e.g. eagle used in reference to a brave person); - An ideological component reveals political, social, ideological preferences of the speaker (e.g. a spy – an intelligent officer).

21. Expressive means of semasiology (basic mechanism of secondary nomination, figures of substitution as language units of secondary nomination; metaphor; metonymy; irony).

- Semasiology is a branch of science that studies the meaning of language units of different levels. Any language unit possesses a definite meaning but not every meaning is of stylistic importance. The subject matter of Stylistics is additional meanings which appear in two cases: 1) in cases of unusual denotative relatedness of words, word combinations or even texts and 2) in case of unusual compatibility of meanings of language units (O.M. Morokhovsky). Hence, the subject matter of Stylistic Semasiology is expressive means and stylistic devices of the lexical language level. They are defined as the special media of language which secure the desirable effect of the utterance (I.R.Galperin).

-Prof. Morokhovsky claims that expressive means (or figures of substitution) are based on the mechanism of secondary nomination. Secondary nomination is determined by the tendency of any language to economize language means and analytical activities of human mind, i.e. existing words and word combinations are used for naming \ denoting new notions or are used as new names of existing notions. Secondary nomination is not arbitrary. It conforms to some regularities \ laws. Most frequently transference of meaning occurs on the basis of likeness (metaphor) or contiguity (metonymy) of two objects or phenomena.

-O.M. Morokhovsky classifies figures of substitution into figures of quantity and figures of quality. Figures of guantity are based on comparison of quantitative features of two different objects or phenomena (hyperbole and meiosis, litotes). Figures of quality are based on comparison of qualitative features of two different objects (metaphor, metonymy, irony and figures based on either metaphoric (1) or metonymic (2) transference of meaning – (1) epithet, antonomasia, personification, allegory, (2) synecdoche, periphrasis). All these figures of speech are cases of secondary nomination dealing with transferred/ occasional/ figurative meaning of the word. Since ancient times much attention was drawn to the three tropes – metaphor, metonymy and irony.

- Aristotle claims that metaphor consists in giving the thing a name that belongs to something else; the transference being either from genus to species, or from species to genus, or from species to species, or on grounds of analogy. I.R. Galperin states that metaphor means transference of some quality from one object to another, it has the power of realizing two lexical meanings simultaneously. V.A. Kukharenko argues that metaphor is transference of names based on the associated likeness between two objects.

In the theory of metaphor originated by I. Richards this stylistic device involves two parts: “tenor” which means the original idea and “vehicle” that means the borrowed idea compared to this subject. In Shakespearian Life is but a walking shadow tenor is life and vehicle is shadow.

Metaphors (met.) can be classified from various viewpoints. G. Leech defines the following semantic classes of met.: a) concretive, which attributes concreteness to an abstraction: the pain of separation; b) animistic, which attributes animate characteristics to the inanimate: the shoulder of the hill; c) humanizing, which attributes characteristics of humanity to what is not human: his appearance speak for him; d) synaesthetic, which transfers meaning from one domain of sensory perception to another: his beams sing and his music shines.

According to the degree of unexpectedness there are genuine, unexpected met., and trite (dead, hackneyed met) commonly used in speech. According to the structure met. are: simple and sustained (extended, prolonged, developed). The latter can be conveyed in a sentence or in a number of sentences or even paragraphs.

N.D. Arutyunova singles out the following functions of met.: 1) primary – the function of characterization, 2) secondary – identification of the objects. In poetic speech met. performs an aesthetic aim; its function is to stir up images, ideas, notions, but not to convey information.

- According to prof. I.R.Galperin Metonymy is based on some kind of association connecting the two concepts they represent. V.A. Kukharenko claims that metonymy is based on contiguity / nearness of objects or phenomena. According to Professor Galperin the most common types of relations which metonymy is based on are the following: a) a concrete thing is used instead of an abstract notion: The camp, the pulpit and the law for rich men’s sons are free; b) the container instead of the thing contained: The hall applauded; c) the relation of proximity: The round game table was boisterous and happy; d) the material instead of the thing made of it: The marble spoke; e) the instrument which the doer uses in performing the action instead of the action or the doer himself: The sword is the worst argument that can be used.

Synecdoche is a kind of metonymy when a part stands for the whole and the whole stands for a part: Pip…heard the footstep stumble in coming on.

-The problem of the status of Irony was first viewed by Aristotle: it’s a kind of comical when we speak differently than we feel. In the basis of irony there lies simultaneous realization of two meanings: direct and figurative between which the relations of opposition appear. Irony can be classified into verbal irony; situational irony; dramatic irony; attitudinal irony.

Irony creates modality on different levels:

1. Lexical level: a) “blame-by-praise” – when positive changes into negative: How clever of you!; b) occasionalisms: плюшкинская щедрость; c) a polysemantic word: Robert: We’re all children once.Frederica: What a pious remark.

2. Syntactic level: a) negation by affirmation; b)patterns What a …, Such a …: What a witty guy! c) rhetorical questions: Sensitive people have deep feelings, don’t they? They suffer a lot.

3. Text level: a) confusion of the speech styles; b) quotations: ­I’m the victim. I have always been the victim. ­Pass the butter to the victim. c) repetition – any semantic unit in a new structural position receives additional meaning: Louise: You haven’t the faintest idea how to deal with sensitive people. Stanley: If it weren’t for the saving grace of his mother. His sensitive mother.

The function of irony is not confined to producing humoristic or satiric effect. Its main stylistic function is to convey evaluating attitude toward the object of the statement. It can express irritation, pity, displeasure, regret, etc.

22. Syntactic stylistic means (stylistically unmarked and marked sentence model, classification of syntactic expressive means and stylistic devices; the word order; inversion; syntactic repetition).

-Expressive means are always considered to be stylistically marked members of stylistic paradigm on any language level. An unmarked \ neutral syntactic model in the English language is S-P-O(dir)-O(ind)-A, which does not convey any additional information. This model can convey additional information only due to transferred meanings of words. Being transformed into interrogative or imperative sentences the neutral model does not acquire connotative meaning, but its various transformations into other models of declarative sentences make it stylistically marked. Hence, there arises a possibility to point out expressive means and stylistic devices on the level of syntax as marked members of the stylistic paradigm. By syntactic expressive means and stylistic devices there is understood the arrangement of phrases, sentences and paragraphs with the purpose of producing some stylistic effect. They are used to emphasize the object, phenomenon in question, to make the utterance more prominent.

- According to prof. O.M. Morokhovsky expressive means (EMs) convey additional logical or expressive information, enhance pragmatic effectiveness of speech activity. The scholar worked out the following classification of syntactic expressive means in accordance with the types of transformation of the initial model: 1) EMs, based on the reduction of the initial model (e.g. ellipsis, aposiopesis, nominal / nominative sentences, asyndeton); 2) EMs, based on the expansion of the initial model (e.g. repetition, enumeration, syntactic tautology, polysyndeton, emphatic construction, parenthetic sentences); 3) EMs, based on the changing of the order of the components in the initial model (e.g. inversion, detachment).

Syntactic stylistic devices (SDs) are created due to transpositions of the initial model in a definite situational context. Prof. Morokhovsky classifies them into the following three groups in accordance with the types of relations between syntactic structures and types of transposition of their meaning: 1) SDs, based on formal and notional relations between some syntactic constructions (e.g. parallel constructions, chiasmus, anaphora, epiphora); 2) SDs, based on the transposition of meaning of syntactic structures (e.g. rhetorical question); 3) SDs, based on the transposition of meaning of the ways of connection between the components of sentences or sentences (e.g. parcellation). Now, it is worth while considering the nature and stylistic functions of some stylistically marked structures, such as sentences with inverted word order and syntactic repetitons.

- It is generally acknowledged that the first and the last places in the sentence are considered to be more conspicuous: the first place – because the full force of the stress can be felt at the beginning of the utterance and the last place because there is a pause after it. Thus, there may be semantically insignificant elements of the sentence placed in a structurally significant position. According to professor V.A. Kukharenko inversion is a SD in which the direct word order is changed either completely so that the predicate (predicative) precedes the subject, or partially so that the object precedes the subject-predicate pair. Stylistic inversion does not change the structural meaning of the sentence. It aims at attaching logical stress or additional emotional colouring to the surface meaning of the utterance, which results in specific intonation.

Professor I.R. Galperin singles out the following types of stylistic inversion, which are most frequently used in the English prose and poetry: 1) the object is placed at the beginning of the sentence: Talent Mr. Micawber has, Capital Mr. Micawber has not; 2) the attribute is placed after the word it modifies, especially when there is more than one attribute: with his mood low and dejected; 3) the predicative is placed before the subject or before the link-verb: raw and chill the winter morning was; 4) both adverbial modifier and predicate stand before the subject when a postpositional element is at the beginning; it shows swiftness of the action: out came the chaise – in went the horses; 5) the adverbial modifier is placed at the beginning of the sentence: Eagerly I wished it!

- One of the expressive means of language used when the speaker is under the stress of strong emotion is repetition. Prof. V.A. Kukharenko defines repetition as a recurrence of the same word, word combination, phrase for two or more times. Repetitions are used to single out and intensify the idea and the theme of the text; to maintain the rhythm of the text. According to the place which the repeated unit occupies in a sentence repetitions are classified into several groups (V.A. Kukharenko): 1) anaphora: a…,a…,a…The function of this repetition is to create the background for the nonrepeated unit; 2) epiphora: …a, …a, …a. The main function of epiphora is to add stress to the final words of the sentence. 3) framing repetition: a…a. The function of this repetition is to elucidate the idea. 4) anadiplosis / catch repetition: …a, a… The function: to specify the semantics of the repeated element. 5) chain repetition: …a,a…b,b…c,c… It shows smooth development of ideas. 6) ordinary repetition: has no definite place in the sentence - …a, …a…, a … It emphasizes the logical and the emotional meanings of the repeated word. 7) successive repetition: …a, a, a. It shows the peak of emotions of the speaker. One may single out root repetitions (root morphemes are repeated); synonymous / synonymic repetitions (when the idea is repeated, not the word itself in order to add some shade of meaning).

- The purely syntactic type of repetition is parallel construction. It is a device which is characterized by identical or similar syntactical structure in two or more sentences in close succession: “There were, …, real silver spoons to stir the tea with, and the real china cups to drink it out of, and the plates of the same to hold the cakes and toast in.” (Dickens). Parallel constructions do not depend on any other type of repetition but if they are backed by lexical repetitions the effect produced by the utterance will be stronger. Parallel construction is often used in different styles of writing with slightly different functions. In scientific prose, for example, it carries the idea of semantic equality of the parts of sentences; in belles-lettres style it performs an emotive function.

- Reversed parallelism is called chiasmus. The second part of a chiasmus is, in fact, inversion of the first construction. Thus, if the first sentence or clause has a direct word order (SPO), the second one has inverted word order (OPS): “Down dropped the breeze, The sails dropped down.” (Coleridge). Like parallel constructions chiasmus contributes to the rhythm of the sentence brining in some new shades of meaning of the second part of the sentence.