- •Contents
- •Figures
- •Tables
- •Contributors
- •Preface
- •Acknowledgements
- •1 Overview
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 The roots of English
- •1.3 Early history: immigration and invasion
- •1.4 Later history: internal migration, emigration, immigration again
- •1.5 The form of historical evidence
- •1.6 The surviving historical texts
- •1.7 Indirect evidence
- •1.8 Why does language change?
- •1.9 Recent and current change
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •2.1 History, change and variation
- •2.2 The extent of change: ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ history
- •2.3 Tale’s end: a sketch of ModE phonology and morphology
- •2.3.1 Principles
- •2.3.2 ModE vowel inventories
- •2.3.3 ModE consonant inventories
- •2.3.4 Stress
- •2.3.5 Modern English morphology
- •2.4 Old English
- •2.4.1 Time, space and texts
- •2.4.2 The Old English vowels
- •2.4.3 The Old English consonants
- •2.4.4 Stress
- •2.4.5 Old English morphology
- •2.4.5.1 The noun phrase: noun, pronoun and adjective
- •2.4.5.2 The verb
- •2.4.6 Postlude as prelude
- •2.5 The ‘OE/ME transition’ to c.1150
- •2.5.1 The Great Hiatus
- •2.5.2 Phonology: major early changes
- •2.5.2.1 Early quantity adjustments
- •2.5.2.2 The old diphthongs, low vowels and /y( )/
- •2.5.2.3 The new ME diphthongs
- •2.5.2.4 Weak vowel mergers
- •2.5.2.5 The fricative voice contrast
- •2.6.1 The problem of ME spelling
- •2.6.2 Phonology
- •2.6.2.2 ‘Dropping aitches’ and postvocalic /x/
- •2.6.2.4 Stress
- •2.6.3 ME morphology
- •2.6.3.2 The morphology/phonology interaction
- •2.6.3.3 The noun phrase: gender, case and number
- •2.6.3.4 The personal pronoun
- •2.6.3.5 Verb morphology: introduction
- •2.6.3.6 The verb: tense marking
- •2.6.3.7 The verb: person and number
- •2.6.3.8 The verb ‘to be’
- •2.7.1 Introduction
- •2.7.2 Phonology: the Great Vowel Shift
- •2.7.4 English vowel phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5 English consonant phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5.1 Loss of postvocalic /r/
- •2.7.5.2 Palatals and palatalisation
- •2.7.5.3 The story of /x/
- •2.7.6 Stress
- •2.7.7 English morphology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.7.1 Nouns and adjectives
- •2.7.7.2 The personal pronouns
- •2.7.7.3 Pruning luxuriance: ‘anomalous verbs’
- •2.8.1 Preliminary note
- •2.8.2 Progress, regress, stasis and undecidability
- •2.8.2.1 The evolution of Lengthening I
- •2.8.2.2 Lengthening II
- •3 Syntax
- •3.1 Introduction
- •3.2 Internal syntax of the noun phrase
- •3.2.1 The head of the noun phrase
- •3.2.2 Determiners
- •3.3 The verbal group
- •3.3.1 Tense
- •3.3.2 Aspect
- •3.3.3 Mood
- •3.3.4 The story of the modals
- •3.3.5 Voice
- •3.3.6 Rise of do
- •3.3.7 Internal structure of the Aux phrase
- •3.4 Clausal constituents
- •3.4.1 Subjects
- •3.4.2 Objects
- •3.4.3 Impersonal constructions
- •3.4.4 Passive
- •3.4.5 Subordinate clauses
- •3.5 Word order
- •3.5.1 Introduction
- •3.5.2 Developments in the order of subject and verb
- •3.5.3 Developments in the order of object and verb
- •3.5.5 Developments in the position of particles and adverbs
- •3.5.6 Consequences
- •4 Vocabulary
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.1.1 The function of lexemes
- •4.1.3 Lexical change
- •4.1.4 Lexical structures
- •4.1.5 Principles of word formation
- •4.1.6 Change of meaning
- •4.2 Old English
- •4.2.1 Introduction
- •4.2.4 Word formation
- •4.2.4.1 Noun compounds
- •4.2.4.2 Compound adjectives
- •4.2.4.3 Compound verbs
- •4.2.4.7 Zero derivation
- •4.2.4.8 Nominal derivatives
- •4.2.4.9 Adjectival derivatives
- •4.2.4.10 Verbal derivation
- •4.2.4.11 Adverbs
- •4.2.4.12 The typological status of Old English word formation
- •4.3 Middle English
- •4.3.1 Introduction
- •4.3.2 Borrowing
- •4.3.2.1 Scandinavian
- •4.3.2.2 French
- •4.3.2.3 Latin
- •4.3.3 Word formation
- •4.3.3.1 Compounding
- •4.3.3.4 Zero derivation
- •4.4 Early Modern English
- •4.4.1 Introduction
- •4.4.2 Borrowing
- •4.4.2.1 Latin
- •4.4.2.2 French
- •4.4.2.3 Greek
- •4.4.2.4 Italian
- •4.4.2.5 Spanish
- •4.4.2.6 Other languages
- •4.4.3 Word formation
- •4.4.3.1 Compounding
- •4.5 Modern English
- •4.5.1 Introduction
- •4.5.2 Borrowing
- •4.5.3 Word formation
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •5 Standardisation
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 The rise and development of standard English
- •5.2.1 Selection
- •5.2.2 Acceptance
- •5.2.3 Diffusion
- •5.2.5 Elaboration of function
- •5.2.7 Prescription
- •5.2.8 Conclusion
- •5.3 A general and focussed language?
- •5.3.1 Introduction
- •5.3.2 Spelling
- •5.3.3 Grammar
- •5.3.4 Vocabulary
- •5.3.5 Registers
- •Electric phenomena of Tourmaline
- •5.3.6 Pronunciation
- •5.3.7 Conclusion
- •6 Names
- •6.1 Theoretical preliminaries
- •6.1.1 The status of proper names
- •6.1.2 Namables
- •6.1.3 Properhood and tropes
- •6.2 English onomastics
- •6.2.1 The discipline of English onomastics
- •6.2.2 Source materials for English onomastics
- •6.3 Personal names
- •6.3.1 Preliminaries
- •6.3.2 The earliest English personal names
- •6.3.3 The impact of the Norman Conquest
- •6.3.4 New names of the Renaissance and Reformation
- •6.3.5 The modern period
- •6.3.6 The most recent trends
- •6.3.7 Modern English-language personal names
- •6.4 Surnames
- •6.4.1 The origin of surnames
- •6.4.2 Some problems with surname interpretation
- •6.4.3 Types of surname
- •6.4.4 The linguistic structure of surnames
- •6.4.5 Other languages of English surnames
- •6.4.6 Surnaming since about 1500
- •6.5 Place-names
- •6.5.1 Preliminaries
- •6.5.2 The ethnic and linguistic context of English names
- •6.5.3 The explanation of place-names
- •6.5.4 English-language place-names
- •6.5.5 Place-names and urban history
- •6.5.6 Place-names in languages arriving after English
- •6.6 Conclusion
- •Appendix: abbreviations of English county-names
- •7 English in Britain
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Old English
- •7.3 Middle English
- •7.4 A Scottish interlude
- •7.5 Early Modern English
- •7.6 Modern English
- •7.7 Other dialects
- •8 English in North America
- •8.1.1 Explorers and settlers meet Native Americans
- •8.1.2 Maintenance and change
- •8.1.3 Waves of immigrant colonists
- •8.1.4 Character of colonial English
- •8.1.5 Regional origins of colonial English
- •8.1.6 Tracing linguistic features to Britain
- •8.2.2 Prescriptivism
- •8.2.3 Lexical borrowings
- •8.3.1 Syntactic patterns in American English and British English
- •8.3.2 Regional patterns in American English
- •8.3.3 Dictionary of American Regional English (DARE)
- •8.3.4 Atlas of North American English (ANAE)
- •8.3.5 Social dialects
- •8.3.5.1 Socioeconomic status
- •8.3.6 Ethnic dialects
- •8.3.6.1 African American English (AAE)
- •8.3.6.2 Latino English
- •8.3.7 English in Canada
- •8.3.8 Social meaning and attitudes
- •8.3.10 The future of North American dialects
- •Appendix: abbreviations of US state-names
- •9 English worldwide
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 The recency of world English
- •9.3 The reasons for the emergence of world English
- •9.3.1 Politics
- •9.3.2 Economics
- •9.3.3 The press
- •9.3.4 Advertising
- •9.3.5 Broadcasting
- •9.3.6 Motion pictures
- •9.3.7 Popular music
- •9.3.8 International travel and safety
- •9.3.9 Education
- •9.3.10 Communications
- •9.4 The future of English as a world language
- •9.5 An English family of languages?
- •Further reading
- •1 Overview
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •3 Syntax
- •4 Vocabulary
- •5 Standardisation
- •6 Names
- •7 English in Britain
- •8 English in North America
- •9 English worldwide
- •References
- •Index
404 E D WA R D F I N E G A N
Figure 8.7 Carver’s dialect regions of the USA, based on vocabulary Source: Carver, 1987
Figures 8.6 and 8.7 may seem to suggest a rough equivalence between Carver’s regions (Upper North, Lower North, Upper South, Lower South) and Kurath’s (North, Midland and South), but Carver insists that the putative Midland is ‘split by the North–South linguistic divide’ and is not itself ‘a true unified dialect region’ (1987: 161). Considerable ink has been spilled arguing over the existence of a distinct Midland dialect, and even a president of the American Dialect Society has described Midland as ‘a pretty puny little critter’ (Preston, 2003: 239).
8.3.4 |
Atlas of North American English (ANAE) |
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In the 1990s a major survey of pronunciation in North American urban centres was undertaken. Focussing on the vowel pronunciations of hundreds of respondents who identified themselves as born or raised in the speech community in which they were reached by telephone, it utilised impressionistic judgements of pronunciation, as had other dialect studies, but combined them with rigorous acoustic analysis. The investigators (Labov et al., 2005) acknowledge the skepticism of dialectologists concerning the boundaries between dialects and offer as one reason for such skepticism the fact that classifications of dialects and dialect boundaries relied on sets of isoglosses for individual vocabulary items, which are idiosyncratic and not systemically related to one another. By contrast, the telephone survey project (‘Telsur’) relied on vowel patterns, an integral part of every linguistic system, and explored a huge geographical area within a period of only a few years. Despite its focus on vowel systems and its non-traditional telephone
English in North America |
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/i / |
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idea |
kid |
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/ε/ |
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Ked |
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/ɔ / |
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cud |
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cawed |
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cad |
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cod |
Figure 8.8 Northern Cities Shift
Source: Adapted from Labov et al., 2005
methodology, ANAE uncovered dialects strikingly similar to those proposed in earlier studies of regional vocabulary.
Critical to the Telsur investigation is its focus on patterns of vowel mergers and vowel shifts that are currently restructuring North American pronunciation. Traditional pronunciations of cot and caught distinguish them as [khɑt] versus [khɔt], a distinction that supports a perceptual contrast in pairs such as don/dawn and hock/hawk. In many US regions and most of English-speaking Canada, however, speakers have merged these vowels; besides losing the distinction between these word pairs, many other words, such as daughter, water and lock, are also affected by this low-back merger. Another vowel merger, with a narrower geographical reach, involves / / and /ε/ before nasals in such words as pin/pen, lint/lent and cinder/sender, which are distinct in most regions of the US and nearly all of Canada, but which, across a swath of southern states, are homophonous. Related to these mergers are two vowel shifts currently underway, potentially as dramatic in their consequences as the Great Vowel Shift (see Chapter 2).
Northern Cities Shift
Across a set of northern US cities (Syracuse, Rochester and Buffalo, NY; Cleveland and Akron, Ohio; Detroit, Michigan; Chicago and Rockford, Illinois; Milwaukee and Madison, Wisconsin) and in cities in southern Canada, a set of vowel shifts is radically altering the way words are pronounced and perceived. The effect is so drastic that speakers from dialect regions not participating in the shift report mishearing, for example, ‘stacks and bands’ for stocks and bonds and ‘battle’ for bottle. Figure 8.8 lays out the shift in six steps. The first step got underway no later than the 1940s, though it went unnoticed for some time.
406 E D WA R D F I N E G A N
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keyed |
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made |
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code |
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Ked |
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cord |
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cad |
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hide |
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card |
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Figure 8.9 Southern Shift
Source: Adapted from Labov et al., 2005
1./æ/ is raised and fronted to [iə ] so that man and bad are heard with the underscored vowel of idea: [miə n] and [biə d]
2./ɑ/ is fronted to [æ] so that block and stocks are heard as black and stacks
3./ɔ/ is lowered and fronted to [ɑ] so that cawed is heard as cod
4./ε/ is lowered and centred to [ ] so that Ked and steady are heard as cud and study
5./ / is backed to [ɔ] so that cud is heard as cawed
6./ / is lowered and backed
Southern Shift
Remarkably, in a large part of the American South, vowels are shifting in opposing directions to those of the Northern Cities Shift. This Southern Shift begins with a simple process in which the diphthong /ay/ loses its offglide, often with compensatory lengthening of the nucleus. Figure 8.9 provides a schematic of the shift in eight steps.
1./ay/ is monophthongised to [a] or [a ] so that hide is heard as [had] or [ha d]
2./e/ is lowered and centralised to [aj] so that slade is heard as slide
3./i/ is lowered and backed
4./ /, /ε/, /æ/ are raised and fronted so that kid is heard as keyed, red as rid, pat as pet
5./u/ is fronted so that cool is heard as ‘kewl’
6./o/ is fronted so that code and boat are heard as [kεod] and [bεot]
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Canada |
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Atlantic |
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Provinces |
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The North |
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WNE |
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Inland |
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The West |
North |
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Atlantic |
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Figure 8.10 Dialect areas of North America, based on vowel pronunciation
Source: Adapted from Labov et al., 2005
7./ɔ/ is raised
8./ɑ/ is raised
Using vowel pronunciations from Telsur (see <http://ling.upenn.edu/phono atlas/home.html>) ANAE proposes four main US dialect regions, with subdivisions: North, South, Midland and West. (Mid-Atlantic, New York City, Eastern New England, Boston, Providence, Western Pennsylvania and a few others carry separate designations.) Canada, of course, is a separate dialect region, with its own subdivisions. Below are summarised some characteristics of regional pronunciations identified in the urban areas surveyed, and Figure 8.10 is the resulting map of NAE dialects.
NORTH |
less fronting of /o/ than elsewhere |
Inland North |
Northern Cities Shift |
Western New England |
less advanced Northern Cities Shift |
SOUTH |
monophthongisation of /ay/ (word-finally and preceding voiced |
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consonants) |
Inland South |
Southern Shift |
Texas South |
Southern Shift |
MIDLAND |
transitional low-back merger fronting of /o/ |
WEST |
low-back merger fronting of /u/ but not /o/ |
CANADA |
low-back merger |