- •Contents
- •Figures
- •Tables
- •Contributors
- •Preface
- •Acknowledgements
- •1 Overview
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 The roots of English
- •1.3 Early history: immigration and invasion
- •1.4 Later history: internal migration, emigration, immigration again
- •1.5 The form of historical evidence
- •1.6 The surviving historical texts
- •1.7 Indirect evidence
- •1.8 Why does language change?
- •1.9 Recent and current change
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •2.1 History, change and variation
- •2.2 The extent of change: ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ history
- •2.3 Tale’s end: a sketch of ModE phonology and morphology
- •2.3.1 Principles
- •2.3.2 ModE vowel inventories
- •2.3.3 ModE consonant inventories
- •2.3.4 Stress
- •2.3.5 Modern English morphology
- •2.4 Old English
- •2.4.1 Time, space and texts
- •2.4.2 The Old English vowels
- •2.4.3 The Old English consonants
- •2.4.4 Stress
- •2.4.5 Old English morphology
- •2.4.5.1 The noun phrase: noun, pronoun and adjective
- •2.4.5.2 The verb
- •2.4.6 Postlude as prelude
- •2.5 The ‘OE/ME transition’ to c.1150
- •2.5.1 The Great Hiatus
- •2.5.2 Phonology: major early changes
- •2.5.2.1 Early quantity adjustments
- •2.5.2.2 The old diphthongs, low vowels and /y( )/
- •2.5.2.3 The new ME diphthongs
- •2.5.2.4 Weak vowel mergers
- •2.5.2.5 The fricative voice contrast
- •2.6.1 The problem of ME spelling
- •2.6.2 Phonology
- •2.6.2.2 ‘Dropping aitches’ and postvocalic /x/
- •2.6.2.4 Stress
- •2.6.3 ME morphology
- •2.6.3.2 The morphology/phonology interaction
- •2.6.3.3 The noun phrase: gender, case and number
- •2.6.3.4 The personal pronoun
- •2.6.3.5 Verb morphology: introduction
- •2.6.3.6 The verb: tense marking
- •2.6.3.7 The verb: person and number
- •2.6.3.8 The verb ‘to be’
- •2.7.1 Introduction
- •2.7.2 Phonology: the Great Vowel Shift
- •2.7.4 English vowel phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5 English consonant phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5.1 Loss of postvocalic /r/
- •2.7.5.2 Palatals and palatalisation
- •2.7.5.3 The story of /x/
- •2.7.6 Stress
- •2.7.7 English morphology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.7.1 Nouns and adjectives
- •2.7.7.2 The personal pronouns
- •2.7.7.3 Pruning luxuriance: ‘anomalous verbs’
- •2.8.1 Preliminary note
- •2.8.2 Progress, regress, stasis and undecidability
- •2.8.2.1 The evolution of Lengthening I
- •2.8.2.2 Lengthening II
- •3 Syntax
- •3.1 Introduction
- •3.2 Internal syntax of the noun phrase
- •3.2.1 The head of the noun phrase
- •3.2.2 Determiners
- •3.3 The verbal group
- •3.3.1 Tense
- •3.3.2 Aspect
- •3.3.3 Mood
- •3.3.4 The story of the modals
- •3.3.5 Voice
- •3.3.6 Rise of do
- •3.3.7 Internal structure of the Aux phrase
- •3.4 Clausal constituents
- •3.4.1 Subjects
- •3.4.2 Objects
- •3.4.3 Impersonal constructions
- •3.4.4 Passive
- •3.4.5 Subordinate clauses
- •3.5 Word order
- •3.5.1 Introduction
- •3.5.2 Developments in the order of subject and verb
- •3.5.3 Developments in the order of object and verb
- •3.5.5 Developments in the position of particles and adverbs
- •3.5.6 Consequences
- •4 Vocabulary
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.1.1 The function of lexemes
- •4.1.3 Lexical change
- •4.1.4 Lexical structures
- •4.1.5 Principles of word formation
- •4.1.6 Change of meaning
- •4.2 Old English
- •4.2.1 Introduction
- •4.2.4 Word formation
- •4.2.4.1 Noun compounds
- •4.2.4.2 Compound adjectives
- •4.2.4.3 Compound verbs
- •4.2.4.7 Zero derivation
- •4.2.4.8 Nominal derivatives
- •4.2.4.9 Adjectival derivatives
- •4.2.4.10 Verbal derivation
- •4.2.4.11 Adverbs
- •4.2.4.12 The typological status of Old English word formation
- •4.3 Middle English
- •4.3.1 Introduction
- •4.3.2 Borrowing
- •4.3.2.1 Scandinavian
- •4.3.2.2 French
- •4.3.2.3 Latin
- •4.3.3 Word formation
- •4.3.3.1 Compounding
- •4.3.3.4 Zero derivation
- •4.4 Early Modern English
- •4.4.1 Introduction
- •4.4.2 Borrowing
- •4.4.2.1 Latin
- •4.4.2.2 French
- •4.4.2.3 Greek
- •4.4.2.4 Italian
- •4.4.2.5 Spanish
- •4.4.2.6 Other languages
- •4.4.3 Word formation
- •4.4.3.1 Compounding
- •4.5 Modern English
- •4.5.1 Introduction
- •4.5.2 Borrowing
- •4.5.3 Word formation
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •5 Standardisation
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 The rise and development of standard English
- •5.2.1 Selection
- •5.2.2 Acceptance
- •5.2.3 Diffusion
- •5.2.5 Elaboration of function
- •5.2.7 Prescription
- •5.2.8 Conclusion
- •5.3 A general and focussed language?
- •5.3.1 Introduction
- •5.3.2 Spelling
- •5.3.3 Grammar
- •5.3.4 Vocabulary
- •5.3.5 Registers
- •Electric phenomena of Tourmaline
- •5.3.6 Pronunciation
- •5.3.7 Conclusion
- •6 Names
- •6.1 Theoretical preliminaries
- •6.1.1 The status of proper names
- •6.1.2 Namables
- •6.1.3 Properhood and tropes
- •6.2 English onomastics
- •6.2.1 The discipline of English onomastics
- •6.2.2 Source materials for English onomastics
- •6.3 Personal names
- •6.3.1 Preliminaries
- •6.3.2 The earliest English personal names
- •6.3.3 The impact of the Norman Conquest
- •6.3.4 New names of the Renaissance and Reformation
- •6.3.5 The modern period
- •6.3.6 The most recent trends
- •6.3.7 Modern English-language personal names
- •6.4 Surnames
- •6.4.1 The origin of surnames
- •6.4.2 Some problems with surname interpretation
- •6.4.3 Types of surname
- •6.4.4 The linguistic structure of surnames
- •6.4.5 Other languages of English surnames
- •6.4.6 Surnaming since about 1500
- •6.5 Place-names
- •6.5.1 Preliminaries
- •6.5.2 The ethnic and linguistic context of English names
- •6.5.3 The explanation of place-names
- •6.5.4 English-language place-names
- •6.5.5 Place-names and urban history
- •6.5.6 Place-names in languages arriving after English
- •6.6 Conclusion
- •Appendix: abbreviations of English county-names
- •7 English in Britain
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Old English
- •7.3 Middle English
- •7.4 A Scottish interlude
- •7.5 Early Modern English
- •7.6 Modern English
- •7.7 Other dialects
- •8 English in North America
- •8.1.1 Explorers and settlers meet Native Americans
- •8.1.2 Maintenance and change
- •8.1.3 Waves of immigrant colonists
- •8.1.4 Character of colonial English
- •8.1.5 Regional origins of colonial English
- •8.1.6 Tracing linguistic features to Britain
- •8.2.2 Prescriptivism
- •8.2.3 Lexical borrowings
- •8.3.1 Syntactic patterns in American English and British English
- •8.3.2 Regional patterns in American English
- •8.3.3 Dictionary of American Regional English (DARE)
- •8.3.4 Atlas of North American English (ANAE)
- •8.3.5 Social dialects
- •8.3.5.1 Socioeconomic status
- •8.3.6 Ethnic dialects
- •8.3.6.1 African American English (AAE)
- •8.3.6.2 Latino English
- •8.3.7 English in Canada
- •8.3.8 Social meaning and attitudes
- •8.3.10 The future of North American dialects
- •Appendix: abbreviations of US state-names
- •9 English worldwide
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 The recency of world English
- •9.3 The reasons for the emergence of world English
- •9.3.1 Politics
- •9.3.2 Economics
- •9.3.3 The press
- •9.3.4 Advertising
- •9.3.5 Broadcasting
- •9.3.6 Motion pictures
- •9.3.7 Popular music
- •9.3.8 International travel and safety
- •9.3.9 Education
- •9.3.10 Communications
- •9.4 The future of English as a world language
- •9.5 An English family of languages?
- •Further reading
- •1 Overview
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •3 Syntax
- •4 Vocabulary
- •5 Standardisation
- •6 Names
- •7 English in Britain
- •8 English in North America
- •9 English worldwide
- •References
- •Index
318 R I C H A R D C O AT E S
the orthographic practices of the AS administrative system. Names are the most information-intensive of linguistic material, with low predictability in context, and the context of collection was hardly designed to combat this problem, so we are not surprised to find a document requiring careful linguistic analysis and yielding sometimes disheartening results. Many other AS documents exist only in later, post-Conquest, copies, often in c(h)artularies (collections of transcriptions); during the Middle Ages attempts at consistency of spelling did not rank as a virtue and were probably not even conceptualised. Until the fifteenth century, documents containing names were overwhelmingly written in Latin or French, and what is by origin an English name is often presented in one or the other guise (e.g. in civitate Scrobbensis 901; Saropesberia eleventh century; Salopie or Salopia thirteenth century, all meaning ‘(at) Shrewsbury’ (PN Sa I: 267–71)). Name records need analysis in the light of scribal practice and textual history.
Other AS-period evidence is in inscriptions, chronicles and confraternity books. Coin inscriptions may display kings’ and moneyers’ names and locations of mints. An insight into the special difficulties in interpreting this material may be had from Smart (1979) and Colman (1984: 96–108; 1992: passim). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle contains personal names mainly of dynastic importance, and placenames which surface according to the sweep of political history – few and random except to the extent that major events happened in significant places. In the absence of an AS DB, the prime source for early English names is Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, finalised in about 731. The confraternity books of Durham and Hyde (Winchester) are lists of names of benefactors, built up incrementally (like chronicles), and giving few hints as to the social and ethnic status of the persons named.
Many documents from the medieval period are now available in reasonably user-friendly editions, but these documents may be of different interest and value according to the degree of local knowledge possessed by the drafter or copyist, and especially for place-name purposes the most locally aware documents tend to be of the greatest value. Legal and central administrative documents may perpetuate errors or archaisms; local documents may give evidence of linguistic innovation. Later the volume of documentation containing name forms increases exponentially. Sources may be public or domestic, published or unpublished, verbal or cartographic.
6.3Personal names
6.3.1 |
Preliminaries |
|
Following Clark (1992a), the term personal name will be used for a name bestowed on an individual as a matter of conscious choice. This concept is to be distinguished from one inherited (patronym or metronym vs family-name (surname)), or one applied because it is appropriate to the person, ironically
Names 319
or otherwise (by-name). The term nickname can be used restrictively to mean a personal name not falling into one of the other categories, for example Tug and Nobby, the once-traditional but now almost forgotten names automatically bestowed on men with the surname Wilson and Clark, respectively – bestowed because thought appropriate to the surname, not to the person. For further information see the section on Further Reading.
6.3.2 |
The earliest English personal names |
|
The AS period is interesting as being the last when the linguistic material of most personal names was English. Since then, only an upsurge of Puritan naming in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and some special fashions in the last 200 years of the second millennium have relied significantly on English words. The earliest naming practice among the Germanic peoples was geared to the production of a large number of distinct names, because custom required a single name unique to the individual bearing it – at least ideally. The most characteristic AS names are composed of a single element, usually coinciding in form with an OE lexical word, or of two such elements, selected from partly overlapping lists, where the second relates to the sex of the bearer (not to be confused with the grammatical gender of the word). Scholars call such names monothematic and dithematic respectively; each of the elements is a theme. The two-element structure was the engine which generated a constant supply of new names. Originally the supply was sufficient to satisfy a society with no central records and no large groupings of people in regular interaction with each other, and which therefore could tolerate occasional duplication that might be remedied through by-naming. Later, certain combinations became favoured and therefore replicated, and this led to the emergence of other naming strategies to help achieve disambiguation of reference in context: certainly the creation of surnames in Europe, and possibly the more systematic creation of by-names, though we have no real evidence for the antiquity or otherwise of the latter as a systematic device. The best wideranging discussions of OE name elements are Strom¨ (1939) and Anderson (1941), supplemented by Colman (1992: 71–125), and for an excellent culturally situated discussion see also Insley (2002).
The system is substantially the one inherited from Common West Germanic (CWGmc). In the two-element names, either element might be either an adjective or a noun, and in some instances a bound morpheme with a comparable sort of lexical meaning. A few were synchronically opaque in recorded OE. The list of first elements (protothemes, written X- below) is larger than that of second elements (deuterothemes, written -x below). The themes are not semantically random. Those which predominate have to do with group identification and loyalty (Swæf- ‘Swabian’, þeod¯ - ‘nation’), physical and moral prowess and its rewards (Beald-/-beald ‘brave’, Weald-/-weald ‘power’, Beorht-/-beorht and
Æðel- ‘noble’, Cu¯ð- and -mær¯ ‘famous’), the warrior life (Hild-/-hild and W¯ıg-/ -w¯ıg ‘battle’, -brord and -gar¯ ‘spear’, Beorn- ‘warrior’, Wulf-/-wulf ‘wolf’ or
320 R I C H A R D C O AT E S
¯
arguably ‘warrior’, Here-/-here ‘army’, Sige-/-sige ‘victory’, Ead- ‘prosperity,
¯
treasure’) and pre-Christian religion (Os- ‘deity’, Ælf- ‘elf’, Run¯ -/-run¯ ‘secret,
¯
mystery’). Less easy to categorise are -stan¯ ‘stone’, Eorp- ‘red’ and East- ‘east’. Some themes appear related to more peaceful pursuits, but it is easy to see how they might fit into the conceptual framework of a culture that saw itself as a warrior people: Ræd¯-/-ræd¯ ‘counsel’, Burg-/-burg ‘pledge’ and Mund-/-mund ‘hand; protection’, -helm ‘protection; helmet’. Friðu-/-frið ‘peace’ might be viewed as the fruit of war, along with loot. That said, Leof¯ - ‘dear’ and Wine-/-wine ‘friend’ were also popular; maybe these should be understood in terms of comradeship in arms, though any such connotation is unlikely to have been permanent. The prototheme appeared in its stem form, and when the deuterotheme was inflected, male names were generally treated as a-stems and female ones as o¯-stems (cf. Section 2.4.5), even where that was at variance with the morphology of the related lexical word, as with -burg.
Other kinds of name were known. Some ordinary lexemes standing uncompounded were used both for men (Hengest ‘stallion’, Frod¯ ‘wise’) and women (Hild ‘battle’, Beage¯ ‘ring’). Some names are derived from other themes by suffixation, especially using the elements -ing (perhaps originally patronymic, e.g.
Leofing¯ ), -el (Beorhtel), -uc (Hw¯ıtuc) and -(i/e)ca (Haneca).
6.3.3 |
The impact of the Norman Conquest |
|
Clark (1979: 13) suggests that ‘[i]n any homogeneous community, naming-behaviour will remain constant, except when disturbed by outside influence’. We might expect to find, therefore, that the system just described, except as disturbed by the Scandinavian settlement, would undergo rapid change around the Norman Conquest. Indeed, names of English origin declined fairly suddenly after 1066, but at different rates in different social groups (Clark, 1987a, 1987b), persisting till about 1250 only among the peasantry. Clark (1987b) explores various possibilities about the models adopted by the English for the naming of their own children after the new fashion, and notes occasional voluntary adoption of a new-style name, e.g. in adolescence as opposed to at baptism. Very few names of OE origin were preserved, the only really durable ones being of three popular saints, Edmund, Edward and Cuthbert.
The typical ‘English’ names of the Middle Ages and later fall mainly into two categories: French-mediated ones of CWGmc origin and French-mediated ones of customary saints. Germanic ones included William, Robert, Richard, Gilbert, Alice, Eleanor, Rose/Rohais, Maud, together with the Breton Alan; Christian names were those of biblical personages or post-biblical popular saints, including Adam, Matthew, Bartholomew, James, Thomas, Andrew, Stephen, Nicholas, Peter/Piers, John and its feminine Joan, Anne, Margaret/Margery, from the late twelfth century onwards, Mary, and from the fourteenth Christopher. Whilst the fortune of individual names ebbed and flowed in time and in place, this is the name stock for both sexes which until recently served as the canon of ‘English’
Names 321
names. Other impacts were few; whilst the nobles played at being Knights of the Round Table, the names of the characters of the romances had little impact on their naming habits; children baptised Arthur, Guenevere and Launcelot appeared occasionally but Galahad, so far as I know, not at all, despite his unimpeachable character. The difference between this and the openness to literary and showbiz models since about 1550–1600 is very striking.
6.3.4 |
New names of the Renaissance and Reformation |
|
The first systematic threat to this canon came in the sixteenth century (for the background to this see Wilson, 1998: chs. 9, 10). The new availability of printed books publishing the literature, mythology and scholarship of classical times offered a whole new name stock. Parents might bestow on their children names from antiquity; aristocratic parents led the way with such names as Penelope and Ambrose being used by the Essex and Warwick families respectively; others were Cynthia, Diana, Ant(h)ony and Mark/Marcus (though Mark might be for the evangelist). Formally, these might be either in the Latin nominative singular form (whatever the source: Hercules, not Heracles; Theophilus not Theophilos) or with anglicisation consisting of the dropping of some masculine suffixes; note that Shakespeare has Antony in Antony and Cleopatra but Antonius in Julius Caesar. In the longer term, anglicised forms dominated: Mark, Claud(e), though their precise form might owe something to conventional modes of spelling derived from French. Only Marcus of male names still current retains its Latin form. In striking contrast, for females, forms of the Latin first declension have become accepted as normal, often alongside vernacularised forms: compare Diana/Diane, Julia/Julie, Clara/Cla(i)re and Helena/Helen Ellen Elaine; but it may well be important that some of these ‘Latin’ forms coincided phonologically (in England) with favoured Italian continuations or revivals of the names (e.g. Diana, Giulia). Since the Reformation these have gradually percolated through the English class system. A few Italian names became current in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, such as Ferdinando and Orlando. The latter shows the impact of vernacular literatures in England, since it is the name of Ariosto’s epic hero (Italian for Roland), and Italian-derived literature has been responsible for the import of
Oliver, Juliet (Giulietta), Gulielma and Guido.
These trends secured the position of -a as the mark of female names par excellence (cf. Lieberson & Mikelson, 1995), and which stimulated the popularity of many names in -a from a variety of sources (Anna, Susanna, Eva, Olivia) and in more modern times -a as a formative element used to create distinctively female names from male ones (Roberta, Davina – mainly Scottish, irregularly from David, which itself was more popular in medieval Scotland than in England –
Philippa and Georgia).
These patterns of foreign influence over English naming can be traced unambiguously to prevailing cultural and political circumstances. Italy was the perceived source of much that was admired in the Renaissance. Spain was a source