- •Contents
- •Figures
- •Tables
- •Contributors
- •Preface
- •Acknowledgements
- •1 Overview
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 The roots of English
- •1.3 Early history: immigration and invasion
- •1.4 Later history: internal migration, emigration, immigration again
- •1.5 The form of historical evidence
- •1.6 The surviving historical texts
- •1.7 Indirect evidence
- •1.8 Why does language change?
- •1.9 Recent and current change
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •2.1 History, change and variation
- •2.2 The extent of change: ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ history
- •2.3 Tale’s end: a sketch of ModE phonology and morphology
- •2.3.1 Principles
- •2.3.2 ModE vowel inventories
- •2.3.3 ModE consonant inventories
- •2.3.4 Stress
- •2.3.5 Modern English morphology
- •2.4 Old English
- •2.4.1 Time, space and texts
- •2.4.2 The Old English vowels
- •2.4.3 The Old English consonants
- •2.4.4 Stress
- •2.4.5 Old English morphology
- •2.4.5.1 The noun phrase: noun, pronoun and adjective
- •2.4.5.2 The verb
- •2.4.6 Postlude as prelude
- •2.5 The ‘OE/ME transition’ to c.1150
- •2.5.1 The Great Hiatus
- •2.5.2 Phonology: major early changes
- •2.5.2.1 Early quantity adjustments
- •2.5.2.2 The old diphthongs, low vowels and /y( )/
- •2.5.2.3 The new ME diphthongs
- •2.5.2.4 Weak vowel mergers
- •2.5.2.5 The fricative voice contrast
- •2.6.1 The problem of ME spelling
- •2.6.2 Phonology
- •2.6.2.2 ‘Dropping aitches’ and postvocalic /x/
- •2.6.2.4 Stress
- •2.6.3 ME morphology
- •2.6.3.2 The morphology/phonology interaction
- •2.6.3.3 The noun phrase: gender, case and number
- •2.6.3.4 The personal pronoun
- •2.6.3.5 Verb morphology: introduction
- •2.6.3.6 The verb: tense marking
- •2.6.3.7 The verb: person and number
- •2.6.3.8 The verb ‘to be’
- •2.7.1 Introduction
- •2.7.2 Phonology: the Great Vowel Shift
- •2.7.4 English vowel phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5 English consonant phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5.1 Loss of postvocalic /r/
- •2.7.5.2 Palatals and palatalisation
- •2.7.5.3 The story of /x/
- •2.7.6 Stress
- •2.7.7 English morphology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.7.1 Nouns and adjectives
- •2.7.7.2 The personal pronouns
- •2.7.7.3 Pruning luxuriance: ‘anomalous verbs’
- •2.8.1 Preliminary note
- •2.8.2 Progress, regress, stasis and undecidability
- •2.8.2.1 The evolution of Lengthening I
- •2.8.2.2 Lengthening II
- •3 Syntax
- •3.1 Introduction
- •3.2 Internal syntax of the noun phrase
- •3.2.1 The head of the noun phrase
- •3.2.2 Determiners
- •3.3 The verbal group
- •3.3.1 Tense
- •3.3.2 Aspect
- •3.3.3 Mood
- •3.3.4 The story of the modals
- •3.3.5 Voice
- •3.3.6 Rise of do
- •3.3.7 Internal structure of the Aux phrase
- •3.4 Clausal constituents
- •3.4.1 Subjects
- •3.4.2 Objects
- •3.4.3 Impersonal constructions
- •3.4.4 Passive
- •3.4.5 Subordinate clauses
- •3.5 Word order
- •3.5.1 Introduction
- •3.5.2 Developments in the order of subject and verb
- •3.5.3 Developments in the order of object and verb
- •3.5.5 Developments in the position of particles and adverbs
- •3.5.6 Consequences
- •4 Vocabulary
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.1.1 The function of lexemes
- •4.1.3 Lexical change
- •4.1.4 Lexical structures
- •4.1.5 Principles of word formation
- •4.1.6 Change of meaning
- •4.2 Old English
- •4.2.1 Introduction
- •4.2.4 Word formation
- •4.2.4.1 Noun compounds
- •4.2.4.2 Compound adjectives
- •4.2.4.3 Compound verbs
- •4.2.4.7 Zero derivation
- •4.2.4.8 Nominal derivatives
- •4.2.4.9 Adjectival derivatives
- •4.2.4.10 Verbal derivation
- •4.2.4.11 Adverbs
- •4.2.4.12 The typological status of Old English word formation
- •4.3 Middle English
- •4.3.1 Introduction
- •4.3.2 Borrowing
- •4.3.2.1 Scandinavian
- •4.3.2.2 French
- •4.3.2.3 Latin
- •4.3.3 Word formation
- •4.3.3.1 Compounding
- •4.3.3.4 Zero derivation
- •4.4 Early Modern English
- •4.4.1 Introduction
- •4.4.2 Borrowing
- •4.4.2.1 Latin
- •4.4.2.2 French
- •4.4.2.3 Greek
- •4.4.2.4 Italian
- •4.4.2.5 Spanish
- •4.4.2.6 Other languages
- •4.4.3 Word formation
- •4.4.3.1 Compounding
- •4.5 Modern English
- •4.5.1 Introduction
- •4.5.2 Borrowing
- •4.5.3 Word formation
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •5 Standardisation
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 The rise and development of standard English
- •5.2.1 Selection
- •5.2.2 Acceptance
- •5.2.3 Diffusion
- •5.2.5 Elaboration of function
- •5.2.7 Prescription
- •5.2.8 Conclusion
- •5.3 A general and focussed language?
- •5.3.1 Introduction
- •5.3.2 Spelling
- •5.3.3 Grammar
- •5.3.4 Vocabulary
- •5.3.5 Registers
- •Electric phenomena of Tourmaline
- •5.3.6 Pronunciation
- •5.3.7 Conclusion
- •6 Names
- •6.1 Theoretical preliminaries
- •6.1.1 The status of proper names
- •6.1.2 Namables
- •6.1.3 Properhood and tropes
- •6.2 English onomastics
- •6.2.1 The discipline of English onomastics
- •6.2.2 Source materials for English onomastics
- •6.3 Personal names
- •6.3.1 Preliminaries
- •6.3.2 The earliest English personal names
- •6.3.3 The impact of the Norman Conquest
- •6.3.4 New names of the Renaissance and Reformation
- •6.3.5 The modern period
- •6.3.6 The most recent trends
- •6.3.7 Modern English-language personal names
- •6.4 Surnames
- •6.4.1 The origin of surnames
- •6.4.2 Some problems with surname interpretation
- •6.4.3 Types of surname
- •6.4.4 The linguistic structure of surnames
- •6.4.5 Other languages of English surnames
- •6.4.6 Surnaming since about 1500
- •6.5 Place-names
- •6.5.1 Preliminaries
- •6.5.2 The ethnic and linguistic context of English names
- •6.5.3 The explanation of place-names
- •6.5.4 English-language place-names
- •6.5.5 Place-names and urban history
- •6.5.6 Place-names in languages arriving after English
- •6.6 Conclusion
- •Appendix: abbreviations of English county-names
- •7 English in Britain
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Old English
- •7.3 Middle English
- •7.4 A Scottish interlude
- •7.5 Early Modern English
- •7.6 Modern English
- •7.7 Other dialects
- •8 English in North America
- •8.1.1 Explorers and settlers meet Native Americans
- •8.1.2 Maintenance and change
- •8.1.3 Waves of immigrant colonists
- •8.1.4 Character of colonial English
- •8.1.5 Regional origins of colonial English
- •8.1.6 Tracing linguistic features to Britain
- •8.2.2 Prescriptivism
- •8.2.3 Lexical borrowings
- •8.3.1 Syntactic patterns in American English and British English
- •8.3.2 Regional patterns in American English
- •8.3.3 Dictionary of American Regional English (DARE)
- •8.3.4 Atlas of North American English (ANAE)
- •8.3.5 Social dialects
- •8.3.5.1 Socioeconomic status
- •8.3.6 Ethnic dialects
- •8.3.6.1 African American English (AAE)
- •8.3.6.2 Latino English
- •8.3.7 English in Canada
- •8.3.8 Social meaning and attitudes
- •8.3.10 The future of North American dialects
- •Appendix: abbreviations of US state-names
- •9 English worldwide
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 The recency of world English
- •9.3 The reasons for the emergence of world English
- •9.3.1 Politics
- •9.3.2 Economics
- •9.3.3 The press
- •9.3.4 Advertising
- •9.3.5 Broadcasting
- •9.3.6 Motion pictures
- •9.3.7 Popular music
- •9.3.8 International travel and safety
- •9.3.9 Education
- •9.3.10 Communications
- •9.4 The future of English as a world language
- •9.5 An English family of languages?
- •Further reading
- •1 Overview
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •3 Syntax
- •4 Vocabulary
- •5 Standardisation
- •6 Names
- •7 English in Britain
- •8 English in North America
- •9 English worldwide
- •References
- •Index
246 D I E T E R K A S T O V S K Y
also gradually resulted in a dissociation between the strong verbs and the related ablaut nouns and adjectives, which were, with the exception of a few relics such as batch, drove, song, writ and some additional dialectal forms, almost completely lost during Middle English. A contributing factor was probably also the generalisation of word-based derivation, which had as its input the unmarked base form. The other morphophonemic alternations, though originally transparent, in the course of the (pre-)Old English period lost their conditioning factors and shifted from phonological to (unpredictable) morphological conditioning. The most important of the alternations was unquestionably i-umlaut, which not only lost its conditioning factor, but, due to progressive unrounding, also its phonetic transparency. At the end of the Old English period, probably accelerated by the various lengthening and shortening processes affecting the vowel system, this morphophonemic/allomorphic system must have broken down completely. The subsequent restructuring in Middle English, little investigated so far, established homological, i.e. alternation-free, derivation as the dominant principle of word formation, which it still is in Modern English in the native and nativised patterns. It is only in non-native Romance and Neo-Latin patterns that we have alternations today, e.g. sane sanity, divine divinity, Japan´ Japanese´, etc. Thus, whereas in Old English we have only one derivational level, viz. derivation on a native basis, Modern English operates at both a native and a non-native level, whose boundaries are not neatly delimited. This duality is the result of the massive borrowing from French and Neo-Latin in the Middle English and early Modern English periods, as we will see below.
4.3Middle English
4.3.1 |
Introduction |
|
As explained in Chapter 1, the linguistic situation at the end of the twelfth century was rather complex, both socially and geographically. In fact, we find four different linguistic strata.
First of all, there are monolingual native speakers of English (usually members of the lower social ranks), speaking local dialects with no supra-regional standard; the emergent West Saxon written standard was petering out during the twelfth century. A second geographically but also socially distinct group lived in the former Danelaw area, where we still have to reckon with partial Scandinavian– English bilingualism in the eleventh and early twelfth centuries. This bilingualism, however, must have rapidly decreased in favour of English monolingualism due to the changed political situation. The result was the loss of Scandinavian as a means of communication (language death) with massive borrowing of basic vocabulary. A third group consisted of those who mainly or exclusively used French (Anglo-Norman) in oral communication, usually members of the nobility, including the royal family. But towards the end of the twelfth century, more and
Vocabulary 247
more members of this class began to also learn English, probably resulting in considerable bilingualism. At the same time we witness an increase of French among members of the middle class, especially with traders and craftsmen in towns. Fourthly, it should not be forgotten that Latin had remained in use as the language of the church and of scholarship (where it was also used as a spoken medium), and of public records.
Thus at the beginning of the thirteenth century we are confronted with a rather complex sociolinguistic situation. There were people who spoke only French and many more who spoke only English. There were likewise a considerable number who were genuinely bilingual as well as those who had some understanding of two languages while speaking only one. Thus Henry II (1154–89) understood English but did not speak it, whereas his wife, Eleanor of Aquitaine, did not understand English at all and always needed an interpreter. Had this situation continued, England might well have developed into a bilingual country, but important political changes at the end of the twelfth century brought about the re-establishment of English as the dominant – and eventually only – language in England. The crucial change was the loss of Normandy to the French crown by King John as a result of his politically unwise marriage to Isabel of Angoulˆeme. The nobility had to make a choice with regard to their allegiance either to the king of England or the king of France, with the concomitant loss of their property in France or England, respectively.
There was one phenomenon which delayed the demise of French for some time, namely the cultural dominance of France and French. At this time France was commonly regarded as representing chivalrous society in its most polished form, and French literature was regarded highly at most courts in Europe and was often translated or imitated in the vernacular. This was also enhanced by the fame of the University of Paris as the centre of medieval scholarship. Thus the position of French gradually changed in the thirteenth century. The upper classes continued to speak French, but primarily due to social custom, administrative convention and for prestige reasons, rather than necessity. At the same time, English more and more gained ground, and by the middle of the thirteenth century had become the language of everyday business even among the upper classes. This is the period when we observe the largest number of French loans entering the English vocabulary, especially those belonging to everyday language such as action, age, city, country, hour, mountain, noise, flower, people, piece, power, reason, river, tailor, use, waste; able, active, brief, calm, certain, common, cruel, double, eager, easy, faint, firm, frail, honest, jolly, large, mean, moist, natural, nice, plain, poor, pure, real, safe, secret, solid, sure, tender, usual; advance, advise, aim, allow, arrive, catch, change, chase, conceal, count, cover, defeat, desire, destroy, enjoy, enter, err, flatter, form, grant, join, marry, mount, obey, pass, please, push, quit, receive, refuse, remember, reply, rob, save, serve, strangle, strive, suppose, tempt, tremble, wait, etc. The reason for the demise of French is the same as in the case of Scandinavian: language death. The French language lost ground, speakers switched to English, but brought a lot of their vocabulary with them. By the end
248 D I E T E R K A S T O V S K Y
of the thirteenth century, French was no longer a native language for many and had to be taught systematically. As a result, we now find French manuals with English glosses, i.e. language-teaching material; an example is the treatise written by Walter of Bibbesworth to teach children French – how to speak and how to reply: ‘Which every gentleman ought to know’ – in the middle of the thirteenth century.
Another aspect detrimental to French in England was its provincial linguistic status. It had originated as the language of the Normans coming to England, which was a regional variety. At the time of the Norman Conquest there had basically been four French dialects, viz. Norman, Picard (northeast France), Burgundian (east) and Central French (Paris and Ile-de-France), which enjoyed a certain local prestige. But in the thirteenth century, Paris and its dialect became dominant and the Anglo-Norman dialect spoken in England came to be regarded as very provincial. Thus, even if French remained the first language with some speakers in England, it would be regarded as odd by the real French, and made ‘real’, i.e. Parisian, French even more of a foreign language. This is also reflected by the changing source of French loans, as we will see below. Another factor contributing to the establishment of English as the primary spoken language was the general demographic development and the rise of a substantial middle class.
All this shows that for about at least 300 years English had been subject to continuous foreign influence, primarily from French, but also to a certain extent from Latin. While the Scandinavian influence had not really changed the character of the vocabulary, the influence of French and Latin was much more pervasive, since it also had repercussions for the phonological and morphological system of the language, apart from merely adding to the number of lexical items with the result of introducing numerous quasi-synonyms (partly semantically, partly just stylistically differentiated). This made lexical fields more complex than they had been in Old English; cf. the following examples: rise : mount : ascend, ask : question : interrogate, goodness : virtue : probity, fire : flame : conflagration, fear : terror : trepidation, holy : sacred : consecrated, hearty : cordial, stench : smell : aroma : odour : perfume : fragrance, might : power, ask : demand, shun : avoid, seethe : boil, shut : close, wish : desire. On the other hand, many of these loans replaced older words, e.g. eam¯ > uncle, æþele > noble, dryhten > lord, leod¯ > people, dema¯ / deman¯ / dom¯ > judge / judgement (vs doom / deem), scyldi˙g˙ > guilty, here > army, cempa > warrior, sibb > peace, adl¯ > disease, ieldo > age, lyft > air, earm > poor, andettan > confess, dihtan > compose, beorgan > protect, herian > praise, lean¯ / leanian¯ > reward, bel¯ıfan > remain.
There were two further factors that shaped the history of the English language: the emergence of a standard language in the late fouteenth and fifteenth centuries and the later introduction of printing. Both factors contributed to a gradual differentiation between the standard language and local dialects, which gradually became regarded as inferior.