
- •Contents
- •Figures
- •Tables
- •Contributors
- •Preface
- •Acknowledgements
- •1 Overview
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 The roots of English
- •1.3 Early history: immigration and invasion
- •1.4 Later history: internal migration, emigration, immigration again
- •1.5 The form of historical evidence
- •1.6 The surviving historical texts
- •1.7 Indirect evidence
- •1.8 Why does language change?
- •1.9 Recent and current change
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •2.1 History, change and variation
- •2.2 The extent of change: ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ history
- •2.3 Tale’s end: a sketch of ModE phonology and morphology
- •2.3.1 Principles
- •2.3.2 ModE vowel inventories
- •2.3.3 ModE consonant inventories
- •2.3.4 Stress
- •2.3.5 Modern English morphology
- •2.4 Old English
- •2.4.1 Time, space and texts
- •2.4.2 The Old English vowels
- •2.4.3 The Old English consonants
- •2.4.4 Stress
- •2.4.5 Old English morphology
- •2.4.5.1 The noun phrase: noun, pronoun and adjective
- •2.4.5.2 The verb
- •2.4.6 Postlude as prelude
- •2.5 The ‘OE/ME transition’ to c.1150
- •2.5.1 The Great Hiatus
- •2.5.2 Phonology: major early changes
- •2.5.2.1 Early quantity adjustments
- •2.5.2.2 The old diphthongs, low vowels and /y( )/
- •2.5.2.3 The new ME diphthongs
- •2.5.2.4 Weak vowel mergers
- •2.5.2.5 The fricative voice contrast
- •2.6.1 The problem of ME spelling
- •2.6.2 Phonology
- •2.6.2.2 ‘Dropping aitches’ and postvocalic /x/
- •2.6.2.4 Stress
- •2.6.3 ME morphology
- •2.6.3.2 The morphology/phonology interaction
- •2.6.3.3 The noun phrase: gender, case and number
- •2.6.3.4 The personal pronoun
- •2.6.3.5 Verb morphology: introduction
- •2.6.3.6 The verb: tense marking
- •2.6.3.7 The verb: person and number
- •2.6.3.8 The verb ‘to be’
- •2.7.1 Introduction
- •2.7.2 Phonology: the Great Vowel Shift
- •2.7.4 English vowel phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5 English consonant phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5.1 Loss of postvocalic /r/
- •2.7.5.2 Palatals and palatalisation
- •2.7.5.3 The story of /x/
- •2.7.6 Stress
- •2.7.7 English morphology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.7.1 Nouns and adjectives
- •2.7.7.2 The personal pronouns
- •2.7.7.3 Pruning luxuriance: ‘anomalous verbs’
- •2.8.1 Preliminary note
- •2.8.2 Progress, regress, stasis and undecidability
- •2.8.2.1 The evolution of Lengthening I
- •2.8.2.2 Lengthening II
- •3 Syntax
- •3.1 Introduction
- •3.2 Internal syntax of the noun phrase
- •3.2.1 The head of the noun phrase
- •3.2.2 Determiners
- •3.3 The verbal group
- •3.3.1 Tense
- •3.3.2 Aspect
- •3.3.3 Mood
- •3.3.4 The story of the modals
- •3.3.5 Voice
- •3.3.6 Rise of do
- •3.3.7 Internal structure of the Aux phrase
- •3.4 Clausal constituents
- •3.4.1 Subjects
- •3.4.2 Objects
- •3.4.3 Impersonal constructions
- •3.4.4 Passive
- •3.4.5 Subordinate clauses
- •3.5 Word order
- •3.5.1 Introduction
- •3.5.2 Developments in the order of subject and verb
- •3.5.3 Developments in the order of object and verb
- •3.5.5 Developments in the position of particles and adverbs
- •3.5.6 Consequences
- •4 Vocabulary
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.1.1 The function of lexemes
- •4.1.3 Lexical change
- •4.1.4 Lexical structures
- •4.1.5 Principles of word formation
- •4.1.6 Change of meaning
- •4.2 Old English
- •4.2.1 Introduction
- •4.2.4 Word formation
- •4.2.4.1 Noun compounds
- •4.2.4.2 Compound adjectives
- •4.2.4.3 Compound verbs
- •4.2.4.7 Zero derivation
- •4.2.4.8 Nominal derivatives
- •4.2.4.9 Adjectival derivatives
- •4.2.4.10 Verbal derivation
- •4.2.4.11 Adverbs
- •4.2.4.12 The typological status of Old English word formation
- •4.3 Middle English
- •4.3.1 Introduction
- •4.3.2 Borrowing
- •4.3.2.1 Scandinavian
- •4.3.2.2 French
- •4.3.2.3 Latin
- •4.3.3 Word formation
- •4.3.3.1 Compounding
- •4.3.3.4 Zero derivation
- •4.4 Early Modern English
- •4.4.1 Introduction
- •4.4.2 Borrowing
- •4.4.2.1 Latin
- •4.4.2.2 French
- •4.4.2.3 Greek
- •4.4.2.4 Italian
- •4.4.2.5 Spanish
- •4.4.2.6 Other languages
- •4.4.3 Word formation
- •4.4.3.1 Compounding
- •4.5 Modern English
- •4.5.1 Introduction
- •4.5.2 Borrowing
- •4.5.3 Word formation
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •5 Standardisation
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 The rise and development of standard English
- •5.2.1 Selection
- •5.2.2 Acceptance
- •5.2.3 Diffusion
- •5.2.5 Elaboration of function
- •5.2.7 Prescription
- •5.2.8 Conclusion
- •5.3 A general and focussed language?
- •5.3.1 Introduction
- •5.3.2 Spelling
- •5.3.3 Grammar
- •5.3.4 Vocabulary
- •5.3.5 Registers
- •Electric phenomena of Tourmaline
- •5.3.6 Pronunciation
- •5.3.7 Conclusion
- •6 Names
- •6.1 Theoretical preliminaries
- •6.1.1 The status of proper names
- •6.1.2 Namables
- •6.1.3 Properhood and tropes
- •6.2 English onomastics
- •6.2.1 The discipline of English onomastics
- •6.2.2 Source materials for English onomastics
- •6.3 Personal names
- •6.3.1 Preliminaries
- •6.3.2 The earliest English personal names
- •6.3.3 The impact of the Norman Conquest
- •6.3.4 New names of the Renaissance and Reformation
- •6.3.5 The modern period
- •6.3.6 The most recent trends
- •6.3.7 Modern English-language personal names
- •6.4 Surnames
- •6.4.1 The origin of surnames
- •6.4.2 Some problems with surname interpretation
- •6.4.3 Types of surname
- •6.4.4 The linguistic structure of surnames
- •6.4.5 Other languages of English surnames
- •6.4.6 Surnaming since about 1500
- •6.5 Place-names
- •6.5.1 Preliminaries
- •6.5.2 The ethnic and linguistic context of English names
- •6.5.3 The explanation of place-names
- •6.5.4 English-language place-names
- •6.5.5 Place-names and urban history
- •6.5.6 Place-names in languages arriving after English
- •6.6 Conclusion
- •Appendix: abbreviations of English county-names
- •7 English in Britain
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Old English
- •7.3 Middle English
- •7.4 A Scottish interlude
- •7.5 Early Modern English
- •7.6 Modern English
- •7.7 Other dialects
- •8 English in North America
- •8.1.1 Explorers and settlers meet Native Americans
- •8.1.2 Maintenance and change
- •8.1.3 Waves of immigrant colonists
- •8.1.4 Character of colonial English
- •8.1.5 Regional origins of colonial English
- •8.1.6 Tracing linguistic features to Britain
- •8.2.2 Prescriptivism
- •8.2.3 Lexical borrowings
- •8.3.1 Syntactic patterns in American English and British English
- •8.3.2 Regional patterns in American English
- •8.3.3 Dictionary of American Regional English (DARE)
- •8.3.4 Atlas of North American English (ANAE)
- •8.3.5 Social dialects
- •8.3.5.1 Socioeconomic status
- •8.3.6 Ethnic dialects
- •8.3.6.1 African American English (AAE)
- •8.3.6.2 Latino English
- •8.3.7 English in Canada
- •8.3.8 Social meaning and attitudes
- •8.3.10 The future of North American dialects
- •Appendix: abbreviations of US state-names
- •9 English worldwide
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 The recency of world English
- •9.3 The reasons for the emergence of world English
- •9.3.1 Politics
- •9.3.2 Economics
- •9.3.3 The press
- •9.3.4 Advertising
- •9.3.5 Broadcasting
- •9.3.6 Motion pictures
- •9.3.7 Popular music
- •9.3.8 International travel and safety
- •9.3.9 Education
- •9.3.10 Communications
- •9.4 The future of English as a world language
- •9.5 An English family of languages?
- •Further reading
- •1 Overview
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •3 Syntax
- •4 Vocabulary
- •5 Standardisation
- •6 Names
- •7 English in Britain
- •8 English in North America
- •9 English worldwide
- •References
- •Index

6 Names
Richard Coates
6.1Theoretical preliminaries
6.1.1 |
The status of proper names |
|
Names is a technical term for a subset of the nominal expressions of a language which are used for referring (‘identifying or selecting in context’) and, in some cases, for addressing a partner in communication. Nominal expressions are in general headed by nouns. According to one of the most ancient distinctions in linguistics, nouns may be common or proper, which has something to do with whether they denote a class or an individual (e.g. queen vs Victoria), where individual means a single-member set of any sort, not just a person. Much discussion has taken place about how this distinction should be refined to be both accurate and useful, for instance by addressing the obvious difficulty that a typical proper noun denoting persons may denote many separate individuals who bear it, and that common nouns may refer to individuals by being constructed into phrases (the queen). I will leave the concept [± proper], applied to nouns, for intuitive or educated recognition before returning to discussion of the inclusive concept of proper names directly. Proper nouns have no inherent semantic content, even when they are homonymous with lexical words (Daisy, Wells), and many, perhaps all, cultures recognise nouns whose sole function is to be proper (Sarah, Ipswich). Typically they have a unique intended referent in a context of utterance. Proper names are the class of such proper nouns included in the class of all expressions which have the properties of being devoid of sense and being used with the intention of achieving unique reference in context. Onomastics is the study of proper names, and concentrates on proper nouns; I shall confine the main subject-matter of this chapter to the institutionalised proper nouns associated with English and, in accordance with ordinary usage, I shall call them proper names or just names. Readers should note that strictly speaking these are a subset of proper names, and from time to time other members of the larger set will be discussed. There is some evidence from aphasiology and cognitive neuropsychology that institutionalised proper nouns – especially personal names – form a psychologically real class (Semenza & Zettin, 1989b; Semenza, 1997; and other papers from Semenza’s team; van Lancker & Klein, 1990; the papers in Cohen & Burke, 1993; and the literature mentioned by Hanley & Kay, 1998).
312

Names 313
Proper names are unlike other words of a language; indeed, it may be debated to what extent they really are part of the language with which they are conventionally associated. They obey the same synchronic constraints of phonology, with some marginal exceptions. Names change in ways related, though not always identical, to those applying to lexical words. Processes of reduction may be more radical in names than in corresponding lexical expressions: compare the older, defunct, pronunciation of the Northamptonshire village-name Silverstone /silsn/ (PN Nth 43) with that of the expression silver stone (which appears to have been the thirteenth-century name and which has nowadays been drafted in, with stress adjustment, to replace the older name form). Typically, on creation, proper names are formed of current lexical material and respect current principles of word formation. However, what invests a name with significance when it is created does not necessarily stay with it. In the roles they have to perform, names function independently of their etymological meaning and structure. County Oak (Sussex) has a name denoting a tree marking a county boundary. The oak has gone and the boundary has been moved; nevertheless the name serves perfectly well as a direct denotator of the place, and its written and spoken forms are semantically, synchronically, empty. It means only in an etymological way; it is not the sense which is transparent but its history. If I said that I lived by the pub, but that it isn’t there any more, you would accuse me of not using words in their normal function; when used, concrete nouns carry a presupposition of the existence of a relevant example of what they denote. But names carry no obligation to use any lexical content they appear to have in order to do referring. Much English name study is devoted to uncovering the original meanings of proper names. Since linguistic change may have the effect of making structured names opaque, and therefore of allowing any synchronically opaque string of sounds or letters to function as a proper name, it is possible to exploit this characteristic by inventing names consisting of arbitrary material. The consequences of this important point will surface from time to time below. It has been refined into the Onymic Default Principle, which states that the default interpretation of any string of linguistic units is a proper name (Coates, 2005a).
This might be taken as implying that the set of lexical items is divided into words and phrases, whose elements and structure are meaningful at the moment of usage, and names, whose elements and structures are not. However, many – probably most – names are meaningful on creation or bestowal, but cease to be meaningful as time passes. At what point do they stop being meaningful? We might argue that an act of name-bestowal has as a component a formal abrogation of meaning (i.e. of sense). If I had been a Puritan in seventeenth-century England, I might have called my daughter Charity, and I would have done so by appropriating to my own use the word charity in full recognition of its meaning. On baptism, that meaning would disappear insofar as the linguistic string was used to refer to my daughter. Charity as a lexeme would be uncompromised if the girl turned out uncharitable; and if she did, Charity would be no less valid as her name.

314 R I C H A R D C O AT E S
Many names, though, especially place-names, appear to ease into existence through the wearing-down of full expressions, rather than by being bestowed. In a Berkshire charter originally drafted in about 950 CE, a boundary point was referred to as ut on fulan Riþe ‘out to (the) foul stream’ (definiteness is marked by the adjectival inflection here, not by a definite article; cf. Section 3.2.2). The stream is now called Foudry Brook; the first word perpetuates the ancient description. At some point it became opaque because it is opaque now. There may well have been a time when some people used this string of words in full knowledge of their etymology and used them fully meaningfully (‘go to the foul stream’) whilst for others they were simple indicators of a place (‘go to Foulstream’). The second group were further down the road to properhood. It follows from that that properness – absence of sense – is a matter of the intention (or at any rate of some mental state) of the user at the time of utterance (Coates, 2000, 2005a, forthcoming a). A name is fully proper when no one uses it with a primary intention to convey linguistic meaning – and that may be the end of a protracted process.
This onomastic divorce of names from the matrix of their source language allows some linguistic processes to affect them earlier and more thoroughly than the rest of the vocabulary (Clark, 1992a: 453; Colman, 1988b, 1990). Compound names may be obscured and sound-developments may affect names radically, resulting in greater attrition than in corresponding expressions of the language. Conversely, some names are exempt from otherwise general changes; there are still traces of an otherwise lost Old English (OE) definite adjectival inflection -an in such names as Stapenhill (Staffordshire), and of a nominal dative plural -um in Newsham (Yorkshire, North Riding). These facts make name material difficult to handle when trying to study historical phonology and/or morphology and dialectology, as they may appear to disobey sound laws or be exceptional to grammatical processes; and their status as evidence for or against the operation of such changes may be problematic.
All (proper) names are morphosyntactically definite but most in English have no definite article. A theoretical account of this is offered by Longobardi (1994), who suggests that, in general, proper nouns occupy the determiner position in noun phrases ‘because [they] are rigid designators’ in Kripke’s sense (1982: passim). Exceptions which do have an article range from those which are arguably not yet proper for all users, i.e. are ambiguous between proper and common readings, such as The East Anglian Heights, to not readily explicable exceptions, such as the hill-name The Cheviot (Northumberland) and the waterway-name The Solent (Hampshire). The synchronic opacity of these last two names is not what protects the article – compare the names for similar features Skiddaw (Cumberland), Wallet (Essex), which are equally opaque but do not have one – but it may well be retained in names with no synchronic lexically recognisable head. Other names have more or less explicitly definite sources by having the name of an individual or an expression denoting an individual (without an article) as the specifier:
St Edmundsbury (diocese, Suffolk), Kingston (passim).

Names 315
Names as onomastic items do not inflect for number. Hale and Hales must be different places, despite having etymologies which are distinct only as regards number. If they do pluralise, names do not do so in virtue of any lexical content (three Middletons means ‘three places called Middleton’ and not ‘three middle villages’). If they are inherently plural, they do not singularise without loss of properness; the Yorkshire moor (as in the Yorkshire moor on which I grew up) is not the singular of The Yorkshire Moors, and the Pennine can only be interpreted as a jocular expression ‘a definite one of the things collectively called The Pennines’. Some morphosyntactic changes are found most often in names; it is not uncommon for oblique case forms (usually datives functioning as locatives) to replace original nominatives, as with Newsham mentioned above and as with Bury, which is usually from byrig, the dative singular of burg, whose nominative form turns up by strict subjection to known phonological changes as Borough. Some OE placenames have elements in specifier position that are neither the base form of a noun nor its genitive singular.
6.1.2 |
Namables |
|
What kinds of things may bear names? All cultures appear to deploy names for individual persons and for places. They may be chosen from a traditional stock, as has been the case for most of the history of English personal names, or created at the point of bestowal from current linguistic materials and therefore meaningful to the bestower, as for example with Yoruba personal names. Instances of the latter type may in all cultures drift into the former, at first through the commemoration of people previously bearing a particular name. These names, however they are acquired, are not necessarily the sole or even dominant means of referring to the individual named. For instance, Koreans all bear personal names, but their traditional conversational way of referring to an adult person or even addressing them may be by an expression (teknonym) meaning ‘mother/father of [name of their eldest child]’, and similar though less systematic phenomena can be found in English too, for example in pro-names (generalised non-proper names that may act as name-surrogates) such as Mum and Dad. Place-names also appear to be a universal category, and may either evolve through conversational use from expressions descriptive of the site or be created and bestowed by deliberate acts.
Personal names appear to be the prototypical names, as all humans have overwhelming interest (1) in being able to refer conversationally to other humans with the expectation of uniquely identifying them in context, and (2) in catching the attention of other humans individually. Accordingly, personal names typically have both a referential and a vocative function. Their fundamental nature is also seen in the way they are applicable to other categories of individual, for instance animals. Places gain significance because we all move and act in space, so they gain significance through the way(s) in which they fit into human perceptions of landscape, townscape and starscape, which is what governs their naming. Other categories of object may bear proper names, and the more intimately associated