
- •Contents
- •Figures
- •Tables
- •Contributors
- •Preface
- •Acknowledgements
- •1 Overview
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 The roots of English
- •1.3 Early history: immigration and invasion
- •1.4 Later history: internal migration, emigration, immigration again
- •1.5 The form of historical evidence
- •1.6 The surviving historical texts
- •1.7 Indirect evidence
- •1.8 Why does language change?
- •1.9 Recent and current change
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •2.1 History, change and variation
- •2.2 The extent of change: ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ history
- •2.3 Tale’s end: a sketch of ModE phonology and morphology
- •2.3.1 Principles
- •2.3.2 ModE vowel inventories
- •2.3.3 ModE consonant inventories
- •2.3.4 Stress
- •2.3.5 Modern English morphology
- •2.4 Old English
- •2.4.1 Time, space and texts
- •2.4.2 The Old English vowels
- •2.4.3 The Old English consonants
- •2.4.4 Stress
- •2.4.5 Old English morphology
- •2.4.5.1 The noun phrase: noun, pronoun and adjective
- •2.4.5.2 The verb
- •2.4.6 Postlude as prelude
- •2.5 The ‘OE/ME transition’ to c.1150
- •2.5.1 The Great Hiatus
- •2.5.2 Phonology: major early changes
- •2.5.2.1 Early quantity adjustments
- •2.5.2.2 The old diphthongs, low vowels and /y( )/
- •2.5.2.3 The new ME diphthongs
- •2.5.2.4 Weak vowel mergers
- •2.5.2.5 The fricative voice contrast
- •2.6.1 The problem of ME spelling
- •2.6.2 Phonology
- •2.6.2.2 ‘Dropping aitches’ and postvocalic /x/
- •2.6.2.4 Stress
- •2.6.3 ME morphology
- •2.6.3.2 The morphology/phonology interaction
- •2.6.3.3 The noun phrase: gender, case and number
- •2.6.3.4 The personal pronoun
- •2.6.3.5 Verb morphology: introduction
- •2.6.3.6 The verb: tense marking
- •2.6.3.7 The verb: person and number
- •2.6.3.8 The verb ‘to be’
- •2.7.1 Introduction
- •2.7.2 Phonology: the Great Vowel Shift
- •2.7.4 English vowel phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5 English consonant phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5.1 Loss of postvocalic /r/
- •2.7.5.2 Palatals and palatalisation
- •2.7.5.3 The story of /x/
- •2.7.6 Stress
- •2.7.7 English morphology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.7.1 Nouns and adjectives
- •2.7.7.2 The personal pronouns
- •2.7.7.3 Pruning luxuriance: ‘anomalous verbs’
- •2.8.1 Preliminary note
- •2.8.2 Progress, regress, stasis and undecidability
- •2.8.2.1 The evolution of Lengthening I
- •2.8.2.2 Lengthening II
- •3 Syntax
- •3.1 Introduction
- •3.2 Internal syntax of the noun phrase
- •3.2.1 The head of the noun phrase
- •3.2.2 Determiners
- •3.3 The verbal group
- •3.3.1 Tense
- •3.3.2 Aspect
- •3.3.3 Mood
- •3.3.4 The story of the modals
- •3.3.5 Voice
- •3.3.6 Rise of do
- •3.3.7 Internal structure of the Aux phrase
- •3.4 Clausal constituents
- •3.4.1 Subjects
- •3.4.2 Objects
- •3.4.3 Impersonal constructions
- •3.4.4 Passive
- •3.4.5 Subordinate clauses
- •3.5 Word order
- •3.5.1 Introduction
- •3.5.2 Developments in the order of subject and verb
- •3.5.3 Developments in the order of object and verb
- •3.5.5 Developments in the position of particles and adverbs
- •3.5.6 Consequences
- •4 Vocabulary
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.1.1 The function of lexemes
- •4.1.3 Lexical change
- •4.1.4 Lexical structures
- •4.1.5 Principles of word formation
- •4.1.6 Change of meaning
- •4.2 Old English
- •4.2.1 Introduction
- •4.2.4 Word formation
- •4.2.4.1 Noun compounds
- •4.2.4.2 Compound adjectives
- •4.2.4.3 Compound verbs
- •4.2.4.7 Zero derivation
- •4.2.4.8 Nominal derivatives
- •4.2.4.9 Adjectival derivatives
- •4.2.4.10 Verbal derivation
- •4.2.4.11 Adverbs
- •4.2.4.12 The typological status of Old English word formation
- •4.3 Middle English
- •4.3.1 Introduction
- •4.3.2 Borrowing
- •4.3.2.1 Scandinavian
- •4.3.2.2 French
- •4.3.2.3 Latin
- •4.3.3 Word formation
- •4.3.3.1 Compounding
- •4.3.3.4 Zero derivation
- •4.4 Early Modern English
- •4.4.1 Introduction
- •4.4.2 Borrowing
- •4.4.2.1 Latin
- •4.4.2.2 French
- •4.4.2.3 Greek
- •4.4.2.4 Italian
- •4.4.2.5 Spanish
- •4.4.2.6 Other languages
- •4.4.3 Word formation
- •4.4.3.1 Compounding
- •4.5 Modern English
- •4.5.1 Introduction
- •4.5.2 Borrowing
- •4.5.3 Word formation
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •5 Standardisation
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 The rise and development of standard English
- •5.2.1 Selection
- •5.2.2 Acceptance
- •5.2.3 Diffusion
- •5.2.5 Elaboration of function
- •5.2.7 Prescription
- •5.2.8 Conclusion
- •5.3 A general and focussed language?
- •5.3.1 Introduction
- •5.3.2 Spelling
- •5.3.3 Grammar
- •5.3.4 Vocabulary
- •5.3.5 Registers
- •Electric phenomena of Tourmaline
- •5.3.6 Pronunciation
- •5.3.7 Conclusion
- •6 Names
- •6.1 Theoretical preliminaries
- •6.1.1 The status of proper names
- •6.1.2 Namables
- •6.1.3 Properhood and tropes
- •6.2 English onomastics
- •6.2.1 The discipline of English onomastics
- •6.2.2 Source materials for English onomastics
- •6.3 Personal names
- •6.3.1 Preliminaries
- •6.3.2 The earliest English personal names
- •6.3.3 The impact of the Norman Conquest
- •6.3.4 New names of the Renaissance and Reformation
- •6.3.5 The modern period
- •6.3.6 The most recent trends
- •6.3.7 Modern English-language personal names
- •6.4 Surnames
- •6.4.1 The origin of surnames
- •6.4.2 Some problems with surname interpretation
- •6.4.3 Types of surname
- •6.4.4 The linguistic structure of surnames
- •6.4.5 Other languages of English surnames
- •6.4.6 Surnaming since about 1500
- •6.5 Place-names
- •6.5.1 Preliminaries
- •6.5.2 The ethnic and linguistic context of English names
- •6.5.3 The explanation of place-names
- •6.5.4 English-language place-names
- •6.5.5 Place-names and urban history
- •6.5.6 Place-names in languages arriving after English
- •6.6 Conclusion
- •Appendix: abbreviations of English county-names
- •7 English in Britain
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Old English
- •7.3 Middle English
- •7.4 A Scottish interlude
- •7.5 Early Modern English
- •7.6 Modern English
- •7.7 Other dialects
- •8 English in North America
- •8.1.1 Explorers and settlers meet Native Americans
- •8.1.2 Maintenance and change
- •8.1.3 Waves of immigrant colonists
- •8.1.4 Character of colonial English
- •8.1.5 Regional origins of colonial English
- •8.1.6 Tracing linguistic features to Britain
- •8.2.2 Prescriptivism
- •8.2.3 Lexical borrowings
- •8.3.1 Syntactic patterns in American English and British English
- •8.3.2 Regional patterns in American English
- •8.3.3 Dictionary of American Regional English (DARE)
- •8.3.4 Atlas of North American English (ANAE)
- •8.3.5 Social dialects
- •8.3.5.1 Socioeconomic status
- •8.3.6 Ethnic dialects
- •8.3.6.1 African American English (AAE)
- •8.3.6.2 Latino English
- •8.3.7 English in Canada
- •8.3.8 Social meaning and attitudes
- •8.3.10 The future of North American dialects
- •Appendix: abbreviations of US state-names
- •9 English worldwide
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 The recency of world English
- •9.3 The reasons for the emergence of world English
- •9.3.1 Politics
- •9.3.2 Economics
- •9.3.3 The press
- •9.3.4 Advertising
- •9.3.5 Broadcasting
- •9.3.6 Motion pictures
- •9.3.7 Popular music
- •9.3.8 International travel and safety
- •9.3.9 Education
- •9.3.10 Communications
- •9.4 The future of English as a world language
- •9.5 An English family of languages?
- •Further reading
- •1 Overview
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •3 Syntax
- •4 Vocabulary
- •5 Standardisation
- •6 Names
- •7 English in Britain
- •8 English in North America
- •9 English worldwide
- •References
- •Index

260 D I E T E R K A S T O V S K Y
4.4.3 |
Word formation |
|
As has already been pointed out, it was during the early Modern English period that non-native word-formation patterns finally gained a real foothold in English and began to compete seriously with the native patterns. This is in line with the general explosion in the size of the vocabulary thanks to nearly unconstrained borrowing, which in turn provided many more analysable examples on the basis of which new formations could be produced that had no counterpart in the source languages. In the present context, a more detailed discussion of this process is impossible. What we can say, however, is that the Middle English loan patterns mentioned above were strengthened, and if they had not already been productive on a limited scale they now finally became productive, with some more affixes added to the already existing stock. This of course also affected the overall structure of the word-formation system, because this development introduced increased competition between patterns (see Kastovsky, 1985). This competition not only concerned the rivalry between native affixes (fore-, mid-, un-; -dom, -ed, -en, -er, -ful, -hood, -ing, -ish, -less, -let, -like, -ling, -ness, -ship, zero) and non-native affixes (ante-, circum-, dis-, extra-, in-, inter-, non-, post-, pre-, re-, sub-, super-, trans-; -able, -acy, -age, -al, -an, -ance, -ancy, -ant, -arian, -ate, -ation, -ee, -eer, -ery, -ese, -ic, -ical, -ician, -ify, -ise, -ism, -ist,
-ment, -ory, -ous, -ure), but also between the non-native affixes themselves. Thus, to give just one example, Old English had had only one productive negative prefix, viz. un-, as in un-w¯ıs. In Middle and early Modern English four competing non-native prefixes were added: a-, dis-, in-, non-, which now competed with un- and among themselves. This situation in fact persists till today and, despite the work of Aronoff (1980), Anshen & Aronoff (1988), Baayen (1989), Plag (1999), Riddle (1985) and some others, is still in need of a more thorough investigation, especially as regards the gradually emerging semantic and distributional restrictions. In early Modern English we often find rivalling forms from one and the same basis, e.g. frequency frequentness, immaturity immatureness, immediacy immediateness; light/Ø lighten enlighten; disthronise disthrone/Ø
dethrone/Ø dethronise unthrone/Ø. Eventually one of the forms survived, whereas the others were discarded, or else some semantic differentiation took place. Again, the rivalry of these competing patterns and their sorting-out in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are in need of further empirical investigation, especially with regard to their distribution among text types and the influence of prescriptive grammar.
Another consequence of this development is the consolidation of the nonnative level of word formation with its morphophonemic alternations and stembased properties. There was great variation during this period, some of which still persists, and a more systematic investigation of the rise, implementation and systematisation of these patterns is still needed.
4.4.3.1Compounding
In general, the compound types described in the sections above continued to be productive. But there were also changes. Thus there seems to have

Vocabulary 261
been a revival of the copulative compounds in literary language of the type giantdwarf, king-cardinal, master-mistress, sober-sad, pale-dull (Shakespeare), from where they made their way into technical language in the seventeenth century, e.g. hydraulo-pneumatical, anatomic-chirurgical. Another revival, beginning in the sixteenth century, is the type all-seer, all-creator, self-seeker, all-affecting, all-knowing, self-boasting, self-giving. Another innovation is the adjectival type
Anglo-Norman, concavo-convex, medical-physical, which is partly non-native.
4.4.3.2Prefixation
It was during this period that the majority of the foreign prefixes still productive today became productive on a larger scale or entered the language, although hybrid formations (non-native prefix + native base) seem to have been relatively constrained. A comprehensive survey is not possible here, but certain sense groups might be quoted in the following, based on Marchand (1969: 140– 208) and Nevalainen (1999: 379–91).
Negative prefixes
un- had originally been the only native suffix in this domain, expressing complementary and contrary opposition with adjectives and nouns:
(a)adjectives: unfit, ungodly, uncommon, uncomfortable, unfashionable, unEnglish, uncritical, unbecoming, undeserving, uncome-at-able, unheardof, uncared-for; unboundless, uncomfortless, unhelpless (the latter from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, now unacceptable)
(b)nouns: uncharity, ungratitude, unsuccess, unintelligence, unsatisfaction, unconcern
non- originated in Law Latin and Law French; later it was extended beyond the legal domain: non-ability, non-appearance, non-performance, non-resident, non-user, non-knowledge, non-truth; non-harmonious, non-graduated, nonpreaching
in- (French and Latin) is basically restricted to non-native bases; it also exhibits morphophonemic alternation (assimilation): inanimate, inextinguishable, inseparate, illegal, illegitimate, irresponsible; incivility, incompetence, inhospitality, inutility
dis- (French and Latin): discontent, dispassionate, disadvantageous, dissimilar, disharmonious, discontinuous, disrespectful; distrust, disorder, disfavour, disregard
a- (Greek): atheological, asymbolic, apsychical, asymmetric
Reversative and privative prefixes un- is the only native prefix in this domain:
(a)reversative: unbewitch, unbless, unconsecrate, undress, unfreeze, unmarry (sixteenth century), unblock, unlink, unmount, uncanonise, undignify, uncoil, unhitch, unlay, unstow

262D I E T E R K A S T O V S K Y
(b)privative/ablative: unballast, unburden, uncloak, unfrock, unman, unnerve (‘remove object’); unbosom, uncage, unhinge, unhook, unkennel (‘remove from place’)
dis- (French and Latin):
(a)reversative: disentangle, dishearten, discompose, disappear, disestablisih, disinfect, disunite, disassociate, discanonise, disarrange, disconnect, disqualify
(b)privative/ablative: disburden, discloud, dismast, dismerit, dispriviledge, disrank, distune (‘remove object’); displace, dishouse, discase, disbar
(‘remove from place’)
de- (French and Latin) becomes productive only in the eighteenth century, gradually restricting dis-formations: debark, demast, deobstruct, detomb, dethrone, detruth
Locative prefixes
a-(native, < on): ajar, atilt, adrift, agape, astride, aflame, ahorseback, ashore, a-tiptoe
fore- (native): forename, forecourt, forehand, foregound, forearm, foreshore mid- (native): mid-channel, mid-earth, mid-finger, mid-ship
inter- (French, Latin): interlink, intermix, intermarry, interlock, intertwine; interspeech, intermark; interlunar, interstellar, intermundane
sub- (Latin): sub-constable, sub-head, sub-treasurer, sub-officer, subcommittee, subspecies; sub-coastal, sublingual, subspinal; sublet
super- (Latin): superstructure, superimposition; superordinate, superterranean trans- (Latin): transnature, transdialect; translocation; transsubstantial, translu-
nary
Temporal prefixes
fore- (native): foreappoint, forbear, foreshadow, forebode, foreact, foregame, forenight
mid- (native): midnoon, midnight, mid-week, mid-season ante- (Latin): antediluvian, ante-theme, antedate, ante-noon
post- (Latin): post-date, post-eternity, post-date (vb); post-exist, postmeridian, post-deluvian
pre- (Latin): preconceive, pre-elect, precontract, prejudge, premeditate, preequipment, predisposition, pre-existence, prearrangement
re- (French, Latin): reassume, reconsider, reinforce, re-examine, reappear, recast, refill
Prefixes denoting opposition and support (‘attitudinal prefixes’) anti- (Latin): antipope, anticlimax, antimonarchical, antipapal, antifebrile, anti-
catarrhal

Vocabulary 263
counter- (French): counterbalance, counterpart, counterplea, counterplot
co- (French, Latin): coheir, co-defendant, co-juror, co-agency, co-existence, coarticulate, co-work, co-extensive, co-infinite
pro- (Latin): pro-rector, pro-vice-chancellor
Pejorative prefixes
mal- (French): maladministration, malconduct
mis- (native and French mes-): misapply, mishandle; misfortune, miscarriage, misconduct
pseudo- (Greek): pseudo-Catholic, pseudo-politician
Intensifying prefixes arch- (Greek, Latin): archbishop
hyper- (Greek): hyper-prophetical, hyper-magnetic proto- (Latin): protoplot, protodevil, protorebel sub- (Latin): sub-red, sub-angelical, sub-rustic
Quantitative prefixes
bi- (Latin): bicapited, bicapsular, biforked, bilobed
demi- (French): demigod, demi-lion, demicannon, demi-quaver multi- (Latin): multivarious, multicapsular
4.4.3.3Suffixation
With suffixation the pattern is similar: the majority of the early Modern English suffixes are of non-native origin, although they perhaps were not as productive as the native ones. At least some of them already made their appearance in Middle English, but started to become productive on a larger scale only in the early Modern English period. In the following I will concentrate on borrowed suffixes, since the patterns characterising the surviving native suffixes have already been illustrated above.
Noun-forming suffixes
-acy (French and Latin, deadjectival and denominal abstract nouns): accuracy, illiteracy, intimacy, curacy, piracy, magistracy
-age (French, abstract and collective denominal and deverbal nouns; result, location): baronetage, orphanage, leafage, mileage, parsonage, vicarage; anchorage, drainage, leakage, postage, storage, sweepage
-al (French, deverbal abstract nouns): approval, bestowal, carousal, denial, disposal, proposal, recital, removal, renewal, survival
-an/-ian (French and Latin, denominal and deadjectival nouns and adjectives):
Cantabrigian, Chaucerian, Devonian, Etonian, Norwegian, Oxonian -ance/-ence (French, deverbal abstract nouns): admittance, appliance, bearance,
clearance, convergence, emergence, guidance, reliance, remittance

264 D I E T E R K A S T O V S K Y
-ancy/-ency (French, deadjectival and denominal abstract nouns): agency, brilliancy, consistency, deceny, deficiency, efficiency, redundancy, tendency, vacancy
-ant/-ent (French and Latin, personal and instrumental nouns): absorbent, attendant, claimant, defendant, dependant, illuminant, solvent
-arian (Latin, denominal nouns and adjectives): sectarian, septuagenarian, Trinitarian
-ate (Latin, abstract nouns): episcopate, electorate, patriarchate, tribunate, triumvirate
-ation (French, Latin, abstract nouns): amplification, beautification, identification, authorisation, formalisation, affiliation, education, flirtation, intimidation, starvation
-ee (French, personal passive nouns): debtee, donee, grantee, mortgagee, payee, trustee
-eer (French, personal nouns): privateer, pamphleteer, sonneteer (mainly derogatory)
-ery (French, abstract and collective nouns, location): bigotry, brewery, fishery, foolery, ironmongery, peasantry, printery, rivalry, slavery, soldiery, swannery
-ese (Italian, denominal nouns and adjectives): Genoese, Milanese, Siamese -ess (French, female nouns): actress, ambassadress, farmeress, heiress, murder-
ess, poetess
-ician (French, personal nouns): dialectician, geometrician, mechanician, politician
-ism (Latin and French, abstract nouns): anglicism, criticism, modernism, Protestantism, truism, witticism
-ist (Latin and French, personal nouns and adjectives): bigamist, duellist, egotist, flutist, non-conformist, novelist ‘innovator’, tobacconist ‘one addicted to tobacco’
-ity (French and Latin, deadjectival abstract nouns): brutality, capability, compatibility, eccentricity, elasticity, oddity, regularity, similarity
-let (French, diminutive): droplet, ringlet, streamlet, townlet, winglet
-ment (French, abstract and concrete nouns): abasement, amusement, astonishment, commitment, equipment, fulfilment, management, retirement, statement, treatment
-ure (French, abstract nouns): closure, erasure, exposure, pressure
-y/-ie (Scottish, hypocoristic): brownie, Charlie, daddy, granny, hubby, jockey, kitty, laddie
Adjective-forming suffixes
Here, native suffixes have maintained their position and are fairly productive:
-ed (roofed, spirited, pig-headed), -en (earthen, milken), -ful (deceitful, hopeful), -ish (Cornish, Jewish, bookish, modish), -less (honourless, seamless, stateless),

Vocabulary 265
-like (?semi-suffix, bishoplike, godlike), -ly (cowardly, orderly), -some (awesome, quarrelsome, tiresome), -y (creamy, nutty, silky). Non-native suffixes becoming productive during this period are:
-able (French, mainly deverbal): advisable, answerable, eatable, drinkable, perishable, unbreakable, unconsumable; come-at-able, get-at-able; actionable, fashionable, sizeable
-al (-ial, -ical, -orial, -ual): global, horizontal, dictatorial, professional, logical, rhetorical, whimsical, accentual, conceptual (all basically Latin-based)
-ary (Latin): cautionary, complementary, fragmentary, revolutionary -ate (Latin and French): affectionate, compassionate, opinionate -esque (French): carnivalesque, picturesque
-ic (French): Celtic, democratic, Germanic, Miltonic, operatic, parasitic, problematic
-ive (French and Latin): amusive, conducive, depressive, preventive, sportive -ous (French): analogous, burdenous, hazardous, ostentatious, poisonous,
thunderous
Verb-forming suffixes
-ate (Latin): capacitate, fabricate, facilitate
-ify (French and Latin): beautify, countrify, fishify, Frenchify, monkeyfy, speechify, uglify
-ise (French and Latin): apologise, bastardise, fertilise, popularise, satirise, womanise
Other types of formation
Zero derivation continues in early Modern English in all domains and sense groups discussed above, including derivation from loans.
Deverbal nouns: contest, grasp, push, scream; award, brew, convert, produce, stew; cheat, pry, sneak; bend, dip, lounge; goggles, rattle; spring
Denominal verbs: bottle, channel, garrison, pocket; gun, net, trumpet; commotion, gesture, paraphrase, serenade; brick, glove, mask; bundle, group, pulp; butcher, mother, nurse, usher
Deadjectival verbs: dirty, empty, numb, obscure; idle, mute, shy, swift
Other types such as acronyms, reduplication, clipping and blending, which are of great importance in Modern English, begin to show up in this period. Thus the acronyms a.m. ‘ante meridian’, MA ‘Master of Arts’, are recorded from the eighteenth century. Clap-trap, hocus-pocus, shilly-shally, tittle-tattle, pooh-pooh, yap-yap are also recorded from this period. Clippings like miss < mistress, cute < acute, wig < periwig; brandy < brandywine, chap < chapman, gent < gentleman, hack < hackney, van < vanguard are also found for the first time in this period. Recorded blends from this period are twirl < twist + whirl, blotch < blot + botch, dumfound < dumb + confound.