
- •Contents
- •Figures
- •Tables
- •Contributors
- •Preface
- •Acknowledgements
- •1 Overview
- •1.1 Introduction
- •1.2 The roots of English
- •1.3 Early history: immigration and invasion
- •1.4 Later history: internal migration, emigration, immigration again
- •1.5 The form of historical evidence
- •1.6 The surviving historical texts
- •1.7 Indirect evidence
- •1.8 Why does language change?
- •1.9 Recent and current change
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •2.1 History, change and variation
- •2.2 The extent of change: ‘vertical’ and ‘horizontal’ history
- •2.3 Tale’s end: a sketch of ModE phonology and morphology
- •2.3.1 Principles
- •2.3.2 ModE vowel inventories
- •2.3.3 ModE consonant inventories
- •2.3.4 Stress
- •2.3.5 Modern English morphology
- •2.4 Old English
- •2.4.1 Time, space and texts
- •2.4.2 The Old English vowels
- •2.4.3 The Old English consonants
- •2.4.4 Stress
- •2.4.5 Old English morphology
- •2.4.5.1 The noun phrase: noun, pronoun and adjective
- •2.4.5.2 The verb
- •2.4.6 Postlude as prelude
- •2.5 The ‘OE/ME transition’ to c.1150
- •2.5.1 The Great Hiatus
- •2.5.2 Phonology: major early changes
- •2.5.2.1 Early quantity adjustments
- •2.5.2.2 The old diphthongs, low vowels and /y( )/
- •2.5.2.3 The new ME diphthongs
- •2.5.2.4 Weak vowel mergers
- •2.5.2.5 The fricative voice contrast
- •2.6.1 The problem of ME spelling
- •2.6.2 Phonology
- •2.6.2.2 ‘Dropping aitches’ and postvocalic /x/
- •2.6.2.4 Stress
- •2.6.3 ME morphology
- •2.6.3.2 The morphology/phonology interaction
- •2.6.3.3 The noun phrase: gender, case and number
- •2.6.3.4 The personal pronoun
- •2.6.3.5 Verb morphology: introduction
- •2.6.3.6 The verb: tense marking
- •2.6.3.7 The verb: person and number
- •2.6.3.8 The verb ‘to be’
- •2.7.1 Introduction
- •2.7.2 Phonology: the Great Vowel Shift
- •2.7.4 English vowel phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5 English consonant phonology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.5.1 Loss of postvocalic /r/
- •2.7.5.2 Palatals and palatalisation
- •2.7.5.3 The story of /x/
- •2.7.6 Stress
- •2.7.7 English morphology, c.1550–1800
- •2.7.7.1 Nouns and adjectives
- •2.7.7.2 The personal pronouns
- •2.7.7.3 Pruning luxuriance: ‘anomalous verbs’
- •2.8.1 Preliminary note
- •2.8.2 Progress, regress, stasis and undecidability
- •2.8.2.1 The evolution of Lengthening I
- •2.8.2.2 Lengthening II
- •3 Syntax
- •3.1 Introduction
- •3.2 Internal syntax of the noun phrase
- •3.2.1 The head of the noun phrase
- •3.2.2 Determiners
- •3.3 The verbal group
- •3.3.1 Tense
- •3.3.2 Aspect
- •3.3.3 Mood
- •3.3.4 The story of the modals
- •3.3.5 Voice
- •3.3.6 Rise of do
- •3.3.7 Internal structure of the Aux phrase
- •3.4 Clausal constituents
- •3.4.1 Subjects
- •3.4.2 Objects
- •3.4.3 Impersonal constructions
- •3.4.4 Passive
- •3.4.5 Subordinate clauses
- •3.5 Word order
- •3.5.1 Introduction
- •3.5.2 Developments in the order of subject and verb
- •3.5.3 Developments in the order of object and verb
- •3.5.5 Developments in the position of particles and adverbs
- •3.5.6 Consequences
- •4 Vocabulary
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.1.1 The function of lexemes
- •4.1.3 Lexical change
- •4.1.4 Lexical structures
- •4.1.5 Principles of word formation
- •4.1.6 Change of meaning
- •4.2 Old English
- •4.2.1 Introduction
- •4.2.4 Word formation
- •4.2.4.1 Noun compounds
- •4.2.4.2 Compound adjectives
- •4.2.4.3 Compound verbs
- •4.2.4.7 Zero derivation
- •4.2.4.8 Nominal derivatives
- •4.2.4.9 Adjectival derivatives
- •4.2.4.10 Verbal derivation
- •4.2.4.11 Adverbs
- •4.2.4.12 The typological status of Old English word formation
- •4.3 Middle English
- •4.3.1 Introduction
- •4.3.2 Borrowing
- •4.3.2.1 Scandinavian
- •4.3.2.2 French
- •4.3.2.3 Latin
- •4.3.3 Word formation
- •4.3.3.1 Compounding
- •4.3.3.4 Zero derivation
- •4.4 Early Modern English
- •4.4.1 Introduction
- •4.4.2 Borrowing
- •4.4.2.1 Latin
- •4.4.2.2 French
- •4.4.2.3 Greek
- •4.4.2.4 Italian
- •4.4.2.5 Spanish
- •4.4.2.6 Other languages
- •4.4.3 Word formation
- •4.4.3.1 Compounding
- •4.5 Modern English
- •4.5.1 Introduction
- •4.5.2 Borrowing
- •4.5.3 Word formation
- •4.6 Conclusion
- •5 Standardisation
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.2 The rise and development of standard English
- •5.2.1 Selection
- •5.2.2 Acceptance
- •5.2.3 Diffusion
- •5.2.5 Elaboration of function
- •5.2.7 Prescription
- •5.2.8 Conclusion
- •5.3 A general and focussed language?
- •5.3.1 Introduction
- •5.3.2 Spelling
- •5.3.3 Grammar
- •5.3.4 Vocabulary
- •5.3.5 Registers
- •Electric phenomena of Tourmaline
- •5.3.6 Pronunciation
- •5.3.7 Conclusion
- •6 Names
- •6.1 Theoretical preliminaries
- •6.1.1 The status of proper names
- •6.1.2 Namables
- •6.1.3 Properhood and tropes
- •6.2 English onomastics
- •6.2.1 The discipline of English onomastics
- •6.2.2 Source materials for English onomastics
- •6.3 Personal names
- •6.3.1 Preliminaries
- •6.3.2 The earliest English personal names
- •6.3.3 The impact of the Norman Conquest
- •6.3.4 New names of the Renaissance and Reformation
- •6.3.5 The modern period
- •6.3.6 The most recent trends
- •6.3.7 Modern English-language personal names
- •6.4 Surnames
- •6.4.1 The origin of surnames
- •6.4.2 Some problems with surname interpretation
- •6.4.3 Types of surname
- •6.4.4 The linguistic structure of surnames
- •6.4.5 Other languages of English surnames
- •6.4.6 Surnaming since about 1500
- •6.5 Place-names
- •6.5.1 Preliminaries
- •6.5.2 The ethnic and linguistic context of English names
- •6.5.3 The explanation of place-names
- •6.5.4 English-language place-names
- •6.5.5 Place-names and urban history
- •6.5.6 Place-names in languages arriving after English
- •6.6 Conclusion
- •Appendix: abbreviations of English county-names
- •7 English in Britain
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Old English
- •7.3 Middle English
- •7.4 A Scottish interlude
- •7.5 Early Modern English
- •7.6 Modern English
- •7.7 Other dialects
- •8 English in North America
- •8.1.1 Explorers and settlers meet Native Americans
- •8.1.2 Maintenance and change
- •8.1.3 Waves of immigrant colonists
- •8.1.4 Character of colonial English
- •8.1.5 Regional origins of colonial English
- •8.1.6 Tracing linguistic features to Britain
- •8.2.2 Prescriptivism
- •8.2.3 Lexical borrowings
- •8.3.1 Syntactic patterns in American English and British English
- •8.3.2 Regional patterns in American English
- •8.3.3 Dictionary of American Regional English (DARE)
- •8.3.4 Atlas of North American English (ANAE)
- •8.3.5 Social dialects
- •8.3.5.1 Socioeconomic status
- •8.3.6 Ethnic dialects
- •8.3.6.1 African American English (AAE)
- •8.3.6.2 Latino English
- •8.3.7 English in Canada
- •8.3.8 Social meaning and attitudes
- •8.3.10 The future of North American dialects
- •Appendix: abbreviations of US state-names
- •9 English worldwide
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 The recency of world English
- •9.3 The reasons for the emergence of world English
- •9.3.1 Politics
- •9.3.2 Economics
- •9.3.3 The press
- •9.3.4 Advertising
- •9.3.5 Broadcasting
- •9.3.6 Motion pictures
- •9.3.7 Popular music
- •9.3.8 International travel and safety
- •9.3.9 Education
- •9.3.10 Communications
- •9.4 The future of English as a world language
- •9.5 An English family of languages?
- •Further reading
- •1 Overview
- •2 Phonology and morphology
- •3 Syntax
- •4 Vocabulary
- •5 Standardisation
- •6 Names
- •7 English in Britain
- •8 English in North America
- •9 English worldwide
- •References
- •Index
Phonology and morphology |
67 |
poetry, as we can see from careful versifiers like Chaucer. Here are examples from Troilus and Criseyde illustrating three options: total retention, partial retention and total deletion. In these examples pronounced final -e is represented as -e¨, and deleted -e as -(e):
(30)(a) Han felt that lov-e¨ dorst-e¨ yow disples-e¨ (27)
(b)O blynd-e¨ world, O blynd-(e) entencioun (211)
(c)Among this-(e) other-(e) folk was Criseyda (169)
Since many final -e were vowels that had triggered MEOSL, their phonological loss made available a new diacritic for indicating vowel length in writing. Given name /na m/ < /na mə/, etc., length could be marked with a ‘silent’ final <e>, even in originally monosyllabic words like wrote < wrat¯ . Similarly, after degemination, pre-cluster shortening allowed double consonant graphs to be diacritics for shortness: otter, hammer < OE otor, hamor.
2.6.2.4Stress
The controversy´ or controversy´ about how to pronounce this word, as well as British rotate´ vs American rotate´, are remnants of a complex pattern of variability. The heyday of the conflict was the period from about 1600 to 1780, when both codifiers of the emerging standard and speakers in general were struggling with the relics of a complex history. But the seeds were already present in Middle English, as we can see from this Chaucerian line:
(31)In d´ıvers arts and in diverse´ figures (CT 2:1460)
Such doublets were available to later poets as well (here Shakespeare):
(32)The Reuennew´ whereof shall furnish vs (Richard II, I.iv.46) My manors, Rents, Reuenues´, I forgoe (Richard II, IV.i.212)
Two stress systems coexist, one old and one new. To understand the later developments, we must go back to Old English. Let us imagine accentuation as a kind of ‘scanning’ procedure that inspects a word – either from the beginning or the end – looking for certain specified syllables to make prominent. Recall that OE stress was assigned by the Germanic Stress Rule (GSR), which counts from the left-hand word-edge, and stresses the first syllable of the lexical root, ignoring prefixes (except special ones defined as stress-bearing). Examples (major lexical categories like N, V, A have brackets at each end; affixes have only one bracket;marks the ‘start’ of the scan):
(33) |
input |
stress |
|
[#[Nhand]] |
[#[Nh´and]] |
|
[#ge-[Ahend]-e] ‘at hand’ |
[#ge-[Ah´end]-e] |

68 R O G E R L A S S
Items with stressable prefixes and compounds are treated the same way: the rule scans the leftmost element first and assigns primary stress; then repeats the procedure for the right-hand element and assigns secondary stress (* marks a stressable prefix):
(34) |
input |
stress |
|
[#wiþ-[Vsac-]-an] ‘to contend’ |
[#wiþ-[Vs´ac-]-an] |
|
[#*wiþer-[Vsac-]-a] ‘adversary’ |
[#w´ıþer-[Vs`ac-]-a] |
|
[#[N hand] [N belle]] ‘hand-bell’ |
[#[N h´and] [N b`elle]] |
This system, then, is ‘left-handed’, sensitive to morphology, and insensitive to syllable structure.
Starting in the eleventh century, increasing numbers of Romance and GraecoLatin loanwords began to enter English. At first right-strong forms tended to be accented according to the old Germanic pattern (L candela´ > OE candel´); but over time increasing numbers were imported with their original accentuation, which was of the Romance type, as it is now called. This is quite different from the Germanic, since (at least in its most elaborate form) it takes syllable weight or quantity into account. A syllable is heavy (in older literature ‘long’) if its rhyme (nuclear vowel plus any following material) consists of a long vowel, a diphthong, or a short vowel + two or more consonants; otherwise it is light (‘short’: this is a somewhat controversial definition, based on a particular syllabification; see Lass, 1992).
Romance accentuation (the Romance Stress Rule, or RSR) counts from the right-hand word-edge, and selects the syllable to be stressed as follows (orthographic representations: – = heavy, ˘ = light; examples from the General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales):
(35)(a) Stress the final syllable if it is heavy or the only syllable; ignore the final consonant:
|
input |
|
|
licour#]¯ |
|
|
swich#] |
|
(b) |
If the final syllable is |
|
|
light, stress the |
penult if it is heavy or the only other syllable:
input eng¯endr˘ed#] chap˘el#]
stress licour#]´ sw´ıch#]
stress eng´endred#] ch´apel#]
(c)If the penult is light, stress the antepenult regardless of weight:
input |
|
Z˘eph˘ırus#]˘ |
|
p¯ardon˘er#] |
|
stress
Z´ephirus#]
p´ardoner#]