- •Series Editor’s Preface
- •Contents
- •Contributors
- •1 Introduction
- •References
- •2.1 Methodological Introduction
- •2.2 Geographical Background
- •2.3 The Compelling History of Viticulture Terracing
- •2.4 How Water Made Wine
- •2.5 An Apparent Exception: The Wines of the Alps
- •2.6 Convergent Legacies
- •2.7 Conclusions
- •References
- •3.1 The State of the Art: A Growing Interest in the Last 20 Years
- •3.2 An Initial Survey on Extent, Distribution, and Land Use: The MAPTER Project
- •3.3.2 Quality Turn: Local, Artisanal, Different
- •3.3.4 Sociability to Tame Verticality
- •3.3.5 Landscape as a Theater: Aesthetic and Educational Values
- •References
- •4 Slovenian Terraced Landscapes
- •4.1 Introduction
- •4.2 Terraced Landscape Research in Slovenia
- •4.3 State of Terraced Landscapes in Slovenia
- •4.4 Integration of Terraced Landscapes into Spatial Planning and Cultural Heritage
- •4.5 Conclusion
- •Bibliography
- •Sources
- •5.1 Introduction
- •5.3 The Model of the High Valleys of the Southern Massif Central, the Southern Alps, Castagniccia and the Pyrenees Orientals: Small Terraced Areas Associated with Immense Spaces of Extensive Agriculture
- •5.6 What is the Reality of Terraced Agriculture in France in 2017?
- •References
- •6.1 Introduction
- •6.2 Looking Back, Looking Forward
- •6.2.4 New Technologies
- •6.2.5 Policy Needs
- •6.3 Conclusions
- •References
- •7.1 Introduction
- •7.2 Study Area
- •7.3 Methods
- •7.4 Characterization of the Terraces of La Gomera
- •7.4.1 Environmental Factors (Altitude, Slope, Lithology and Landforms)
- •7.4.2 Human Factors (Land Occupation and Protected Nature Areas)
- •7.5 Conclusions
- •References
- •8.1 Geographical Survey About Terraced Landscapes in Peru
- •8.2 Methodology
- •8.3 Threats to Terraced Landscapes in Peru
- •8.4 The Terrace Landscape Debate
- •8.5 Conclusions
- •References
- •9.1 Introduction
- •9.2 Australia
- •9.3 Survival Creativity and Dry Stones
- •9.4 Early 1800s Settlement
- •9.4.2 Gold Mines Walhalla West Gippsland Victoria
- •9.4.3 Goonawarra Vineyard Terraces Sunbury Victoria
- •9.6 Garden Walls Contemporary Terraces
- •9.7 Preservation and Regulations
- •9.8 Art, Craft, Survival and Creativity
- •Appendix 9.1
- •References
- •10 Agricultural Terraces in Mexico
- •10.1 Introduction
- •10.2 Traditional Agricultural Systems
- •10.3 The Agricultural Terraces
- •10.4 Terrace Distribution
- •10.4.1 Terraces in Tlaxcala
- •10.5 Terraces in the Basin of Mexico
- •10.6 Terraces in the Toluca Valley
- •10.7 Terraces in Oaxaca
- •10.8 Terraces in the Mayan Area
- •10.9 Conclusions
- •References
- •11.1 Introduction
- •11.2 Materials and Methods
- •11.2.1 Traditional Cartographic and Photo Analysis
- •11.2.2 Orthophoto
- •11.2.3 WMS and Geobrowser
- •11.2.4 LiDAR Survey
- •11.2.5 UAV Survey
- •11.3 Result and Discussion
- •11.4 Conclusion
- •References
- •12.1 Introduction
- •12.2 Case Study
- •12.2.1 Liguria: A Natural Laboratory for the Analysis of a Terraced Landscape
- •12.2.2 Land Abandonment and Landslides Occurrences
- •12.3 Terraced Landscape Management
- •12.3.1 Monitoring
- •12.3.2 Landscape Agronomic Approach
- •12.3.3 Maintenance
- •12.4 Final Remarks
- •References
- •13 Health, Seeds, Diversity and Terraces
- •13.1 Nutrition and Diseases
- •13.2 Climate Change and Health
- •13.3 Can We Have Both Cheap and Healthy Food?
- •13.4 Where the Seed Comes from?
- •13.5 The Case of Yemen
- •13.7 Conclusions
- •References
- •14.1 Introduction
- •14.2 Components and Features of the Satoyama and the Hani Terrace Landscape
- •14.4 Ecosystem Services of the Satoyama and the Hani Terrace Landscape
- •14.5 Challenges in the Satoyama and the Hani Terrace Landscape
- •References
- •15 Terraced Lands: From Put in Place to Put in Memory
- •15.2 Terraces, Landscapes, Societies
- •15.3 Country Planning: Lifestyles
- •15.4 What Is Important? The System
- •References
- •16.1 Introduction
- •16.2 Case Study: The Traditional Cultural Landscape of Olive Groves in Trevi (Italy)
- •16.2.1 Historical Overview of the Study Area
- •16.2.3 Structural and Technical Data of Olive Groves in the Municipality of Trevi
- •16.3 Materials and Methods
- •16.3.2 Participatory Planning Process
- •16.4 Results and Discussion
- •16.5 Conclusions
- •References
- •17.1 Towards a Circular Paradigm for the Regeneration of Terraced Landscapes
- •17.1.1 Circular Economy and Circularization of Processes
- •17.1.2 The Landscape Systemic Approach
- •17.1.3 The Complex Social Value of Cultural Terraced Landscape as Common Good
- •17.2 Evaluation Tools
- •17.2.1 Multidimensional Impacts of Land Abandonment in Terraced Landscapes
- •17.2.3 Economic Valuation Methods of ES
- •17.3 Some Economic Instruments
- •17.3.1 Applicability and Impact of Subsidy Policies in Terraced Landscapes
- •17.3.3 Payments for Ecosystem Services Promoting Sustainable Farming Practices
- •17.3.4 Pay for Action and Pay for Result Mechanisms
- •17.4 Conclusions and Discussion
- •References
- •18.1 Introduction
- •18.2 Tourism and Landscape: A Brief Theoretical Staging
- •18.3 Tourism Development in Terraced Landscapes: Attractions and Expectations
- •18.3.1 General Trends and Main Issues
- •18.3.2 The Demand Side
- •18.3.3 The Supply Side
- •18.3.4 Our Approach
- •18.4 Tourism and Local Agricultural System
- •18.6 Concluding Remarks
- •References
- •19 Innovative Practices and Strategic Planning on Terraced Landscapes with a View to Building New Alpine Communities
- •19.1 Focusing on Practices
- •19.2 Terraces: A Resource for Building Community Awareness in the Alps
- •19.3 The Alto Canavese Case Study (Piedmont, Italy)
- •19.3.1 A Territory that Looks to a Future Based on Terraced Landscapes
- •19.3.2 The Community’s First Steps: The Practices that Enhance Terraces
- •19.3.3 The Role of Two Projects
- •19.3.3.1 The Strategic Plan
- •References
- •20 Planning, Policies and Governance for Terraced Landscape: A General View
- •20.1 Three Landscapes
- •20.2 Crisis and Opportunity
- •20.4 Planning, Policy and Governance Guidelines
- •Annex
- •Foreword
- •References
- •21.1 About Policies: Why Current Ones Do not Work?
- •21.2 What Landscape Observatories Are?
- •References
- •Index
Chapter 6
Terraced Fields in Spain:
Landscapes of Work and Beauty
Sabina Asins-Velis
Abstract The sheer diversity of approaches and the volume of scientific output underscore the growing social and policy interest in these landscapes. Recognition of their productive, environmental and cultural functions—and of the grave problems arising from their mismanagement or abandonment—shows the need to allocate resources to their study at both the national and European levels. Finally, the need for a Catalogue of European Union Terraced Landscapes is outlined as a preliminary step to considering these as EU Landscapes of Special Relevance. Such an initiative would be reinforced by activities being undertaken at the international level.
6.1Introduction
Over the centuries, farmers in mountainous areas of Spain have used their knowledge of the environment to build a valuable landscape with a unique “character” (Countryside Agency and Scottish Natural Heritage 2001; Wascher 2005): the terraced landscape. In its integrated design, they adapted their methods to climatic, edaphic, and topographic circumstances and the crops they wished to grow. Moreover, they went about this task in a holistic, socially organised way. These terraces constitute a superb agronomic, cultural and environmental heritage that still covers thousands upon thousands of hectares in rural Spain. They are particularly common along Mediterranean regions, especially in the Valencian Community, Murcia, Catalonia and The Balearic Islands; in certain parts of Andalusia and Aragon, and in The Canary Islands (which has its own chapter in this book). The terraced landscapes of Spain are a magnificent example of the work of
S. Asins-Velis (&)
Centro de Investigaciones Sobre Desertificación-CIDE, CSIC, Universitat de València, Generalitat Valenciana, València, Spain e-mail: sabina.asins@uv.es
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farmers over the centuries and the beauty, uniqueness and intangible values that these “heritage landscapes” represent today.
At present, the analysis of these terraced landscapes is a complex matter given local differences in cause and effect. Broadly speaking, one can place these under three heads:
(1)Industrial–commercial terraced agriculture
–Those areas of terraces that survived the twentieth-century rural exodus because they were more suitable for mechanised agriculture. Examples are terraced piedmont or larger terraces (citrus trees in Murcia; vineyards, citrus and fruit trees in the Valencian Community; olive trees in Mallorca; vineyards in Ribeira Sacra-Galicia).
–New land terracing for highly profitable vineyards (in Catalonia, for example) or fruit trees (Valencian Community).
(2)Territorial agriculture: Small terraced fields kept up by their farmer-owners and of high ecological value (mainly in the smallest rural areas of the inland mountains of Mallorca, the Iberian Range and Pyrenees).
(3)Abandoned terraced fields (found throughout Spain).
(1) Industrial–commercial terraced agriculture shares similar opportunities and problems with farming in flat areas. In Spain, industrial capital-intensive agriculture (which is highly mechanised and competitive) tends to be quick to rise new challenges. The new opportunities arising in these mechanised, terraced landscapes stem from the world market and world demographic trends. The world’s population is forecast to reach 8.5 billion by 2030 (United Nations 2015: 1) but more significant than total population growth are the market opportunities created by the burgeoning middle classes in developing countries. Over the last two decades, domestic material consumption has soared in Asia-Pacific, eastern Europe and Central Asia and even in Africa. This sharp rise in consumption is attributable to the rapid growth in the middle classes (UNEP 2016). It is envisaged that the growth of the middle classes will continue apace. This new middle class is demanding quality food products, of proven origin and that meets the highest standards for agricultural produce. Such rigorous control is what sets wine and cava from the terraced areas of Catalonia, Valencian Community or Galicia. Then there is the olive oil and a great variety of fruits from Valencian Community, Murcia, Andalusia and Mallorca. Spanish products from terraced landscapes meet these quality criteria (Fig. 6.1).
The problems arising from this kind of agriculture fall, among others, under four heads: (i) how to overcome the environmental impact of emissions from the transport needed to serve faraway markets (Verburg et al. 2013); (ii) greenhouse gas emissions from agriculture (Sanz-Cobena et al. 2017); (iii) expansion of irrigation into former rain-dependent uphill areas or a shift to higher-value monoculture fruit crops with greater water requirements, etc. (Sese-Mínguez et al. 2017; MAAMA 2016); (iv) how to deal with land grabbing and land concentration (European Parliament 2015; Soler and Fernández 2015). Growing concentration of
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Fig. 6.1 New land terracing for highly profitable vineyards in Priorat (Catalonia). Photo J.A. Martínez-Casasnovas
landholdings (land over > 100 ha) means that, in Spain, 55.5% of the Utilised Agricultural Area belongs to just 5.4% of the total country holdings, and that 1.3% of Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) direct beneficiaries received, in 2013, 23.4% of CAP direct payments (Kay 2016: 12, 16). In Priorat (Catalonia), this key issue already affects the new mechanised, terraced vineyards: 12% of the farmers owned 61% of the new vineyards, 42% of the total agricultural land and received 68% of CAP subsidies assigned to the region (Cots-Folch et al. 2009). Highly profitable terraced fields also raise environmental issues, such as soil erosion and the constant cost of maintaining the terraces (Martínez-Casasnovas and Ramos 2006; Ramos et al. 2007; Ramos and Martínez-Casasnovas 2010).
(2) However, Spain’s agriculture presents strong contrasts. While produce from industrial, terraced agriculture competes in the international market, scores of small hill farmers are struggling to make ends meet. These terraced fields are mainly sited in areas stricken by the rural exodus that took place mostly between 1950 and 1990 (Collantes 2004). Back then, those terraced fields farthest from the villages—on land that was either marginal or hard to mechanise (mainly in the Central Pyrenees and the Iberian Range)—were abandoned (Lasanta 1988; Arnáez-Vadillo et al. 1990; Rodríguez and Lasanta 1992; García-Ruiz et al. 1996). Moreover, between 1990 and 2016, farmland declined by 3,185,101 ha (MMAMRM 2010:18; MAPAMA 2016) and, between 1990 and 2013, 48% of the agricultural holdings under 10 ha were abandoned (Kay 2016:14).
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Nevertheless, in some villages, fields near the settlement and with good transport links and/or that are more productive (terraced orchards, for example) have bucked the trend. Such land constitutes what has been termed “territorial agriculture” (González-Regidor 2003). Here, the problems are different, for instance, rural ageing, middlemen and small holdings. The environmental and social functions of these terraced landscapes have been highlighted over the last few years (Asins-Velis 2007; Hernández Hernández 2009; Lasanta et al. 2013). It is precisely these values that offer such farming a second chance (Fig. 6.2). These new times coincide with the key debate on the direction we want our rural areas to follow, and the opportunities arising from the “circular economy in agriculture” (EIP-AGRI 2015).
(3) A third consideration is the present state of the terraced fields abandoned since 1950. Here, there are two processes at work. One is the spontaneous revegetation of scrubland and the arboreal stratum (Bonet and Pausas 2004; Nadal-Romero et al. 2016a). The other is soil erosion and the formation of gullies (Calvo-Cases et al. 2005; García-Ruiz and Lana-Renault 2011; Romero-Díaz 2016). Which process predominates varies from one plot of land to another. Fields on which scrubland/forest has sprung up face the risk of bush fires (due to lack of forest management) or the incision of rivers channel (Lasanta et al. 2017a). Land subject to erosion is losing topsoil through landslides and mass movements, among other risks (Fig. 6.3).
Fig. 6.2 Territorial agriculture. Castellfort (Castellón). Photo S. Asins-Velis