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50 Critical Incident Team Dynamics andLogistics
441
39. Smith ER, Shapiro G, Sarani B.Fatal wounding pattern and causes of potentially preventable death following the pulse night club shooting event. Prehosp Emerg Care. 2018;22(6):662–8.
40. US DHS ST-CP Security Overview. 2018. www.dhs.gov.
41. Butler FK, Holcomb JB, Shackelford S, Barbabella S, Bailey JA, Baker JB, Cap AP, Conklin CC, Cunningham CW, Davis M, DeLellis SM.Advanced resuscitative care in tactical combat casu­alty care: TCCC guidelines change 18-01: 14 October 2018. J Spec Oper Med Peer Rev J SOF Med Prof. 2018;18(4):37–55.
42. Heiskell LE, Carmona RH.Tactical Emergency Medical Services: an emerging subspecialty of emergency medicine. Ann Emerg Med. 1994;23(4):778–85.
43. Chaudhuri R, Jamali AM, Tang N. Tactical emergency medical support. In: Operational and medical management of explosive and blast incidents. Cham: Springer; 2020. p.245–53.
44. Stiles CM, Cook C, Sztajnkrycer MD. A descriptive analysis of tactical casualty care interventions performed by law enforcement
personnel in the state of Wisconsin, 2010-2015. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2017;32(3):284–8.
45. Hartley DM, Perencevich EN. Public health interventions for COVID-19: emerging evidence and implications for an evolving public health crisis. JAMA. 2020;323(19):1908–9.
46. Van Dijcke D, Wright AL.Using mobile device traces to improve near-real time data collection during the George Floyd Protests. 7 June 2020. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3621731 or https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3621731.
47. den Heyer G. Police response to riots. Springer International Publishing; 2020.
48. Miller RW.CHAZ, a ‘no Cop Co-Op’: here’s what Seattle’s Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone looks like. USA Today, 12 June 2020.
49. Vu L.Bringing out the science of war games. 7 May 2019. https://
engineering.berkeley.edu/2019/05/bringing- out- science- war­games. Accessed 16 Feb 2021.
Terrorism andUrban Trauma
JoseL.Pascual, JeremyW.Cannon, andLewisJ.Kaplan
51

Introduction

The last few decades have witnessed a fundamental shift in how the public, law enforcement, government agencies, and the military plan to address terrorism as well as urban trauma. Previously, terrorism and urban trauma were considered dis­tinct entities. Terrorism in particular, was an event that pri­marily occurred outside of North America, most notably affecting certain countries in the European Union, the Middle East, and areas of South America plagued by the opium trade and religious extremism as well. The historic events of 9/11 revamped those perceptions and painted terrorism and urban trauma onto the same canvas. Currently, urban trauma prin­cipally—but not exclusively—occurs in large densely popu­lated cities and in zones with depressed socioeconomics. Nonetheless, the culture of urban intentional violent injury has crafted its own set of norms that impact multiple forms of media—including most notably social media (SoMe)— and has shifted interpersonal dynamics and social behavioral expectations [1].
Terrorism—or violent extremism—has similarly exploded and encompasses a vast array of forms and has an expanding set of drivers [2]. Soft targets such as schools, malls, movie theaters, transportation hubs, and hospitals are well­publicized sites of violent extremism [3]. Hospital assaults are well tracked by the World Health Organization on a yearly basis [4]. The overlap of soft target assault and urban intentional violent injury has welded urban trauma and ter­rorism together in important ways [58]. Other forms of ter­rorism include cyber-terrorism, identity theft, and random
J. L. Pascual · J. W. Cannon · L. J. Kaplan (*) Perelman School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, Department of Surgery, Division of Trauma, Surgical Critical Care and Emergency Surgery, Philadelphia, PA, USA
Corporal Michael J Crescenz VAMC, Surgical Services, Philadelphia, PA, USA e-mail: Jose.Pascual@pennmedicine.upenn.edu;
Jeremy.Cannon@pennmedicine.upenn.edu; Lewis.Kaplan@pennmedicine.upenn.edu
interpersonal violence that follows a dictated form such as “knockouts” that have occurred on public transportation and urban sidewalks or iPhone thefts known as “apple picking” by roving gangs on bicycles and scooters [9]. Together, ter­rorism, regardless of specic form, and urban trauma have the potential to craft an interwoven culture of fear, - a goal that underpins terrorist activities in all forms.
Forms ofTerrorism andUrban Trauma
Mass casualty scenarios often typify thinking about terrorist events whether domestic or international. However, most terrorist-driven mass casualty events result in large numbers of dead individuals with far fewer individuals with serious injury requiring inpatient hospital care. Instead, there are large numbers who require Emergency Department care with 9/11 serving as a prime example [10]. Mass shootings, on the other hand, like the events of 1 October in Las Vegas, Nevada, result in large numbers of victims who require inpatient as well as ED care. Such events lead to substantial health sys­tem stress that was in part mitigated by using existing approaches to disaster management [11]. Natural disasters, including typhoons and earthquakes, have a more balanced injury prole that tends to overwhelm medical care facility capacity and engender logistical difculties in enhancing disaster site capabilities. Examples include those that struck Haiti, as well as the southern USA during hurricanes Irene and Sandy [1214]. Individual terror attacks, including those derived from autonomous “cells” are characterized by high mortality at the epicenter, but decreased mortality with increased need for care with increasing distance from the attack’s origin. Numerous examples are found throughout the history of Israel, and more recently in Belgium, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Nigeria with a notable increase in female suicide bombers [1518].
Regardless of the precise nature of a terrorist attack, mass panic accompanied by civil and nancial disruption are other consequences that compound the loss of life [19]. Such
© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2025 L. Marshall Gillman, S. Widder (eds.), Trauma Team Dynamics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-86312-7_51
443
444
Fig. 51.1 Trauma/terror cycle
events foment a culture of fear initially characterized by heightened awareness followed by a gradual return to nor­malcy—a cycle that inadvertently readies the system for the next event (Fig.51.1) [2]. The loss of vigilance as normalcy returns provides a weakness that may be exploited to reiniti­ate the cycle. Most urban trauma does not aim to create widespread unrest but nonetheless feeds into a similar cycle. On the other hand, the recent protest-related violence focused on individuals who died after Police contact appeared designed to disrupt normal activities throughout the entire country [20]. Rioting gripped the USA throughout 2020 including marches, property destruction, looting, and re­bombing including Molotov cocktail-style incendiary devices [21]. Accordingly, both medical and law enforce­ment domains have evolved and adapted to respond to pre­serve life, limit damage, and maintain or restore peace. The evolution of medical and law enforcement responses is driven in part by the kinds of injuries that individuals and groups may sustain.
Injuries andInjury Patterns
Urban trauma in population dense settings is often typied by penetrating trauma that includes rearm and edged weapon injuries. Nonetheless, most urban trauma centers evaluate and care for more patients with blunt, rather than penetrating, injury. Individuals injured in falls, motor vehicle (including motorcycle) crashes, and vehicle-pedestrian colli­sions often form the majority of patients cared for at a regional resource facility. Combined penetrating and blunt injury in the same patient is uncommon. Scene transport
J. L. Pascual et al.
less well-resourced medical facility as part of patient care within a tiered trauma network.
Unlike urban trauma, terrorism often leads to both pene­trating and blunt injury in the same patient [22]. This circum­stance derives from the increased use of devices such as vests, backpacks, and other canisters packed with explosives as well as metal projectiles. Explosive agents such as C4 (cyclotrimethylene trinitramine) or Semtex (RDX-research department explosive, an explosive nitroamine, and PETN­pentaerythritol tetranitrate) are more commonly used in small devices and may be detected by technology used in current Explosive Trace Detection systems [23, 24]. Larger explosives including weaponized vehicles (aka suicide vehi­cles) may be packed with fertilizer as well as diesel fuel such as in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing. Vehicle bombs using other explosives have been deployed and at multiple sites during the Global War on Terror (GWOT), and throughout the Mexican Cartel conicts [25, 26]. The magnitude of vehicle bomb detonations creates shrapnel from damaged structures as well as the vehicle in which the explosive was delivered. Such explosives lead to penetrating injury within the blast zone and blast effect within the blast radius; indi­viduals may be thrown into stationary objects or mobile objects may be explosively moved into individuals [22].
Improvised Explosive Device
Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) are a unique category of explosive that became commonplace during GWOT.Often placed in roadways, and underneath or within obstructions that need to be cleared to permit passage, IEDs are particu­larly devastating to those dismounted. Early troop transport vehicles provided little occupant protection from IEDs. Service members often suffered both penetrating and blunt injury from driving over an IED.The Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicle shields occupants and provides substantial protection from penetrating injury related to IEDs, rocket-propelled grenades, other explosive devices, and small arms re [27]. Blunt injuries persist, especially the dis­mounted injury complex (aka. deck slap lesion) [28]. The civilian parallel is the Lenco BearCat G3 which is an armored vehicle suitable for use by federal and civilian law enforce­ment and is especially ideal for Special Weapons and Tactics teams [29]. No vehicle provides ideal protection against blunt forces that ow from explosive device detonation.
Blast Eect
Blast effect is a concussive injury derived from blast pres­sure measured in pounds per square inch (psi) during the rapid overpressure phase of the explosion [22, 30]. For
51 Terrorism andUrban Trauma
445
example an overpressure of 1psi leads to a maximum wind speed of 38 mph while overpressure of 10psi creates wind up to 294 mph leading to severe damage to concrete struc­tures and death in the majority of individuals exposed to the overpressure wave (www.cdc.gov/niosh/docket/archive/
NIOSH- 125/125- Explosionsand refugeChambers.pdf).
While military organizations are well acquainted with such injuries, civilian law enforcement and EMS may benet from specic preparation including focused education, training, and resource management (see Chap. 50 ). The 2013 Boston Marathon bombing underscored the need for such training [31, 32].
Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear, andExplosive (CBRN-E)
Terror-related mechanisms of injury may be housed within a framework of Chemical, Biological, Radiological, Nuclear, and Explosive (CBRN-E); explosives including rearm- related penetrating injury are discussed above [33]. Of the CBRN four, the Chemical and Radiological appeared more readily acquirable and deployable by terrorist organi­zations due to the seemingly more limited availability of biologic agents such as weaponized anthrax, smallpox, or other viruses in comparison to nerve agents or radioactive materials [34]. The nuclear arsenal is tightly controlled and falls under the control of nation states rather than terrorist organizations. Nerve agents such as Sarin gas have been previously deployed in Japan and Syria, while to date, no radioactive “dirty bomb” has been detonated [35]. Unfortunately, CBRN-E terrorism may be initially difcult to detect (other than a bomb or lethal gas explosion) and result in the unprotected exposure of rst responders who are unaware of the exposure hazard [36, 37]. Nonetheless, in the event of a CBRN-E terrorist attack, the availability of appropriate personal protective gear is critical to protect rst responders who arrive to evacuate and care for the victims of the incident.
Microbe biohazard protection is provided by the appro­priate Biohazard gear (Biohazard Level I–IV suits) while chemical and biologic protection is provided by gear includ­ing the military Mission-Oriented Protective Posture suits (MOPP suits 0–4) [38]. The availability of higher level gear may be limited outside of special facilities. High-level suits are not commonly available even at major medical facilities, including regional resource trauma centers. Accordingly, a close working relationship with local federal and military resources is essential in bringing suitably trained and garbed individuals to an event site. Little, if any, nuclear radiation protective gear is readily available outside of specialized agencies and their designated protective details such as those at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (https://
www.llnl.gov) or investigative and decontamination crews
from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (www.nrc.gov)
and the National Nuclear Security Administration (www.
nnsa.doe.gov). Regardless of attack type, CBRN-E events
create fear of another attack and lead to the notion that there is no safe refuge. Indeed, a primary goal of terrorism is to perpetuate a culture of fear [39].
Paradigm Shifts inTerrorism
The 9/11 attack on US soil launched a major change in US policy as terror rmly landed in North America, initiating the Global War on Terror [20]. Instead of supplanting a country’s governmental infrastructure, or unseating its political leadership to establish new rule, or driving out an invading force, terrorism shifted to coordinated attacks per­formed by small teams of terrorists as well as independent attacks initiated by autonomous cells [40]. While structures were destroyed, the primary impact was on people and their view of government. The small units termed “cells” operate both as part of a coordinated structure and independently [15]. Some may be in place for a short period of time prior to their specied activity, while others may remain dormant for long periods of time and are dubbed “sleeper cells” [15]. Thus, terrorist activities became personally focused instead of government or country focused.
The rise of social media (SoMe) and the widespread use of digital platforms as communication tools and enablers of daily activity—such as the sharing of medical information (and disinformation) during the COVID-19 pandemic in a global fashion—has afforded multiple opportunities for cyber-terrorism [41, 42]. Such activities span network dis­ruption and identity theft, lead to organization member recruitment, and have resulted in an expansive need for law enforcement capabilities including cybersurveillance and cyberprotection [43, 44]. Even small police departments support electronic expertise in crime solving and therefore complement cyber policing that is performed by federal agencies including the National Security Agency, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and international agencies that include the Central Intelligence Agency. Education efforts to improve cybersecurity competency are available through public (FBI)-private (citizen) partnerships such as InfraGard that work to protect US Critical Infrastructure [InfraGard. Partnership for Protection. https://
www.infragard.org/; accessed March 7, 2021]. Critical
Infrastructure protection is a national imperative, while epi­sodic violent extremism is a local crisis.
Domestic terror events such as the Texas belltower shoot­ings that occurred in 1966 spurred the formation of Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) teams. Since the 1970s, the number of SWAT teams has nearly doubled. Such teams respond to urban and suburban terror events spanning—but not limited to—barricaded hostage/suspect, riots, gang war-
446
J. L. Pascual et al.
fare, dignitary protection, and high-risk warrant service. US rioting during 2020 was interwoven with the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic as well as political uncertainty in an election year; SWAT teams prominently featured in local city responses. Driving the development, training, and outtting of local SWAT teams is the need to respond to the changing demographic and advanced, high-powered equipment of per­petrators of violent crimes. Suspects and organized criminal elements have ready access to body armor and high­performance weapons as a result of military surplus obtained both legally and illegally. Additionally, increasing numbers of perpetrators of violent crime may have served as members of the armed forces, and received specic weapon and tactical training [45]. Therefore, local police departments need to be able to respond to a host of different events forcing a meta­morphosis from community-based policing to a threat matrix­based response [46]. The transition has often been termed the “militarization” of local police forces and is typied by the inclusion of military-relevant rearms, body armor, commu­nications gear, training tactics, sound and light diversionary devices, and uparmored vehicles such as the Lenco BearCat, or the militarily deployed MRAP as noted earlier. More rele­vant is the articulation of multi- jurisdictional teams whose need is driven by the rising frequency of SWAT or Special Response Team (SRT) activations whose intensity is unsup­portable in isolation by smaller towns [47]. Shared resources, akin to mutual aid policies, help distribute manpower demands, resource-related nances, and oversight and after­action evaluation responsibilities.
Similarly, instead of standard community policing where apprehending criminals constitutes approximately 10% of total police work, departments increasingly devote time and resources to elements that address active shooter and mass casualty scenarios.24 Medical threat intelligence and biohaz­ard training—especially in the wake of COVID-19—is espe­cially important as well [48]. Furthermore, and in a fashion parallel to that of the military, police ofcers are increasingly trained in self- and buddy-aid using concepts and tactics bor­rowed from the Tactical Combat Casualty Care (TCCC) approach initially advocated by the Naval Special Warfare command. Recognizing that the patrol ofcer is likely to be the rst responder to urban trauma or terror acts, this of­cer’s capabilities need to be enhanced and reinforced to increase the likely survival of the ofcer and those whose lives the ofcer has sworn to protect.
Such needs have also driven increased interagency col­laboration with other law enforcement agencies including but not limited to State Police, US Marshalls, Alcohol­Tobacco- Firearms, Drug Enforcement Agency, FBI, US Secret Service, and the National Guard. Local teams such as those devoted to urban search and rescue also excel when inter-agency collaboration works smoothly [49]. Since com­munication is key to such activities, the USA has developed
Fusion Centers under the aegis of the Department of Homeland Security that are designed to funnel key and actionable intelligence to appropriate agencies within a spec­ied territorial domain designed to disrupt potential or vali­dated terrorist threats [50]. Integrated domains include state, local, tribal, and territorial as well as private sector partners (www.dhs.gov/state- and- major- urban- area- fusion- centers). Such communication is key in protecting and preserving national security by establishing and improving an information- sharing environment to help counter violent extremism. The previously mentioned InfraGard public­private partnership also serves as a portal for information channeling to relevant agencies. In turn, members serve as subject matter experts for agencies and reect the benets of a partnership structure.
Anti-police Violence
The last few years have been marked by mounting anti-law enforcement sentiment within certain groups. Triggered by the deaths of minorities during or after arrest or warrant search, and spread across a multiplicity of digital platforms, protests and anti-police rhetoric captured the nation’s focus. The premeditated assassination of law enforcement ofcers is a readily identiable sequel of such events [5153]. More durable impacts include enhanced scrutiny of police activity by those outside of the law enforcement community and swift assignation of culpability by the public when there is a police action inquiry that is spread across SoMe. Perhaps the most devastating effects are on law enforcement ofcer morale, stress, and perhaps on-scene judgment. As explored in the chapter on Critical Incident Team Dynamics, demoral­ization and stress exert maladaptive psychologic and physi­cal health impacts that may degrade ofcer capability and efciency but may also lead to suicide [54]. An overlap with on-scene judgment may lead to hesitancy in engaging due to fear of censure or inquiry. Critical incidents may then prog­ress unimpeded, become intervened upon too late, or may result in ofcer or bystander injury or death. Guilt over fail­ing to meet performance standards may lead to depression and suicide as well.
Collectively, it is a precarious time to serve in law enforce­ment, and the rich tradition of publically “serving and pro­tecting” has been under assault. The Seattle Autonomous Zone is a prime example of how anti-police actions have undervalued the dedication and sacrice of those who put their lives on the line on a daily basis [55]. Instead of having individuals ee the scene of large gatherings such as parties that are prohibited during the pandemic, arriving police of­cers are met with wanton property destruction and seemingly anti-police violence [56]. National attempts, some of which have been successful, to reduce, limit, or otherwise “defund”
51 Terrorism andUrban Trauma
447
local law enforcement budgets are anticipated to further hamper effective policing as urban trauma and violent extremism continue to escalate [57]. In one such city— Portland, Oregon—law enforcement ofcers are reportedly leaving policing in larger numbers than can be accounted for by attrition or phase of career [58]. From a public health per­spective, the intensity and longevity of anti-police actions and public proclamations appear to condone violence toward those sworn to uphold the law. These actions raise serious concerns regarding the desirability of policing as a career goal, perhaps even in families that have given rise to genera­tions of law enforcement ofcers or military operatives. Law enforcement is not the only sector that has undergone signi­cant change in structure and focus as substantial changes have also impacted EMS.
Changes inEmergency Medical Systems Structure
Medical care as part of an organized trauma system began in the 1970s and continues to be rened today. In general, urban Emergency Medical Services combine ground and rotary wing air ambulance transport into a working network that embraces support from both the local Fire Department and the local Police Department. Rural trauma systems may enfold aid from other agencies including the US National Park Service (www.nps.gov) and in Canada, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (www.rcmp- grc.gc.ca). Of neces­sity, the EMS response to urban violence is reactive in nature rather than preemptive. Nonetheless, despite the close work­ing relationship with local law enforcement, only few areas of crossover have blossomed that leverage the capabilities of EMS in combination with those of law enforcement.
The prevalence of urban violence supports police ofcers as medical rst responders. Indeed, during periods of lock­down and socio-political unrest, urban trauma centers noted a substantial increase in intentional violent injury and a later increase in motor vehicle collisions (automobile and motor­cycle) [59]. As they are often rst on scene compared to EMS workers, police ofcers are in a unique position to ren­der aid. First Aid and STOP-The-Bleed techniques have been advocated as key elements to teach law enforcement ofcers since the Hartford Consensus Conference in 2013 [60]. Penetrance, and funding, however, in both large and small cities across the USA has been more variable, especially in comparison to military medical and special operations domains [61]. Accordingly, rather than spending time ren­dering immediate healthcare, police in a few urban cities engage in primary transport to the local trauma center with excellent results noted for those with penetrating injury [62]. This practice stands in stark contrast to on-scene care that is common outside of the USA, as well as EMS-based trans-
port with en route care that is more typical for US prehospi­tal practice. While police transport appears effective for episodic violence victim rescue when the threat has been neutralized, a different solution is required when threat sup­pression or elimination has yet to be accomplished.
One approach to care is Tactical EMS, a concept spawned in the military, and in particular, in Special Operations forces where one individual embraces both operator and medic roles [63]. This uniquely and dually trained operator pro­vides immediate and skilled life-sustaining emergency care to an injured combatant rather than needing to await evacua­tion to a higher echelon of care. While a superb concept, such an individual seems more difcult to task in the civilian domain where issues such as divided loyalty (which role at which time) as well as skills maintenance and certication (medic and police ofcer) are particularly problematic. Instead, at least in US practice, the medic and police ofcer roles are generally shouldered by separate individuals. Previously, EMS care during a SWAT or Special Response team activation (call-out) for a barricaded suspect/hostage would await threat elimination and scene clearance for on­scene care and extrication of a wounded individual from within the inner perimeter or “hot” zone (Fig.51.2).
Based on the work of individuals such as Richard Carmona, MD, a former US Army Medic and former Surgeon General, medics embedded in US SWAT teams have our­ished. Such medics train with the SWAT teams and are viewed as integral members, but are tasked with medical care, not room clearing or suspect apprehension. Given the tenor and pace of active shooter scenarios starting with the Columbine, CO, school shootings in 1999, former US President Barack Obama provided strong support to send medics into the warm zone to effect rapid care of injured individuals [64]. As mass casualty events have escalated in
Fig. 51.2 Zone schematic
448
J. L. Pascual et al.
number and frequency, the role and need for embedded med­ics has also blossomed, as has the need for public space (soft target) preparation for acute life-threatening injury care [65]. Indeed, the role and efcacy of tactical EMS teams were highlighted in the aftermath of the Tree of Life Synagogue shootings in Pittsburgh, PA [66].
Physician involvement in Tactical EMS (TEMS) is princi­pally limited to providing medical command for the tactical team medics, rather than direct participation. Furthermore, the vast majority of physicians involved in TEMS in the USA are primarily trained in Emergency Medicine; only a handful of surgeons participate in TEMS. However, the majority of TEMS-embedded surgeons involved do so as integrated tacti­cal team members, deploy with the team and provide on-scene medical care as well as medical command. Such physicians are equipped with gear nearly identical to the SWAT operators but generally trade rearms for medical equipment. Bearing the added weight of body armor, communications gear, and medical necessities can present a signicant physical chal­lenge, leading to robust physical tness requirements for the interested individual [67]. The ethics of placing a physician in such a role has been extensively explored [68].
An embedded physician parallels the military structure of some far-forward teams with on-scene physician support such as has been utilized by the US and the Israeli militaries [69, 70]. Moreover, once a physician integrates with a SWAT team, the opportunities for inuencing care across the entire Police Department abound. Importantly, such inuences may change medical preparedness for both urban violent injury, acts of terrorism, or routine patrol encountered medi­cal emergencies, especially those involving hemorrhage. Such examples may include changing the medical kits that populate mobile police platforms to ones that include tourni­quets, personal protective gear, and procoagulant dressings. Implicit in such a change is that there is appropriate training to enable gear deployment and use in a safe and effective fashion. In many ways, non-law enforcement members of the local community may have already done so in the form of “go bags” and immediate care gear that is secured in their personal vehicles.
Other innovations that impact the medical and law enforce­ment response to high-risk crises include thermal mapping devices to detect the position and number of individuals who are not visible behind a wall, as well as a remotely controlled mobile explosive delivery device (i.e., drone). The latter was deployed to great effect during the July 2016 Dallas police ofcer shooting crisis [71]. Such devices can eliminate an active threat while shielding ofcers from life-threatening threats such as high-velocity projectiles or explosives. Other mobile platforms such as those offered by Callyo or Boston Robotics can provide video as well as audio at a remove help­ing keep ofcers out of the line of re while supporting com­munication and data acquisition [72, 73].

Improved Community Preparedness

In many ways, civilians are moving toward embracing a cul­ture of competence. Such mobility is spurred on by terror events such as those of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombing where community aid was key to preserving the lives of many of the injured. Community training and resource man­agement enhance bystander willingness to participate in events where they may sustain injury while offering aid. Relatedly, lay-person transport of the injured to area facili­ties was a life-saving event in the Las Vegas shooting of 1 October [74]. Indeed, organizations such as the American Red Cross and the Canadian Red Cross have a host of train­ing courses designed to improve an individual’s ability to provide self or buddy care. A readily downloadable app serves as an immediate guide for most major medical emer­gencies if instruction or immediate aid is unavailable includ­ing step-by-step instructions as needed [75]. The US Federal Emergency Management Agency has articulated bystander emergency preparedness training to improve the ability of lay responders to participate in disaster care [76]. Certainly, wilderness exploration and the related organizations have championed “Wilderness Medicine” courses that teach advanced aid skills [77]. The ready availability of tactical load-out bags, EMS bags, personal protective equipment, and hemorrhage control aids (including tourniquets and pro­coagulant dressings) enables the competent civilian bystander to be ready to render aid in an on-demand fashion be it at a motor vehicle crash, a drive-by shooting, or a terrorist attack [78]. In an extreme fashion, movements such as the so-called Doomsday Preppers may have enhanced medical gear including gas masks, providing both enhanced medical capa­bilities and providing increased protection from standard SWAT techniques that utilize chemical irritant gas to deny the suspect protected space. The widespread availability of body armor, including shirts, backpacks, and standard vests, has important implications for preparedness, but also for law enforcement, EMS, and federal agency response to violent extremism, urban trauma, and disasters.
During or in the immediate aftermath of a disaster, blood component therapy is often in short supply. While some trauma centers are using whole blood for acute trauma resuscitations, the majority of transfusion occurs as indi­vidual components [79]. The military “buddy transfusion” approach for life-threatening hemorrhage is key when sepa­rated from well-resourced blood banks and blood suppliers. A similar approach is being explored for mass casualty responses [80]. Unfortunately, the outpouring of blood donors “on-demand” after an act of terrorism and poorly coordinated acute blood drives lead to both short-term waste and longer-term shortages. For example, after the 1 October shootings in Las Vegas, large numbers of acute blood dona­tions led to a 17% unnecessary excess in donated blood
51 Terrorism andUrban Trauma
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units [81]. These authors advocated for improved oversight of blood collection during disaster care. The 2015 Paris attacks illustrated the life-saving role of transfusion support in the early administration of blood products (within the rst 6hours) for critically injured patients [82]. However, like the Las Vegas experience, these authors did not advo­cate for bolstering the immediate stockpile in an acute, on­demand fashion, but rather endorsed enhanced efciency at mobilizing existing blood supplies to the bedside. Thus, community engagement and ongoing research to bolster blood product inventories in an ongoing fashion—rather than only on-demand—represents a key aspect of prepared­ness for violent acts of extremism.

Conclusions

Urban trauma and terrorism share a wide variety of over­lapping features that impact how law enforcement and EMS prepare for and respond to emergencies. The chang­ing threat matrix has driven signicant changes in policing from a community-based approach to a threat-based pos­ture. Key events including the Global War on Terror, access to military- grade weaponry and surplus gear, as well as global connectivity via social media have revamped the landscape of both urban trauma and activity designed to thwart violent extremism. Interagency synergy hinges on communication and the timely distribution of actionable intelligence but at present still relegates most law enforce­ment and EMS activity to reacting to established events rather than being able to preempt events. Integration of medics and physicians into a TEMS approach may enhance outcomes for injured individuals, as may police transport of victims of penetrating trauma. Community prepared­ness and bystander involvement help to shape a culture of competence. Both EMS and law enforcement will need to determine how best to effectively train, utilize, and interact with engaged bystanders during the response to urban trauma or terrorism.
Key Points
1. Urban trauma and violent extremism share broad areas of overlap with regard to their impact on social structure and preparedness.
2. Terrorism paradigms have shifted to small units that are difcult to preempt.
3. EMS and law enforcement both benet from including medically trained personnel in rapid response teams.
4. EMS and law enforcement will need to proactively prepare to interact with trained bystanders.

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