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Степанянц М. Т. Религиозно-­философские взгляды Мухаммада Абдо // Сагадеевские чтения 2008’1. Сборник статей научного семинара. М.:

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Сюкияйнен Л. Р. Политическая и правовая мысль Арабского Востока // История политических и правовых учений: учебник для вузов. М., 2002.

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Тартаковская, И. Н. Права женщин вдискурсе исламского феминизма // Гендерные исследования. 2008. 18. С. 167–176.

Федорова Ю. Е. Ислам в восприятии современного европейского сообщества: стереотипы и реальность // Философская мысль. 7. 2014. С.99–125.

Фролова Е. А. Арабская философия: прошлое и настоящее. М.: Языки славянских культур, 2010.

Фролова Е. А. Концепция эпистемологического разрыва у ал-­Джабири //

Ишрак. № 2. М., 2011. С. 238–253.

Фролова Е. А. Х. Ханафи и М. А. аль-­Джабири: два подхода к современной арабо-­исламской культуре // Ишрак. № 7. М., 2016. С. 202–216.

Фролова Е. А. «Я» и «Другой» в арабо-­исламской культуре // Ислам в современном мире. 16 (2). 2020. С. 89–106.

Халил М. Мухаммад Рашид Рида ивопрос спасения // Исламская мысль: традиция и современность. Вып. 7. М., 2023.

Халляк В. История исламских теорий права: введение всуннитскую теорию права. М., 2020.

Хантер Ш. Т. Исламский реформистский дискурс в Иране // Исламская мысль: традиция и современность. Вып. 4. М., 2020. С. 59–153.

Хассан Р. Исламский модернистский и реформистский дискурс в Южной Азии // Исламская мысль: традиция и современность. Вып. 2.

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Хурани А. Арабская мысль в либеральную эпоху (избранные главы) // Исламская мысль: традиция и современность. Вып. 7. М., 2023.

Шаврина М. С. Межрелигиозный диалог: взгляд Исмаила Раджи ал-­ Фаруки // Ислам в современном мире. 3. 2019. С. 63–78.

Эрнст К. Следуя за Мухаммадом. Переосмысливая ислам в современном мире. М., 2015.

Abstracts

Ch a p t e r 1

Rotraud Wielandt

Main Trends of Islamic Theological Thought from the Late Nineteenth Century to Present Times

The article is devoted to areview of the religious and philosophical teachings of the main representatives of Islamic reformism over the past two and ahalf centuries. It considers the problem of the genesis of Islamic renewal as a combination of traditional approaches to tajdid and Western ideas. Of the early reformers, attention is given to SayyidAhmad Khan (1817–1898), Jamal al-­Din al-­Afghani (1839–1897), and Muhammad ʻAbduh (1849–1905). The latter’s work is presented in the most detail, addressing among other things questions about the textual basis for the study of his theology and the extent to which the common assessment of ʻAbduh as a “neo-mutazilite” is valid. Wielandt also examines the Turkish, Syrian, Russian, and Indian schools of Islamic modernism, particularly the work of FilibeliAhmed Hilmi (1865–1914), Izmirli Ismail Haqqi (1869– 1946), Jamal al-­Din al-­Qasimi (1866–1914), Musa Bigiev (1875–1949), Shibli Numani (1857–1914), and Muḥammad Iqbal (1877–1938). She then turns to thematic analysis, focusing on two main issues: new hermeneutical approaches to Qur’anic revelation and the development of a ‘new kalam’. In this regard, more attention is paid to the authors of the second half of the 20th – ​early 21st century, i. e. representatives of Islamic neo-modernism: NasrAbu Zayd (1943–2010), Muhammad Arkoun (1928–2010), Fazlur Rahman (1919–1988), Muhammad Mujtahid Shabistari (b. 1936), Wahiduddin Khan (b. 1925), and others. The article also analyzes various epistemological, methodological and socio-­political aspects of the work of Islamic reformers. In general, it can be noted that this

work is an excellent introduction to the problematics of Islamic renewal, both in its modernist and neo-modernist variants.

Translated from English by Semyon Kazakov

Albert Hourani

Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age (selected chapters)

The Lebanese-­British historianAlbert Hourani’s “Arabic Thought in the LiberalAge” (1962) has long been aclassic of Islamic studies, but unfortunately has not yet been presented in Russian. We publish a translation of the fourth, fifth, seventh, and ninth chapters from it — ​those chapters that are devoted mainly to Egyptian modernists (we have intentionally omitted the chapter on Muḥammad ʻAbduh, since much attention is already paid to this thinker in our collection). In the above chapters, Hourani gives an interesting and informative overview of the life and works of, first, the predecessors of the ʻAbdo school, such as Rifaʻa al-­Tahtawi (1801–1873) and Khayr al-­Din Pasha (c.1820–1890); second, the founder of the school of Egyptian modernism, Jamal al-­Din al-­Afghani, and its chief popularizer, Muhammad Rashid Rida; third, more peripheral but still quite major figures of modernism, such as QasimAmin (1863–1908), ʻAli ʻAbd al-­Raziq (1888–1966), andAhmad Lutfi al-­Sayyid (1872–1963).The merit of Hourani’s work is that it not only provides an overview of the teachings of the above thinkers, but also describes the socio-­political context of their work, which is important for understanding the real challenges they faced.The researcher shows that Islamic modernism, and in particular its Egyptian variant, is born in a complex civilizational and geopolitical arrangement, which requires from its representatives both a deep understanding of the Islamic religious and philosophical tradition, and the ability to navigate in the modern social reality and find ways of practical implementation of their own ideas. Hourani’s work is still the most fascinating and comprehensive study of Egyptian modernism, demonstrating the complex fate ofArab thought in an era of change.

Translated from English by Semyon Kazakov

Charles Adams

The Doctrine of Muhammad ‘Abduh

American Orientalist CharlesAdams’s “The Doctrine of Muhammad ʻAbduh” represents the fifth, sixth, and seventh chapters of his classic monograph “Islam and Modernism in Egypt” (1933).Although ninety years have passed since the publication of this study, it remains to this day one of the most comprehensive and systematic descriptions of the work of Muhammad ʻAbduh, the leader of Egyptian modernism.Adams examines the main principles of ʻAbduh’s teachings, the relationship of his teachings to practical activity, the Egyptian thinker’s attitude toward philosophy and science, his understanding of reason, and the general character and major issues of ʻAbduh’s theology (primarily drawing on the “Risalat al-tawhid”) — the​ doctrine of God, man, revelation, morality, resurrection, and others.Adams draws attention to the fact that ʻAbduhʼs theology is closely linked to his social activities. It is not at all by chance that it is characterized by a kind of “theological minimalism”: the desire to provide the most general sketch of theology, smoothing out the thorny issues that can lead to disagreement, correlates with ʻAbduhʼs overall practical aspiration to unite Muslims on the basis of the major ideas of Islam and in the face of the global threat of European colonialism. Such theological minimalism, outwardly resembling a simplified version of Salafism, actually pushes for a more rigorous distinction between the essential and epiphenomenal in Islam — ​a distinction that makes Islam more flexible in the context of the transformations necessary to adequately modernize the social institutions of the Muslim world. Ultimately, asAdams notes, the goal of Islam so understood is the unification of all people under one true religion, which generally corresponds with the modernist attitude of globalization.

Translated from English by Ekaterina Khan

Damir V. Mukhetdinov

Muhammad ʻAbduh and the World-historical

Mission of Islam

Russian theologian Damir V. Mukhetdinov’s “Muhammad ʻAbduh and the World-historical Mission of Islam” is one of the paragraphs of the author’s monograph “Theology of Renewal: Islamic Neomodernism and the Problem of Tradition” (2023). Mukhetdinov generally solidarizes withAdamsʼ position on how ʻAbduh sees the future of Islam and world civilization. However, he goes even

further and argues that ʻAbduh’s project is based not only on the primordial Muslim notion of a single human nature and a single “natural” religion, but also on the spirit of Hegelian philosophy, under the influence of which most nineteenth-­ century European historiosophic projects (including those that — as​ in the case of positivism and Marxism — ​criticized it) were created. ʻAbduh himself, according to the author, was imbued with this historiosophic spirit and constructed an alternative — ​Islamic in nature — ​version of world history in which not only European but also Islamic civilization possesses the capacity for self-over- coming, a “super-self-existence,” that is. This primordial openness of Islam was partially neglected during the medieval period, which led to the stagnation of Muslim civilization and its subsequent helplessness in the face of Western colonialism.As Mukhetdinov notes, the task of the religious-­philosophical project of ʻAbduh is not simply to unite Muslims on the basis of “theological minimalism,” but to awaken this spirit of openness, this capacity for “super-self-exist- ence.” This interpretation of the Egyptian thinker’s work is significant for Mukhetdinov’s general concept formulated in his monograph: it was ʻAbduh, in his opinion, who was able to meaningfully raise the question of Islam’s world-­ historical mission in the modern era, which was developed by his neo-modern- ist followers (F. Rahman, M. Arkoun, N. Abu Zayd, etc.) and that is of particular importance in the modern period, i. e. in the context of the emerging system of multiple forms of modernity.

Leila Ahmed

Modernist Discourses on Women’s Rights in Islam

Egyptian researcher Leila Ahmed’s “Modernist Discourses on Women’s Rights in Islam” is a translation of one of the chapters of the author’s classic monograph “Women and Gender in Islam” (1992).Ahmed analyzes the preconditions of the “women’s question” in nineteenth-­century Egypt, in particular the economic expansion of European powers into the Egyptian market and the erosion of traditional social relations. She demonstrates that the need for extensive female education was a natural response to socio-­economic changes. Egyptian thinkers could not help but respond to these changes, of whomAhmed singles out Muḥammad ʻAbduh and QasimAmin, two authors who held the most advanced views on women’s education, socialization, and ultimately emancipation.Ahmed analyzes the context of the origin and content ofAmin’s classic work “Tahrir almarʼa” (“The Liberation of Woman”, 1899), demonstrating that many of its ideas were not groundbreaking but had parallels as far back as Egyptian publicists of the second half of the nineteenth century. The controversy generated by this

work becomes clear only when one considers not the substantive reforms proposed for women but, first, the symbolic reform of the abolition of the religious veil and, second, the fundamental changes in culture and social life that society as a whole was pushing for. Despite the progressive nature of Amin’s work (compared to the works of traditional ulema), its author shares a number of colonial prejudices, including with regard to women: for example, he evaluates very low the physical habits and moral qualities of Egyptian women, their intellectual level and economic abilities.According toAhmed, the impact ofAmin’s book was ambiguous: on the one hand, it raised the highly topical “women’s question”, and on the other hand, its appearance marked the entry into the generalArab discourse of the colonial narrative of women and Islam, in which the veil and traditional practices of treating women represent “Muslim inferiority”; it was countered by a narrative of resistance, in which the veil symbolizes the dignity and validity of autochthonous customs. Subsequent Islamic thought has been trapped in the grip of these two narratives, which have prevented a fresher and less ideologized view of the women’s question.

Translated from English by Semyon Kazakov

Mohammad Khalil

Muhammad Rashid Rida and the Question of Salvation

Muhammad Khalil’s “Muhammad Rashid Rida and the Question of Salvation” is the fifth chapter of his doctoral dissertation “Muslim Scholarly Discussions on Salvation and the Fate of ‘Others’” (2007). It is devoted to the problem of salvation of non-­Muslims and the eternity of hell, which is actively discussed in Islamic theology. Khalil shows that one of the leading continuators of the ʻAbduh school, Rashid Rida, generally gravitated toward the idea that the total number of people who will go to hell will be small, and even they can hope for ultimate salvation, which is due to the comprehensiveness of God’s mercy. This position is not new to Islamic thought. In his argumentation, Rashid Rida relied on classical authors such as al-­Ghazali (1058–1111), Ibn ʻArabi (1165–1240), Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328), and Ibn Qayyim al-­Jawziyyah (1292–1350). The article also analyzes the views of Rashid Rida’s followers, Farid Esack (b. 1955) and Sayyid Qutb (1906–1966), who came to different conclusions on the issue of salvation of non-­Muslims: while Esack sharpened Rashid Rida’s tolerant intension and advocated religious pluralism and universal salvation, Qutb, on the contrary, emphasized the exclusivist aspects of his position, resulting in his rejection of the idea of universal salvation as theologically untenable. In an attempt

to identify Rashid Rida’s motivation in choosing a moderate-­pluralist position in the final section, Khalil notes that it may be related to the socio-­political context of the early twentieth century: the desire to portray Islam as a rational and merciful religion is explained by the desire to build a counter-­discourse to the criticism of Islam by Western and local Europeanized intellectuals.

Translated from English by Semyon Kazakov

Maythem al-­Janabi

Cultural and National Reform

Russian scholar M. M. al-­Janabi’s work “Cultural and National Reform” represents the third chapter from his monograph “Philosophy of Modern Muslim Reformation” (2014). This work examines the socio-­political projects of Jamal al-­Din al-­Afghani, Muhammad ʻAbduh, and ʻAbd al-­Rahmān al-­Kawakibi (1855–1902). Al-­Janabi notes that the foundations of political Islam were profoundly linked by al-­Afghani and ‘Abduh to the problems of the historical and cultural being of the ummah.They laid the cornerstone of the ideological-­political system, formulated its first provisions related to setting the tasks of awakening the all-­Islamic cultural being in the private national historical being. While al-­ Afghani’s general orientation took the form of an impetuous and rigid call for direct action and, consequently, for the reconstruction of history by harmonizing its beginning and end, Muhammad ‘Abduh sets the task of building reformism on the platform of cultural spirit and legal reform, i. e., calls for the cultural reconstruction of history.Al-­Kawakibi’s position, on the other hand, is more practically and politically oriented: he focuses not on philosophical problems of historical and cultural existence, but on the specific state of political weakening of the ummah, the overcoming of which is also seen as predominantly practical — it​ is more political than religious or cultural reformation. In his case, as al-­Janabi notes, values and principles are not merely attractive slogans or philosophical speculations; no, they are articulated as needs for political action that realizes immediate and distant goals.

Tawfiq Ibrahim, Natalia Efremova

On the Modernist Reception of Falsafa’s Theology

The article “On the Modernist Reception of Falsafa’s Theology” by Russian researchers T. K. Ibrahim and N. V. Efremova is devoted to the main aspects of

the continuity between the philosophical theology developed within the framework of Falsafa — primarily​ by al-­Farabi (870–950), Ibn Sina (980–1037), and Ibn Rushd (1126–1198) — ​and the modernist discourse of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The authors defend the view that many of the universalist ideas advanced by the falasifa inspired the reformers to develop theological principles that formed the basis of a modernizing, inclusive-­pluralist conception of interreligious and intercivilizational dialogue.Among such universalist ideas are the following: the doctrine of the unity of revealed religions, religious diversity as God’s predestination and the invalidity of claims to exclusivity; the principle of religious freedom, including the right to change one’s faith; rationalist principles of theology; criticism of hadith-­centeredness in the construction of theology; the idea of the eternity of God’s creative activity; the theory of natural prophecy; the universality of final salvation (apokatastasis), etc. The authors show that the theological principles of modernization and pluralism were the basis for the modernization of interreligious and intercivilizational dialogue. In their work, the authors show that the heuristic potential of falsafa may also be important for further developments in the field of Islamic religious-­philosophical thought.

Ch a p t e r 2

The second chapter of our collection, entitled“Translations of Modernist

Classics”, opens with excerpts from Muhammad ʻAbduh’s “The Theology of Unity” (Risalat al-tawhid, 1897; translated fromArabic by F. O. Nofal). This work can be considered a classic of modernist theology. The published excerpts deal with the idea of universal message and the problem of revelation. We also publish excerpts from ʻAbd al-­Rahman al-­Kawakibi’s “The Nature of Despotism and the Perilousness of Enslavement” (Taba’i al-istibdad wa-masari al-istibad, 1900–1901; translated fromArabic by Z. I. Levin), a work that laid the foundations of the socio-­political theory of Islamic modernism. The second part of the collection also includes excerpts from Qasim Amin’s “The New Woman” (Al-marʼa al-jadida, 1900; translated from Arabic by I. Y. Krachkovsky), a response to criticism of his first study of the women’s question, “The Liberation of Woman”; these excerpts thoroughly discuss the problem of women’s upbringing and education. We also publish Muhammad Rashid Rida’s “Renewal, Renewal, and Renewers” (Al-tajdid wa-l-tajaddud wa-l-mujaddi- dun, 1930; translated from Arabic by D. V. Mukhetdinov), which can be seen,

on the one hand, as a manifesto of the entire Islamic modernist movement and, on the other hand, as an attempt to fit this movement into the renewalist tradition of Islamic thought.

The year 2023 marks two anniversaries of representatives of the Russian religious-­philosophical school of Islam: 200 years since the birth of Husain Faizkhanov (1823–1866) and 150 years since the birth of Ziyaetdin Kamali (1873– 1942). For this reason, the section “Translations of Modernist Classics” is supplemented with two texts: Shihabuddin Marjani’s “Loyalty to Predecessors and Salutation to Descendants” (Vafiyyat al-aslāf va tahiyyat al-akhlāf; translated from Arabic by D. V. Mukhetdinov), which is an overview of Faizkhanov’s work and his activities in the field of enlightenment; andKamali’s “The Justice ofAllah” (the text is an appendix to “Philosophy of Islam” — ​Fəlsəfə islamiyyədən, 1910; translated from Old Tatar by L. I. Almazova).