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up and traded when the price difference moves out of a historical range; you sell the more expensive stock and you buy the cheaper one. In merger arbitrage, you buy stocks of target firms after acquisitions are announced and hope to make the difference between the postannouncement price and the offer price. While both these strategies offer promising returns, neither is close to being riskless.

In closing, we looked at the part of the money management business that is closest in philosophy to arbitrage, the hedge fund business. Though they share the common characteristics of a long/short strategy, hedge funds come in all varieties. On average, they have returns that are lower than a strategy of buying and holding stocks, but have risk that is significantly lower. As hedge funds use this finding to bring in more money, they run the risk of being the victims of their own success, since it is not clear whether many hedge fund strategies will scale up.

As a final note, the one constant that shows up across different arbitrage strategies is liquidity. Investors who need liquidity less (and thus value it less) have a clear advantage over those who do need liquidity, and the advantage grows during market crises. In fact, the profits on many arbitrage strategies, whether real, near, or pseudo, seem to represent illiquidity premiums rather than come from market mistakes. Put differently, only investors who can afford to stay illiquid and thus have lower transaction costs can take advantage of these arbitrage strategies.

E X E R C I S E S

1.Do you believe that pure arbitrage opportunities exist in markets?

a.If they do exist, who are the beneficiaries? (Are they big institutional investors, insiders, or tax-exempt investors?)

b.What is the source of their advantage? (Is it luck, low transaction costs, the capacity to trade quickly, or something else?)

c.What markets/time periods are pure arbitrage opportunities most likely to show up in?

2.Do you believe that near arbitrage opportunities exist in markets?

a.If they do exist, where (in what markets) would you look for them? (Dual-listed stocks? Bonds? Real estate? Currencies?)

b.Assuming you find these near arbitrage opportunities, what may be the biggest impediments to your making money on these opportunities?

3.Paired trades are a simple example of pseudo arbitrage.

a.Can you find a pair of stocks that move together?

b.How would you confirm that they do?

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c.Are they mispriced relative to each other now?

d.If you decide to take advantage of the mispricing, what would be the biggest threats to your succeeding with this strategy?

Lessons for Investors

To be a successful arbitrageur, you need to:

Understand that near arbitrage is more likely than pure arbitrage: Pure arbitrage opportunities, if they exist, are most likely to be found in derivatives and government bond markets and will be very quickly exploited. Near arbitrage, where you have two almost identical assets that are priced differently or where you have no forced convergence, should be more common.

Have excellent execution capabilities and low execution costs: Arbitrage requires you to trade large quantities instantaneously in two or more markets.

Have access to low-cost debt: The pricing differences between two similar assets, even if they exist, are likely to be very small and can be made into substantial returns only by using leverage.

Be a liquidity provider: To succeed with many of the arbitrage strategies listed in this chapter, you have to be willing to invest in cheaper, illiquid assets when liquidity is at a premium, and make your profits as the prices recover.

If you decide to move to pseudo arbitrage, you need to:

Keep leverage under control: As you move from pure to near arbitrage and from near to pseudo arbitrage, the risk in your strategy will increase and you should reduce the financial leverage in your strategy accordingly.

Recognize that size is a double-edged sword: As you get more funds to invest, you may be able to reduce your execution costs, but you will also have a much more difficult time getting into and out of your positions quickly and without a price impact.

CHAPTER 12

The Impossible Dream?

Timing the Market

I t is every investor’s dream to time the market, for obvious reasons. A successful market timer does not have to have any skill at picking stocks since market timing alone will deliver extraordinary returns. In fact, we begin this chapter by looking at the immense payoff that can come from timing the market well, and this payoff to timing the market makes all of us

easy victims for the next market-timing sales pitch.

The problem with market timing, notwithstanding its potential for delivering huge returns, is that it is so difficult to do, on a consistent basis. We look at a range of market timing strategies, from technical indicators to fundamental indicators to macroeconomic variables, and we note the pitfalls with each one. We also look at the assumptions underlying each indicator and why they sometimes help us predict market movements and more importantly, why they fail so frequently.

M A R K E T T I M I N G : P A Y O F F S A N D C O S T S

The question of whether market timing has a big payoff and what its costs are arouses strong views from both practitioners and academics. While academics are fairly unified in their belief that market timing is not worth the time and resources that are expended on it, practitioners feel deeply on both sides of the issue. We begin by looking at the payoffs to market timing and then consider the costs.

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T h e P a y o f f t o M a r k e t T i m i n g

In a 1986 article, a group of researchers1 raised the hackles of many an active portfolio manager by estimating that as much as 93.6 percent of the variation in quarterly performance at professionally managed portfolios could be explained by the mix of stocks, bonds, and cash at these portfolios.2 In a different study in 1992, Shilling examined the effect on your annual returns of being able to stay out of the market during bad months.3 He concluded that an investor who would have missed the 50 weakest months of the market between 1946 and 1991 would have seen his annual returns almost double from 11.2 percent to 19 percent. Ibbotson examined the relative importance of asset allocation and security selection of 94 balanced mutual funds and 58 pension funds, all of which had to make both asset allocation and security selection decisions. Using 10 years of data through 1998, Ibbotson finds that about 40 percent of the differences in returns across funds can be explained by their asset allocation decisions and 60 percent by security selection. Collectively, these studies suggest that the asset allocation decision has important consequences for your returns, and its importance increases with your time horizon.

While how much of actual portfolio returns are due to asset allocation is open to debate, there can be no denying its importance to overall portfolio returns. While most researchers looked at the allocation across financial assets alone, we would define the asset allocation decision much more broadly to include real assets, including real estate, and in the most general case, human capital. The asset allocation decision follows logically from the assessment of the risk preferences, cash needs, and tax status of the investor. The portfolio manager has to decide on the mix of assets that maximizes the after-tax returns subject to the risk and cash flow constraints of the investor. This is what we would term the passive approach to asset allocation, where the investor’s characteristics determine the right mix for the portfolio. In coming up with the mix, we draw on the lessons of diversification; asset

1G. Brinson, L. R. Hood, and G. Beebower, “Determinants of Portfolio Performance,” Financial Analysts Journal 42 (1986): 39–44; G. Brinson, B. Singer, and G. Beebower, “Determinants of Portfolio Performance II: An Update,” Financial Analysts Journal 47 (1991): 40–47.

2J. A. Nuttall and J. Nuttall, “Asset Allocation Claims—Truth or Fiction?” (working paper, 1998). A survey found that of 50 writers who quoted this study, 37 misread it to indicate that 93% of the total return came from asset allocation.

3A. Shilling, “Market Timing: Better than a Buy-and-Hold Strategy,” Financial Analysts Journal 48 (1992): 46–50.

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classes tend to be influenced differently by macro economic events, and do not move in tandem. This, in turn, implies that diversifying across asset classes will yield better trade-offs between risk and return than investing in any one asset class. The same can be said about expanding portfolios to include both domestic and foreign assets.

There is, however, an active component to asset allocation, which leads portfolio managers to deviate from the passive mix just defined, and one factor is market timing. To the extent that portfolio managers believe that they can time markets (i.e., determine which markets are likely to go up more than expected and which less than expected), they will alter the asset mixes accordingly. Thus, a portfolio manager who believes that the stock market is overvalued and is ripe for a correction while real estate is undervalued may reduce the proportion of the portfolio that is allocated to equities and increase the proportion allocated to real estate. It should be noted that there are some who differentiate between these actions, which they call tactical asset allocation, and more drastic switches from stock to cash, which they call market timing. We see only a difference in degree and will draw no such distinction.

T h e C o s t o f M a r k e t T i m i n g

If market timing were costless, you could argue that everyone should try to time markets, given the huge returns to getting it right. There are, however, significant costs associated with trying to time markets (and getting it wrong):

In the process of switching from stocks to cash and back, you may miss the best years of the market. In an article titled “The Folly of Stock Market Timing,” Jeffrey examined the effects of annually switching from stock to cash and back from 1926 to 1982 and concluded that the potential downside vastly exceeds the potential upside.4 In his article on market timing in 1975, Bill Sharpe suggested that unless you can tell a good year from a bad year 7 times out of 10, you should not try market timing.5 This result is confirmed by Chua, Woodward, and To, who use Monte Carlo simulations on the Canadian market and confirm you

4R. Jeffrey, “The Folly of Stock Market Timing,” Financial Analysts Journal (July– August 1984): 102–110.

5W. F. Sharpe, “Are Gains Likely from Market Timing,” Financial Analysts Journal 31 (1975): 60–69.

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have to be right 70 to 80 percent of the time to break even from market timing.6

These studies do not consider the additional transaction costs that inevitably flow from market timing strategies, since you will trade far more extensively with these strategies. At the limit, a stock/cash switching strategy will mean that you will have to liquidate your entire equity portfolio if you decide to switch into cash and start from scratch again the next time you want to be in stocks.

A market timing strategy will also increase your potential tax liabilities. To see why, assume that you have a strategy of selling your stocks after two good years in the market, based on your belief that a bad year is more likely to follow. You will have to pay capital gains taxes when you sell your stocks, and over your lifetime as an investor, you will pay far more in taxes. The costs will get even higher if the market timing strategy is short term, since short-term capital gains have been taxed at higher tax rates, at least in the United States.

I n S u m m a r y

The perceived payoff from market timing is large and apparent, whereas the costs are often less visible. This must explain why so many portfolio managers and investors, their protestations to the contrary, engage in some market timing. In addition, the high profiles of market strategists at all of the major investment firms suggest that the asset allocation decision is perceived to be an important one.

Its appeal to investors notwithstanding, market timing remains an elusive dream for most. Looking back at market history, there have been far fewer successful market timers than successful stock selectors, and it is not clear whether even the few successes that are attributed to market timing should be attributable to luck. Why is it so difficult to succeed at market timing? One very important reason is that there are fewer potential differential advantages that investors can build on when it comes to timing markets. For instance, it is unlikely that one can acquire an informational advantage over other investors at timing markets, but it may still be possible, with sufficient research and private information, to get an informational advantage at picking stocks. Market timers contend that they can take existing information and use it more creatively or in better models to arrive at predictions for

6J. H. Chua, R. S. Woodward, and E. C. To, “Potential Gains from Stock Market Timing in Canada,” Financial Analysts Journal 43, no. 5 (September/October 1987): 50–56.

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markets, but such approaches can be easily imitated, and imitation is the kiss of death for successful investment strategies.

M A R K E T T I M I N G A P P R O A C H E S

There are probably as many market timing approaches as there are investors. Some of these approaches are based on nonfinancial indicators, some on charts and technical measures, some on the assumption that stock and bond prices revert to a normal range, some on macroeconomic variables such as interest rates and business cycles; and some draw on the valuation tools that we used to analyze individual stocks: discounted cash flow and relative valuation models.

M a r k e t T i m i n g B a s e d o n N o n f i n a n c i a l I n d i c a t o r s

Through the decades, there are some investors who have claimed to foretell the market’s future by looking at nonfinancial indicators. Some of these indicators, such as whether the NFC or AFC team wins the Super Bowl, are clearly of dubious origin and would fall into a category that we title spurious indicators. Other indicators such as the hemline index, which relates stock prices to the level of hemlines on skirts, fall into the grouping of feel-good indicators that measure the overall mood of people in the economy, who after all are both the consumers who act as the engine for the economy and the investors determining prices. Finally, there are the hype indicators that measure whether market prices are becoming disconnected from reality by looking at investor chatter and behavior.

S p u r i o u s I n d i c a t o r s Analysts, researchers, and investors all pore over stock market movements, hoping to find patterns and it is not surprising that they find variables that seem to predict what the market will do in the next period. Consider one very widely talked-about indicator—who wins the Super Bowl.7 In the 44 years that the Super Bowl has been played from 1966 to 2010, the winner has come from the old National Football League 29 times, whereas an American Football League team has won 13 times; in two of the years, the Super Bowl has been won by teams not in existence in the 1960s. In the 30 years that a team from the old National Football

7For those unfamiliar with the Super Bowl, it is played between the winner of the American Football Conference (AFC) and the winner of the National Football Conference (NFC), on the last Sunday in January.

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League has won, the S&P 500 has increased, on average, 12.3 percent in the subsequent year, and has gone up in 26 of the years. In the 13 years that the AFL team has won, the market has been down an average of 2.35 percent in the subsequent year, and has declined in six of the years. In fact, there are academic researchers who claim that if you define success as getting the market direction right, the success rate of 70 percent (31 out of 44 years) is far too high to due to chance.8

So why not invest in the market after observing who wins the Super Bowl? There are several potential problems. First, we disagree that chance cannot explain this phenomenon. When you have hundreds of potential indicators that you can use to time markets, there will be some that show an unusually high correlation purely by chance. Second, a forecast of market direction (up or down) does not really qualify as market timing, since how much the market goes up clearly does make a difference. Third, you should always be cautious when you can find no economic link between a market timing indicator and the market. There is no conceivable reason that who wins the Super Bowl should affect or be correlated with overall economic performance. Indicators such as these may make for amusing anecdotes at parties but can be lethal to your portfolio as market timing devices.

F e e l - G o o d I n d i c a t o r s When people feel optimistic about the future, it is not just stock prices that are affected by this optimism. Often, there are social consequences as well, with styles and social mores influenced by the fact that investors and consumers feel good about the economy. In the 1920s, for instance, as the economy grew and times were good, people partied and the markets zoomed up. In the 1980s, in another big bull market, you had the storied excesses of Wall Street, documented in books like Liar’s Poker and movies like Wall Street.

It is not surprising, therefore, that people have discovered linkages between social indicators and Wall Street. Consider, for instance, an index that has been around for decades called the hemline index that finds a correlation between the hemlines on women’s skirts and the stock market. This politically incorrect index is based on the notion that shorter dresses and skirts are associated with rising stock prices whereas longer dresses are predictors of stock market decline. Assuming the index works, we would argue that

8T. Krueger and W. Kennedy, “An Examination of the Superbowl Stock Market Predictor,” Journal of Finance 45 (1991): 691–697. For a more up-to-date study, see George W. Kester, “What Happened to the Super Bowl Stock Market Predictor?” Journal of Investing 19, no. 1 (Spring 2010): 82–87.

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you are seeing a manifestation of the same phenomenon. As people get more upbeat, fashions do seem to get more daring (with higher hemlines following) and markets also seem to go up. You could undoubtedly construct other indexes that have similar correlations. For instance, you should expect to see a high correlation between crowds at expensive nightclubs at New York City (or wherever young investment bankers and traders congregate) and the market.

The problem with feel-good indicators, in general, is that they tend to be contemporaneous or lagging rather than leading indicators. In other words, the hemlines don’t drop before the markets drop but in conjunction with or after a market drop. As an investor, these indicators are of little use, since your objective is to get out before the market drops and to get in before the market goes up.

H y p e I n d i c a t o r s It is said that Joseph Kennedy, a well-known speculator on stocks in his own time, knew it was time to get out of the market when he heard his shoeshine boy talking about stocks. In our own time, there are some who believe that the market peaked when the ratings of business TV channels (such as CNBC) exceeded those of long-running soap operas. In fact, one indicator called the “cocktail party chatter” indicator tracks three measures: the time elapsed at a party before talk turns to stocks, the average age of the people discussing stocks, and the fad component of the chatter. According to the indicator, the less time it takes for the talk to turn to stocks, the lower the average age of the market discussants, and the greater the fad component, the more negative you should be about future stock price movements.

Harking back to our discussion of bubbles, remember that propagation is critical to bubbles getting bigger. In our media world, this will involve print, television, and online, and an overflow into day-to-day conversations. Thus, the discussion at the watercooler in a typical business is more likely to be about stocks than about football or other such daily (and more normal) obsessions when markets are buoyant. As investors increasingly turn to social media (Facebook, Twitter, etc.), researchers are probing the data that is coming from these forums to see if they can be used to get a sense of market mood (and future direction). A study of almost 10 million tweets in 2008 found that a relationship between the collective mood on the tweets predicted stock price movements, and a hedge fund, Derwent Capital, moved quickly to try to take advantage.9

9J. Bollen, H. Mao, and X. Zeng, “Twitter Mood Predicts the Stock Market,” Journal of Computer Science 2 (2011): 2–8.