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Souls and Bodies 183
well as the Bible. His greatest reliance, however, is on the Pantegni of Haly
Abbas (Ali ibn al-Abbas al-Majusi), translated by Constantinus Africanus.
ese medical sources furnish an account of how the non-naturals inuence
the complexion of the individual body. ere are also recommendations of
what things are needed to eat properly or to feast, including service at table,
etiquette and the equipment needed, with examples drawn from accounts
43
of meals taken in the Old and New Testaments.
e De proprietatibus
rerum was primarily intended, of course, to help friars and other clergy with
interpretation of passages in the Bible (‘for understanding the hidden things
of the Scriptures, which, under symbols and gures of the properties of
natural and articial things, are hidden and veiled by the Holy Spirit’44), and
to furnish them with material to be preached in sermons. Allegorisations
and moralisations are not found in the text but in marginal glosses, probably
supplied by Bartholomaeus Anglicus himself – but they tend to be present
only in earlier manuscripts, and never in vernacular translations. e chapters
from Bartholomaeus on regimen could also provide handy guidance for their
readers on health matters, as well as hints as to how friars should host lay
people or be guests at table. By comparison with Bartholomaeus Anglicus
De proprietatibus rerum, book twelve of the Speculum doctrinale (Mirror of
doctrine) of the Dominican Vincent of Beauvais is much lengthier in its
treatment of regimen (caps. 3–50) and relies much more on a close reading of
the Canon of Avicenna. But it never seems to have enjoyed as much success
in England: no English manuscripts of the text of this book survive.
45
Manuscript copying of the Latin De proprietatibus rerum reached its
highest level in the fourteenth century. Altogether, almost 20% of surviving
manuscripts were copied in England. About one-third were owned by
monastic houses and friaries, and another third by universities; there is
also evidence of dissemination via the pecia system of book production for
university students.46 Where they can be identied, individual owners tend
43
De proprietatibus rerum, Liber XI, chaps. 21 and 22.
44
Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De proprietatibus rerum, ed. H. Meyer, M. W. Twomey, B.
Roling and R. J. Long, De Diversis Artibus 78, NS 41 (Turnhout, 2007), I, p. 51:
ad intelligenda enigmata Scripturarum, que sub symbolis et guris proprietatum
rerum naturalium et articialium a Spiritu Sancto sunt tradite et velate.
45
See http://www.vincentiusbelvacensis.eu/mss/mssSD.html, accessed 19 April
2023. Bartholomaeus and Vincent on regimen are discussed in Arnaldi de Villanova
Opera Medica Omnia, X.1, Regimen sanitatis ad regem Aragonum, ed. P. Gil-Sotres
(Barcelona, 1996), pp. 563–8.
46
Meyer, Die Enzyklopädie.
184 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
to be clerics, although often they are medical students or physicians.47 James
le Palmer, a clerk of the exchequer (d. 1375), compiled and wrote his own
encyclopedia, Omne bonum (Every good thing), for which De proprietatibus
rerum is the largest source, despite James’s hostility to friars.48 e inuence
of De proprietatibus rerum was widely felt in religious circles. Well-known
English preachers like omas Brinton and omas Wimbledon drew on
it in their sermons, and collections of exempla feature De proprietatibus
rerum prominently amongst their sources.49 Marcus of Orvieto’s Liber de
moralitatibus (Book on moralities) and Pierre Bersuire’s Reductorium morale
(Reduction to the moral sense) are two widely disseminated preaching
manuals drawing heavily from De proprietatibus rerum.50 In c. 1320, the
Franciscan Nicholas Bozon (probably based in Nottingham) used De
proprietatibus rerum as his sole medieval source in the Anglo-Norman
French Contes moralisés (Moralised stories).51 In England, De proprietatibus
rerum circulated in Latin, French and English. e French translation of
Jean de Corbechon (an Augustinian friar or possibly canon) was dedicated
to the French king in 1372, but manuscripts were made in England (notably
for Edward IV). In 1398/9, John Trevisa (b. c. 1342–d. 1402) completed an
English translation of De proprietatibus rerum, at the instance of omas,
Lord Berkeley.52 ough this never achieved wide circulation, the de luxe
47
M. C. Seymour, ‘Some Medieval English Owners of De proprietatibus rerum’,
Bodleian Library Record 9 (1974), 156–65; M. W. Twomey, ‘Towards a Reception History of Western Medieval Encyclopaedias in England before 1500’, in
Pre-Modern Encyclopaedic Texts: Proceedings of the Second COMERS Congress,
Groningen, 1–4 July 1996, ed. P. Binkley (Leiden, 1997), pp. 329–62; Meyer, Die
Enzyklopädie, pp. 244–60, 266–271; M. W. Twomey, ‘Western Medieval Ency-
clopedias in England Before 1500: A Preliminary List’, in Die Enzyklopädie im
Wandel vom Hochmittelalter bis zur Frühen Neuzeit: Akten des Kolloquiums des Projekts D im Sonderforschungsbereich 231 (29.11.-1.12. 1996), ed. C. Meier (Munich,
2002), pp. 317–42.
48
James le Palmer, Omne Bonum: A Fourteenth-Century Encyclopedia of Universal
Knowledge, ed. L. F. Sandler, 2 vols. (London, 1996).
49
A. S. G. Edwards, ‘Bartholomaeus Anglicus’ De proprietatibus rerum and Medieval
English Literature’, Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 222
(1985), 121–8.
50
Twomey, ‘Bartholomaeus Anglicus’, Latin adaptations.
51
B. Van den Abeele, ‘L’exemplum et le monde animal: Le cas des oiseaux chez Nicole
Bozon’, Le Moyen Age 94 (1988), 51–72; M. D. Legge, Anglo-Norman Literature
and its Background (Oxford, 1963), pp. 229–32; L. Postlewate, ‘Nicholas Bozon’, in
Oxford Bibliographies Online.
52
R. Hanna, ‘Sir omas Berkeley and His Patronage’, Speculum 64 (1989), 878–916;
Twomey, ‘Bartholomaeus Anglicus’.
Souls and Bodies 185
quality of all but one of the translation’s eight surviving manuscripts points
to wealthy patronage. Of these, New York, Columbia University, Butler
Library, Plimpton MS 263 (London or Westminster, c. 1440–9) was the
copy text for Wynkyn de Worde’s rst printed edition (1495, STC 1536).
ere is evidence that friars were interested in regimen sanitatis texts other
than the chapters to be found in Bartholomaeus Anglicus. A Franciscan house
in SW England owned Bodl., MS Rawlinson D 238, which contains the Liber
de conservanda sanitate (Book on preserving health) by John of Toledo. He
was an English Cistercian (despite his name) who became a cardinal by 1243
and was physician to Pope Innocent IV. He was in high repute as a medical
authority and his treatise on regimen circulated widely in England, as elsewhere
in Europe. e Rawlinson copy, containing other medical and calendar texts
besides John’s regimen, was annotated in the fteenth century, presumably by
the Franciscans who owned it.53 Another popular regimen text was Bernard
of Gordon’s De conservatione vitae humanae (On preserving human life),
written in 1308.54 e fourth part of this work is a regimen sanitatis, planned
around the ages of man rather than the six non-naturals. e Austin Friars
at York in 1372 had a copy of this text bound with a commentary on the
Viaticum (Guidebook) of Constantinus Africanus by Gerardus Bituricensis,
and a sinonima herbarum.55 e scattering of books from friars’ libraries at the
Reformation, and the patchy survival of library lists, make it impossible to
tell if these appearances of regimen sanitatis texts were characteristic of friars’
medical interests overall.
e Tabula medicine compiled by the English Franciscans has an entry for
Sanitas (Health). e initial denition seems to have been copied from the
regimen attributed to the thirteenth-century author Petrus Hispanus, but in
fact that text was itself a mash-up of previous regimen texts.56 Sanitas begins:
53
Talbot and Hammond, Medical Practitioners, pp. 190–1; A. Paravicini Bagliani,
Medicina e scienze della natura alla corte dei papi nel Duecento (Spoleto, 1991), pp.
23–4, 262; Regimen sanitatis, ed. Gil-Sotres, pp. 517–20; Nicoud, Les régimes, I, pp.
87–9; II, pp. 709–10; Liber de conservanda sanitate, ed. L Elaut as ‘e Walcourt
Manuscript: A Hygienic Vade-mecum for Monks’, Osiris 13 (1958), 187–202 (au-
thor not identied).
54
Y. O’Neill, ‘e History of the Publication of Bernard of Gordon’s Liber de conser-
vatione vitae humanae’, Sudhos Archiv 49 (1965), 269–79; L. E. Demaitre, Doctor
Bernard de Gordon: Professor and Practitioner (Toronto, 1980), pp. 59–70; Nicoud,
Les régimes, I, pp. 199–208; II, p. 703.
55
Friars’ Libraries, ed. Humphreys, A8: no. 531.
56
See Regimen, ed. Gil-Sotres, pp. 523–7. is diers by only one word (custodiens for
perciens) from that of Johannitius, Isagoge, ed. G. Maurach, cap. 58 (Sudhos Archiv
62 (1978), 148–74), which was probably the original authority.
186 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
Health is keeping balance in the natural things by following the guidance of
nature or it is the governance of the body by promoting the proper execution
of its functions. us Waynet.
57
e alternative denition here may come from the unknown mendicant
author Waynet or may be from another authority quoted by him. Other
authors are called in, notably Galen and Hippocrates, to establish the idea of
keeping the body healthy by accommodating to its dominant qualities (hot,
cold, wet, dry), while using opposites to treat the body when it is sick. Waynet
is quoted again to summarise this approach to regimen. Serapion is brought
in to commend the use of herb savory and wild thyme to maintain health,
Rases ad Almansorem (Book of medicine dedicated to Mansur) to commend
wine which expels superuities. But the Franciscans are said to possess a
secret of their own (secretum nostrum), that is to purge choleric and sanguine
humours in the spring through vomitory and phlebotomy respectively, while
using drugs and clysters in summer or at the beginning of autumn. We may
suppose that it was the practice of the Franciscans to build these seasonal
medical interventions into the regimen of their houses.58 Finally the Tabula
medicine recommends consulting two texts on regimen: the rst is Bernard of
Gordon’s short regimen in a chapter on stomach complaints (de fastidio) in
the Lilium medicine (Lily of medicine, book 5, cap. 8); the second is a similar
longer chapter in John Gaddesden’s Rosa anglica (English rose, book 2, cap.
19), again in the context of a stomach disorder, hiccuping (singultus). Both
these texts use seven principles for explicating regimen: quantity of food
and drink, qualities of foods, ordering the non-naturals in a daily routine,
complexion, habit, season, age. It is likely that Gaddesden was copying this
list from Bernard de Gordon. e regimen texts cited by the Tabula medicine
tend to be ignored in studies of the genre of regimen sanitatis, probably
because they are embedded in much longer therapeutic texts (as of course
is the Sanitas entry in the Tabula medicine).59 at of Gaddesden is more
discursive and miscellaneous in its advice than Bernard de Gordon, quoting
many classical and Islamicate medical authorities. But Gaddesden also oers
57
Tabula medicine in University College, MS Lat. 11, fol. 244v: Sanitas est tempera-
mentum custodiens res naturales secundum cursum nature vel sanitas est disposicio
corporis perfectionem operacionum perciens; per Waynet.
58
If a customary of a Franciscan house had survived we might have more information
about this. Observances in use at the Augustinian Priory of St. Giles and St. Andrew at
Barnwell, ed. J. W. Clark (Cambridge, 1897), gives an idea of what we might expect,
with seasonal bloodletting mandated.
59
But Demaitre, Gordon, does draw attention to Bernard’s regimen in the Lilium
medicine, p. 69.
Souls and Bodies 187
digressions and personal opinions, sometimes employing anonymous verses
to make a point, as on the digestibility of sh-tails: ‘Fish and women are
better at the tail’. 60 e friars were happy to endorse these secular medical
regimens for their readers to study and follow.
Complexion and accidents of the soul
Advising lay people how to achieve full contrition for their sins, and of the
importance of regular confession, was thus a task taken on by friars who wrote
in the vernacular. But confessors needed to be made aware of the importance
of taking account of the complexion or temperament of their confessants.
Alain de Lille, writing from Montpellier in the late twelfth century, had said
of the confessor’s responsibility when considering the sins of the penitent:
e complexion of the sinner must be investigated. For the complexion
of the sinner must also be considered weighing the exterior signs; since
depending on the diversity of complexions one person may be more strongly
impelled to one sin rather than another. Since the choleric is impelled more
strongly to anger, but the melancholic to hatred.
is work of Alain de Lille was the model for much of the writing in
confessors’ manuals after the Fourth Lateran Council. Similar advice, for
example, is found in omas of Chobham, Summa confessorum (Summary for
confessors).62 Robert de Grosseteste, lector to the Oxford Franciscans, made
complexion one of the key things to take into account when the confessor is
to impose a penance – is the sinner choleric, sanguine or melancholic?63 St
Augustine had laid down that the Fall of man had disturbed the harmonious
relationship between body and spirit which had preserved Adam and Eve
61
60
John Gaddesden, Rosa anglica (Pavia, 1492), fol. 118v. Only one line of verse is
quoted: ‘Pisces et uxores in cauda sunt meliores’.
61
Alain de Lille, Liber poenitentialis, ed. J. Longere, 2 vols. (Louvain, 1965), II,
p. 31: Quod complexio peccatoris sit inspicienda. Complexio etiam peccatoris
consideranda est, secundum quod ex signis exterioribus perpendi potest; quia
secundum diversas complexiones, unus magis impellitur ad unum peccatum,
quam alius. Quia si cholericus magis impellitur ad iram, sed melancholicus
magis ad odium.
62
omas de Chobham, Summa Confessorum, ed. F. Broomeld (Louvain, 1968), p.
418.
63
Grosseteste, Templum dei, ed. Goering, p. 64: si colericus, vel sanguineus, vel melan-
cholicus.
188 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
in a state of perfect health and sinlessness.64 But each body and each sinner
thereafter were aected in dierent ways, so that no two individuals were
ever the same in respect of complexion. Nor was complexional balance in
the individual xed at birth or constant. It would vary according to the array
of factors that inuenced the health and state of mind of any person.65 As a
consequence, each confessor needed to be able to read the exterior signs that
were diagnostic of the individual’s complexion, as Alain of Lille had said.
Complexion gave rise to the kinds of emotions which tempted the
individual to sin. is insight played a key role in the inuential treatise
La somme le roi (Summary for the King) written by Laurent d’Orléans OP
for the French King Philip III in 1279. Laurent quoted St Gregory on
complexion and the humours disposing to sin.66 is treatise circulated
widely in England, especially after a series of translations into Middle
English. e Book of Vices and Virtues, Ayenbite of Inwit (Remorse of
conscience), the Mirroure of the Worlde and Speculum Vitae (Mirror of life)
were all based on two closely related Anglo-Norman works, Somme le roi
and Miroir du Monde (Mirror of the world). Writing for a lay audience,
the Augustinian friar William Flete in his De remediis contra temptationes
(On remedies against temptations, before 1359) explained how the devil
exploited the opportunities oered by the individual complexion to tempt
her or him. To counter this, the reader needed a spiritual regimen which
registered the emotions associated with each complexion, and thereby the
susceptibility to temptation associated with a particular complexion.67 is
notion of spiritual regimen for the soul is the special contribution made
by these works addressed to lay people by the friars. La somme le roi was
perhaps the rst work to include a practical guide to thinking about death,
64
C. Boneld, ‘Medicine for the Body and Soul: Healthy Living in the Age of Bishop
Grosseteste’, in Robert Grosseteste and the Pursuit of Religious and Scientic Learning
in the Middle Ages, ed. J. P. Cunningham, and M. Hocknull (Cham, 2016), p. 88: ‘As
St omas Aquinas (1215–1274) would later argue, this resulted in the balance of
health being ‘so utterly wrecked that life is destroyed; so as to cause sickness’’’.
65
As pointed out by the Franciscan author of Dives and Pauper, ed. Barnum, I, p. xvi
(I:129): Also meen beem enclyned to synne, oon more than anothir, be excess of
mete and drynk, by myskepyngge of his fyue wyzttys. And for these same causys
oon is enclynyd to bodyly sekenesse more than anothir. For synne oftyntyme is
cause of bodyly sekenesse.
66
R. Maryan, ‘Humoral eory Circulating in Religious Literature in England, c.
1300–1500’ (unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Nottingham, 2016), p.
163, quoting Frère Laurent, La Somme Le Roi, ed. E. Brayer and A.-F. Leurquin-
Labie (Paris, 2008), pp. 268–9.
67
Maryan, ‘Humoral’, p. 162.
Souls and Bodies 189
hell, purgatory and heaven (an ars moriendi, art of dying well), as a means of
daily concentration on what it is to live well and die well. is is the ideal
preparation for combating the vices deriving from individual complexion
with the remedial virtues.
68
Following a regimen sanitatis, as we have seen, required the individual to
control as far as possible the health environment through the six non-natural
things (air, etc). e last of these six were the so-called accidents of the soul
(accidentes animae). ey might be translated into modern terminology as the
emotions or passions or state of mind. ese incidental states of mind were
equally as critical to spiritual regimen, since the control of the emotions was
vital to the avoidance of sin. e way in which the health of the body might be
aected by states of mind or soul was indicated by examples given in the Isagoge
of Johannitius (Hunain ibn Ishaq), the introductory text to scholastic medicine:
Some incidental states of the soul have an eect on the body, such as those
which bring the natural heat from the interior of the body to the surface
of the skin. Sometimes this happens suddenly as with anger; sometimes
gradually and agreeably, as with sensations of delight. Some aections,
again, contract and suppress the natural heat – either suddenly, as with fear
or terror, or gradually, as with anguish. ere are some which disturb the
natural energy [virtutem] both in the interior [of the body], and on the
exterior, for instance, sorrow.
69
So far as oering counsel was concerned, there were states of mind it was
wise to avoid or shun and states of mind to be embraced for their positive
eect on health. In its simplest form, this counsel was vividly expressed in
the Regimen sanitatis salernitatum (Regimen of health of the Salernitans), a
poem of health advice of varying length, attributed to the medical school of
Salerno, and addressed to the king of England, but circulating widely from the
thirteenth century onwards across Europe. It began (in English translation):
All Salerno school thus writes to England’s king, /and for man’s health
these t advices bring. /Shun busy cares, rash angers, which displease; /…
68
M. Chinca, Meditating Death in Medieval and Early Modern Devotional Writing:
From Bonaventure to Luther (Oxford, 2020), pp. 68–9.
69
Medieval Medicine: A Reader, ed. F. Wallis (Toronto, 2010), pp. 146–7; ‘Johan-
nitius’, ed. Maurach (p. 160): Sunt quaedam accidentia animae quae faciunt
intra corpus, sicut ea, quae commovent calorem ab interiori pane ad superciem
cutis, aut impetuose ut ira, aut leniter cum suavitate ut deliciae. Sunt etiam quae
ad se caliditatem contrahunt et celant, aut impetuose ut terror vel timor, aut
leniter ut angustia. Et sunt quae commovent naturalem virtutem intus et extra
ut est tristitia.
190 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
When Physic needs, let these thy doctors be: /Good diet; quiet thoughts;
heart mirthful, free.
70
ose advising on spiritual regimen, however, oered very dierent
counsel. e advice was to embrace the gloomier states of mind as a means
of saving the soul. e lay reader was to be encouraged to feel rst dread,
then contrition, compassion and longing, as necessary steps on a path to
salvation. What is more, these feelings were not to be prescribed as measures
of moderation and balance, as with regimen for the body, but as extremes,
leading the soul to abandon its regular disposition, abase itself and thus be
prepared to embrace their saviour. is is the background to the translations
of the penitential psalms by Richard Maidstone and omas Brampton,
discussed above. e study of these psalms by lay readers was meant to
stimulate these anguished states of feeling and, as a result, recourse to
confession and penance. e same is true of the Meditationes vitae Christi
(Meditations on the life of Christ), once identied as the work of St
Bonaventura, but now thought to have been revised possibly by Johannes
de Caulibus OFM of San Gimignano, from an original version in Italian,
likely the work of a Poor Clare (the Latin redaction circulated widely after
1336).71 By meditating on scenes in the life of Christ and his mother, as
evoked in the highly emotive language of the text’s narrative of Christ’s
infancy and Passion, the reader is led empathetically into identication
with all the pains felt by Christ and his mother. Nicholas Love’s Middle
English translation of the Meditationes, the Mirror of the Blessed Life of Jesus
Christ (c. 1410)72 was the most popular new piece of literature in fteenth-
century England. While the Meditationes was written to, and probably by, a
Poor Clare for nuns, the Mirror was aimed at a lay audience. It assumes that
its readers are simple souls who can only imagine material things and must
leave interpretation of the Gospel text or contemplation of Christ’s divinity
to a spiritual director, a member of the clergy. But the role of reading
70
Medieval Medicine: A Reader, ed. Wallis, p. 487.
71
S. McNamer, ‘e Origins of the Meditationes vitae Christi’, Speculum 84 (2009),
905–55; S. McNamer, Aective Meditation and the Invention of Medieval Compas-
sion (Philadelphia, 2010); but P. Toth and D. Falvay, ‘New Light on the Date and
Authorship of the Meditationes Vitae Christi’, in Devotional Culture in Late Me-
dieval England and Europe: Diverse Imaginations of Christ’s Life, ed. S. Kelly and
R. Perry (Turnhout, 2014), pp. 17–105, argue that the Latin text of c. 1300 is the
earliest version, attributable to a Jacobus de Sancto Geminiano.
72
M. Karnes, ‘Nicholas Love and Medieval Meditations on Christ’, Speculum 82
(2007), 380–408 (p. 383) reports 217 manuscripts of the Meditationes, and 64 of
the Mirror.
Souls and Bodies 191
and meditation in calling forth an emotional response that will promote
confession and penance is still central to the pastoral role of such writings.
In this spirit, Nicholas Love sets out an ideal picture of the therapeutic role
of reading the Gospel narrative of the life of Christ in evoking St Cecilia,
as he translates the opening of the ‘Bonaventura’ text:
Amonge oþer vertuese commendynges of þe holy virgine Cecile it is written
þat she bare alwey þe gospel of criste hidde in her breste, þat may be
undirstand þat of þe blessed lif of oure lord Jesu criste writen in þe gospele,
she chace certayne parties most deuoute. In þe which she set her meditacion
& her þouht niʒt & day with a clene & hole herte. And when she hade so
fully alle þe manere of his life ouer gon, she began aʒayne.
73
St Cecilia meditates in her heart on the gospel narrative, and she provides a
model of how a reader should approach the Meditationes or Mirror. e text
invites the reader to be moved powerfully each time to confess their sins and
be cleansed. ere is a real tension here, in addressing the lay reader on the
emotions, between the advice of regimen sanitatis as regards the body, and that
of spiritual regimen as regards the soul.
Conclusion: medicine of words
e orders of friars took on a vital advisory role to their lay clients in the care
of souls and the cure of the body. Friars preached, acted as confessors and
taught, and, in doing so, identied themselves as prescribing a medicine of
words.74 Christ himself had come to rescue humanity as a medicus or healer,
and the analogy between spiritual and bodily medicine was compelling.
Confession and penance could readily be gured as a purgation achieved
by a bitter medicine. But more than analogy was involved. e interaction
of body and soul was part of the natural order ordained by God, and
fundamental to any understanding of what it was to be human. Humoural
73
Nicholas Love’s Mirror of the Blessed Life of Jesus Christ: A Full Critical Edition, ed. M.
G. Sargent (Liverpool, 2005), p. 11.
74
See n.1 above. T. J. Johnson, ‘Franciscan Bodies and Souls: Bonaventure and Bacon
on Scripture, Preaching, and the Cura Corporis/Cura Animae’, in Franciscans and
Preaching: Every Miracle from the Beginning of the World Came About rough Words,
ed. T. J. Johnson (Leiden, 2012), pp. 73–89, shows that, despite fundamental dierences about literal and spiritual senses of scripture, both Bonaventure and Bacon
shared the view that ‘the cura animae and the cura corporis were not autonomous,
distinct activities but interwoven and interrelated’ (p. 73), and preachers needed to
recognise their interaction.
192 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
complexions had to be diagnosed and accounted for by the confessor
and by the healer alike. Bodies inuenced souls, and passions of the soul
inuenced health.
e evidence presented in this chapter has shown that friars contributed as
both producers and consumers of writings of counsel which sought to instruct
both the confessor and the penitent, the healer and the patient. ese writings
have been divided for convenience into three kinds here, into aids to preaching,
manuals for confessors and guides to healthy living (regimen sanitatis). But
there was signicant overlap between them, and all dealt with regimen in the
wider sense, meaning a search to control the eects of the accidents of the
soul on the subject. Increasingly, the friars who wrote in these genres began
to envisage lay people themselves as potential readers and indeed sought to
address this readership directly in English or in French.