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Illustrations
. Opening of the Tabula medicine, compiled –, written c. –.
Cambridge, Jesus College, MS Q.G., fol. r.
. Murder of William Appleton OFM in Tower of London, .
From Jehan Froissart, Chroniques de France et d’Angleterre, c. –.
British Library, MS Royal E I, fol. r.
. Portrait of a Franciscan holding up a urine glass. Added to a medical
manuscript written in English. th cent. British Library, MS Royal
C XV, fol. r.
. Diagram of quaternities, from Henry Daniel OP, Liber uricrisiarum,
th cent. Cambridge University Library, MS Ff.., fol. r.
. Roger Bacon OFM, imagined as author of De retardatione accidentium
senectutis, Italy, c. . Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley , fol. r.
. Zodiac man from a folding calendar, based on the Kalendarium by John
Somer OFM, th cent. British Library, MS Harley , section F.
. Dominican friar, servant and patient. From Isaac Israeli, Dietae
particulares. Paris, c. . University of Pennsylvania, Kislak Center
for Special Collections, LJS MS , fol. r.
. ‘Sire Penetrans-domos’, from William Langland, Piers Plowman.
Ireland, . Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce , fol. v.
. Zodiac man drawn by Simon Forman, c. –, in his interleaved copy
of Tabula medicine. Cambridge, King’s College, MS , fol. h.
e author and publisher are grateful to all the institutions and individuals listed for
permission to reproduce the materials in which they hold copyright. Every eort has
been made to trace the copyright holders; apologies are oered for any omission, and the
publisher will be pleased to add any necessary acknowledgement in subsequent editions.


Preface
is book began with transcription of a fragmentary text found in a manuscript
in Cambridge, Gonville & Caius College, MS 98/50. e text turned out to be
part of the Tabula medicine, which plays such a large role in the story of friars’
medicine in England. e transcribed fragment of Latin text featured names
of medical gures who were not the usual suspects as medical authorities, that
is doctors with an university background. Some clues suggested they might
be English friars, but it was only when Neil Ker’s Medieval Manuscripts in
British Libraries helped me to identify the fragment as a part of the Tabula
medicine that this could be conrmed. e Tabula medicine had attracted no
attention from historians of English medicine, and English friars had been
hitherto given no role to play as medical practitioners or authors. My friend
and colleague Linda Ehrsam Voigts was working on the fteenth-century
Cambridge and London physician Roger Marchall and found this fragment
written in his hand in a manuscript he later gave to Gonville Hall. She shared
her transcription with me, and such generosity has been a constant refrain in
writing this book.
Despite Covid lockdowns and restrictions this book is largely based on
manuscripts seen in person in libraries, supplemented with digital facsimiles
where available. I am glad to have the opportunity to thank the sta of
beleaguered libraries, especially those responsible for the manuscripts of the
Bodleian Library, the British Library, Cambridge University Library and
the Wellcome Library. e college libraries too, Corpus Christi, Gonville
& Caius, Jesus, King’s, Peterhouse, St John’s, Trinity Colleges in Cambridge
and Corpus Christi, Merton and New Colleges in Oxford, have all been of
great help, gratefully acknowledged here. e Library of the Department
of History and Philosophy of Science in Cambridge has supplied me with
books, and news of books. I would like to thank the sta of these libraries for
their personal assistance, as well as acknowledge their generosity in allowing
me access to their manuscripts, and to quote from them.
In nding my way into the history of English friars, I have been lucky
enough to have had the encouragement and guidance of Michael Robson,
the leading historian of Franciscanism and English friars in general. He has
guided my way into the historical sources as well as allowing me to benet
from information drawn from his database of English Franciscans. I had
no idea, when I began the project, that Michael lived in Cambridge. It has

xii Preface
made a huge dierence that he has been able to give me informal tutorials on
mendicant history. I am deeply grateful for this generosity and kindness.
I have greatly beneted from the opportunity to give talks on friars and
medicine at various academic meetings. ese included, in the earliest stages
of the project, the International Medieval Congress at Kalamazoo (in a
session honouring Linda E. Voigts), the Early Science and Medicine seminar
at the Department of History and Philosophy of Science in Cambridge, the
Medieval Questions Seminar at King’s College, Cambridge, the Medieval
Church and Culture Seminar at the Faculty of History in Oxford, the History
of the Book Seminar at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge and the Angelical
Conjunctions Conference at McGill University. I am very grateful to have been
invited to present my research, and to the audiences for valuable discussion
and suggestions. I am grateful to King’s College, Cambridge, where I served
as Librarian for thirty-six years, for supporting my research nancially and in
many other ways. My friends and colleagues at King’s, in the Fellowship and
among the sta and students, have been (often unknowingly) a great source
of intellectual stimulus.
I am very grateful to have been invited by the organisers to join the
‘After the Plague Health and History in Medieval Cambridge’ project at the
Department of Archaeology at Cambridge (2017–21), and for the opportunity
to learn from all the scientic researchers involved. is gave timely insight
into the health and lifestyles of the Cambridge Augustinians. e Augustinian
friars once occupied a large plot in central Cambridge exactly where the New
Museums site of the University is now. Aliation to the Department of
History and Philosophy of Science means that I have been lucky enough to
spend a lot of time over many years visiting a building standing on the plot
where the friars lived, worshipped, gardened and buried their dead.
Many individuals have helped me with this book, and I express my
since thanks here: John Arnold, Leah Astbury, Debby Banham, Richard
Beadle, Winston Black, Julia Boey, Elma Brenner, Bill Burgwinkle, Mary
Carruthers, Philippa Carter, Craig Cessford, Mattia Cipriani, Peter Clarke,
James Clements, Chiara Crisciani, Andrew Cunningham, Michael Cusato,
Luke Demaitre, Jenna Dittmar, Jack Dixon, Jo Edge, Tony Edwards, Larry
Eldredge, Klaus-Dietrich Fischer, Mary Fissell, James Freeman, Faye Marie
Getz, Monica H. Green, Timothy Grin, Aslihan Gürbüzel, Jack Hartnell,
John Henderson, Alpo Honkapohja, Philippa Hoskin, Sarah Inskip, Lori
Jones, Lauren Kassell, Sebestien Kroupa, Sachiko Kusukawa, Tig Lang,
Elaine Leong, Scott Mandelbrote, Silvia Marchiori, Dániel Margócsy, Iona
McCleery, Michael McVaugh, Patricia McGuire, Piers Mitchell, Angela
Montford, Laurence Moulinier-Brogi, Ann Eljenholm Nichols, Marilyn

Preface xiii
Nicoud, Laura Nuvoloni, Eyal Poleg, Robert Ralley, Kari Anne Rand, Silvia
de Renzi, John Robb, Miri Rubin, Fernando Salmón, Lucy Sandler, Carolin
Schmitz, Kathryn Smith, Lesley Smith, Sarah Star, Torgny Svenberg,
Tillmann Taape, Irma Taavitsainen, M. Teresa Tavormina, Rodney omson,
Anke Timmermann, Chris Tuckley, Maaike van der Lugt, Iolanda Ventura,
Faith Wallis, Tianyi Wang, Teresa Webber, Richard Wragg, Joseph Ziegler
and Patrick Zutshi. If I have omitted anyone, I apologise sincerely.
My thanks here cannot do proper justice to the kindness and help these
friends and colleagues have given. I am especially grateful to those who have
read part or the whole of the book in its various stages of evolution. Seb Falk,
Laure Miolo, Nicolette Zeeman, Jennifer Rampling and Michael Robson have
nobly read and commented on various chapters, to my great benet. William
Caverlee has weeded out a great number of stylistic faults in reading the whole
book, the work of a real writer and friend. Lea T. Olsan has also read the
entire work and our conversations about the book as it developed have been
inspirational, and I hope did not slow up her own research too much. None
of the persons mentioned above should be held responsible for the remaining
faults of the book.
Peregrine Horden and Sara Ritchey, as editors of the series Health and
Healing in the Middle Ages, have encouraged and advised me from the start,
as has the series adviser, Linda E. Voigts. ey have tactfully urged me onward
when the pace agged and have supplied me with many helpful suggestions.
Peter Biller, as General Editor of York Medieval Press, has provided invaluable
stimulus and assistance from our earliest meetings in York onwards. I beneted
tremendously from improvements to the book suggested by an anonymous
reader. Caroline Palmer and Laura Bennetts on behalf of the Boydell Press
have supplied vital guidance on publication, have been very understanding
about delays, and brought me to the nishing line. Demi Wormgoor has been
the highly ecient production editor for the book. John Dawson has provided
the comprehensive index.


Abbreviations
BL British Library, London
Bodl. Bodleian Library, Oxford
BRUC Biographical Register of the University of Cambridge,
ed. A. B. Emden
BRUO Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, ed.
A. B. Emden
CMBLC Corpus of British Medieval Library Catalogues
CUL Cambridge University Library
EETS Early English Text Society (Original Series or New
Series)
EHR English Historical Review
OC Ordo Carmelitarum, Carmelites
ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
OESA Ordo Eremitarum Sancti Augustini, Augustinian
friars
OFM Ordo Fratrum Minorum, Franciscans
OP Ordo Predicatorum, Dominicans
RS Rolls Series
STC Short Title Catalogue
TCC Trinity College, Cambridge
Wellc. London, Wellcome Library


Introduction
An ointment for wounds, sores, burns and dead esh. Take [ingredients
and manufacture follow] … with this Brother William Holme healed the
wounded and rotting testicles of a knight in the Queen’s household, and
it is called Punchardon’s remedy since he gave Holme 100 shillings for it.
his successful remedy abstracted from a text compiled by Franciscans
T
in England between 1416 and 1425 was credited to Brother William
Holme. He sold the ointment for a very high price to a desperate knight of the
Punchardon family, who gave the remedy its name. is gives us a dramatic
insight into Holme’s lucrative surgical practice at court c. 1400. e ointment
is found under the heading Malum mortuum (a kind of scabbing of esh on
the body’s extremities) in a remedy book the Franciscans put together ve
hundred years ago for the use of their brethren, and subsequently for other
readers to prot from, friars or not. It serves to introduce us to the twin themes
of this book, the practice and medical writing of English friars.
e Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England aims rst and foremost to
recuperate the contribution, almost entirely overlooked, made by English friars
to medicine between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. It will show that
members of the four orders of friars practised medicine and wrote or compiled
books about medicine. As medical practitioners, the friars sometimes took
payment for their remedies, just as other kinds of practitioners did, but they also
supplied medical services to their brothers, and provided charitable relief to lay
people – who might also be recipients of their spiritual services, that is preaching,
religious instruction and confession. At the highest level of society, some friars
were retained by royalty, nobles or bishops as both healers and confessors. But
the patients of the friars might also be much humbler lay folk. In attending
the sick or the dying in their homes, or within an inrmary or hospital setting,
friars could oer both bodily and spiritual healing. ere could of course be
tension between these two healing roles, and between the friar as mass-priest or
administrator of sacraments, and the friar as medical practitioner. But this book
1
1
London, University College, MS Lat. 11, fol. 170r, Tabula medicine under the head-
ing Malum mortuum: Unguentum pro vulneribus plagis usturis et malo mortuo …
cum isto sanavit frater w holm testiculos laceratos et putridos militis unius in domo
regine et dicitur sanativum punchardonum quia ipse dedit pro eo c solidos. For
more on Holme and his patient, see below pp. 77–8.

2 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
will argue that despite constitutions and regulations governing the friars that
attempted to keep these roles distinct, and even posited an opposition between
them, the evidence suggests that friars negotiated these boundaries with more
ease than other religious or secular healers. is relative ease in moving between
bodily and spiritual healing was sometimes the object of erce criticism from
priests and laymen and played a part in anti-fraternal agitation in England, but
the self-identication of friars as ‘the poor of Christ’ and as imitators of Christ’s
(or St Francis’s) role as healer of the sick worked powerfully to sustain the friar
in his role as medicus.
Many friars learned some practical medicine before they took the habit, and
from early days the orders of friars encouraged those who had studied medicine
at university (as well as students of philosophy, law or theology) to join them.
e Dominican Jordan of Saxony made attracting such students central to
the mission of the nascent order in England. e relative backwardness in
English universities of the Faculty of Medicine meant that most students of
medicine who became friars were educated in France or Italy instead. Some
medical friars reached the highest ranks in their orders. Crescentius da Iesi,
Franciscan minister general from 1244 to 1247, had studied and practised
medicine before entering the order in his middle age. ere were other less
well documented and local ways of acquiring medical knowledge in the friaries.
Where there was one friar with medical knowledge or skills, there were others
who might be taught as pupils within the friary. e friaries, as they grew
and beneted from lay patronage of their houses, built inrmaries, just as the
Benedictine and other monastic orders had done before them. e inrmarer
of a friary would have been expected to manage the care of the sick friar
(and perhaps lay patients too) or supervise recovery after regular bloodletting.2
Despite the catastrophic scattering or destruction of the libraries of the friars
at the dissolution of the late 1530s, there is sucient evidence from surviving
catalogues to show that some friaries at least had medical books. ese would
have served as reservoirs of medical knowledge for those friars who used them.
But this argument for medical knowledge amongst the friars is necessarily
based more on supposition rather than hard evidence.
e compelling evidence for both medical practice and medical learning
among the friars in England comes from surviving medieval manuscripts.
Here, the friars left traces of their activities as practitioners as well as taking on
2
e survival of a list of all residents in the Parisian Franciscan house in 1303 shows
that one Radulphus medicus was amongst those listed. It is impossible to tell how un-
usual it might have been for there to be a resident medical practitioner in an English
house, given the exceptional character of this list. See William J. Courtenay, ‘e
Parisian Franciscan Community in 1303’, Franciscan Studies 53 (1993), 155–73.
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