Добавил:
Sekretar
kiopkiopkiop18@yandex.ru
t.me/Prokururor I Вовсе не секретарь, но почту проверяю
Опубликованный материал нарушает ваши авторские права? Сообщите нам.
Вуз:
Предмет:
Файл:Ординатура / Хирургия / Библиотека им академика М.И. Перельмана / Книга_5249_Библиотеки_им_академика_М_И_Перельмана.pdf
Friars Practising Medicine 63
to have continued to be observed, and a Fellowship of Surgeons remained in
being in London, but the physicians no longer had any ocial place in civic
life. So, who gave Eryk de Vedica his sucient and lawful authority to exercise
the craft of physic? e only answer to this is speculative, given the lack of clear
evidence. It is possible at least that such authority as remained in London after
1424 to licence physicians was ecclesiastical rather than civic. e chapter house
of the Greyfriars had been the scene of the decision of 1424, and the guardian
of the Greyfriars may have exercised some authority over the practice of physic
afterwards, either in his own right or as delegated to him by the bishop of
London. Eryk de Vedica owed obedience to James Walle as his guardian but
may have been granted authority to practice physic by him too.
88
As recorded in the Petition the two friars alleged:
at where but late one Alice, the wife of one William Stede of London,
vynter, a woman of grete age and having a grete disease and sikenes of
swellying in her body and also soo grete a disease in her lymmes that a grete
parte of the esh of her legges was rotyn awey, sent unto the saide Eryk
besechyng hym that he wolde come see her and take her into his cure: And
howe be it that whan he had sene her and understode her grete age and
jubertous [hazardous] sikenes and soo lying more likely for to die than for
to leve, he durst not nor wolde not by his gode wille have medeled with her,
yit at her piteous desire and grete instaunce of suche her rendes as were
abowte her at that tyme he toke upon hym to doo his parte for to ease her
as for that disease that was in her body as far as he cowed by his Crafte of
Phisik, and avised her to take unto her a surgeon as for that disease that
she hadde in her lymmes. And whan he had wayted upon her dayly by the
space of v [ve] wekes and more mynysteryng unto her gode and holsom
medycynes and had soo doon his parte unto her that she thowght her self
wele amended in her body, she cowed hym grete thancke and gave hym xx
[twenty] s[hillings] for his labour: or the taking of whiche money the said
William entendyng of pure malice for to trouble youre saide suppliauntes
hath commensed an accion of trespass ayenst them before one of the Shrevis
of London, supposing by his declaracion that they shulde have wrongfully
taken awey from hym xxiii [twenty three] s [hillings] iiii [four] d [pence] to
his damage of x [ten] marcs, ayens all right and gode conscience.
89
88
R. C. Ralley, ‘e Clerical Physician in Late Medieval England’ (unpublished PhD
dissertation, University of Cambridge, 2005), chap. 6 ‘Healers, the Poor, and the
Comminalte’.
89
Additional Material, ed. Kingsford, p. 147. e damages claimed by her husband
from the sheri of London seem excessive (3 marks making 2 pounds sterling).
64 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
We do not know how this dispute ended, or whether the friars had to repay
the fees totalling 20s that Eryk de Vedica received from Alice Stede. Her
husband was making use of the presumption in common law that no wife
could alienate the possessions of her husband without his prior permission,
which William Stede had not given. us, the friars were alleged before the
sheri of London to be trespassing on Stede’s estate by taking the fees.
e description of Alice’s condition distinguished clearly between her
internal ailments, ‘a great disease and sickness of swelling’, and the rotting away
of the esh in her legs. e rst belongs to physic, and the second to surgery.
Her age and the diculty of her case made Eryk reluctant to treat her, until
beseeched by her friends. is inhibition was very much in line with the best
deontological advice, by which physicians were cautioned against taking on
such dicult cases, where the likely fatal outcome would damage the physician’s
prestige and put his fee at risk.90 Such considerations would apply still more to
a friar, who was supposed to avoid any risk of involvement in causing death. All
the same, Eryk advised the employment of a surgeon to deal with her decaying
legs and undertook to treat her internal ailments, which he did with ‘good and
wholesome medicines’ for ve weeks, at which point Alice considered herself
healed. e fees Eryk charged would probably have covered the cost of the
medicines, as well as his attendance over the ve weeks. is was a standard
approach to charging for a physician as well as a surgeon. Clearly, the taking
of such a fee for medical services was not thought to be incompatible with the
vows of a Franciscan. e sum charged was within the standard parameters
for medical treatment by a physician or surgeon.91 Taxation records show that
individual friars were assessed for income from salaries and stipends in late
medieval England.92 But perhaps Eryk’s fees were paid into conventual funds,
as may be indicated by James Walle’s participation in the petition.
is exceptional glimpse into the transactional character of treatment of
lay persons by friars comes as the last piece of evidence for medical practice
that we have. It shows this practice diering in no way from that of others
identied as physicians and surgeons in London and suggests that were it
not for the dissolution friar practitioners would have continued to feature as a
regular part of the medical economy of sixteenth-century England.
93
90
M. R. McVaugh, ‘Bedside Manners in the Middle Ages’, Bulletin of the History of
Medicine 71 (1997), 201–23.
91
Rawclie, ‘Prots of Practice’, pp. 61–78.
92
M. Jurkowski, ‘Were Friars paid Salaries? Evidence from Clerical Taxation Re-
cords’, in e Fifteenth Century XIII: exploring the Evidence: Commemoration, Ad-
ministration and the Economy, ed L. S. Clark (Woodbridge, 2014), pp. 131–52.
93
Ralley, ‘Medical Economies’, pp. 24–46.
Friars Practising Medicine 65
Other glimpses of medical practice and other orders of friars
Beyond the witness of the Tabula medicine, we depend on the fragmentary
survival of testimony in scattered manuscripts for our knowledge of late
medieval medical practice by English friars. One interesting example is
preserved in Bodleian, MS Digby 153. is manuscript was written, probably
at the end of the fourteenth century, by the Franciscan John Bruyll (Bruyl,
Brytt, Bryll). At dierent times he was a resident of the convents of Newcastle
and Canterbury. He became a papal chaplain in 1396 and guardian of the
London convent in 1397. In 1402, he was promoted to the Irish episcopal see
of Annadown, at a time when he was already suragan bishop of Winchester.
Almost certainly, he never left London for Ireland, and his successor as bishop
was appointed in 1408. However, John Bruyll is afterwards found as suragan
bishop of York between 1417 and 1420, and a good deal of evidence of his
activities there as suragan is preserved in registers and other records.
MS Digby 153 was compiled and written by John Bruyll, as he declares at
various points in the manuscript.95 It is preceded by a table of contents in his
hand. e manuscript includes texts containing several series of experimenta
and magical tricks, as well as a divinatory Sphere of Pythagoras. I will return
to these distinctive interests of John Bruyll in Chapter 5 below. Although
the pseudo-Aristotelian Problemata and the Secreta philosophorum texts
copied by Bruyll do include medical material, our evidence for John Bruyll
as a medical practitioner comes principally from the leaves at the end of
the book where he records various remedies. ese remedies do not seem to
come from any one source, representing occasional additions rather than the
copying of a text. In this respect, they resemble earlier recipes in the book
for the making of alchemical compounds and colours. e remedies include
recipes for making purgatives, a treatment for someone who is demented, a
diuretic and a remedy for morphew (a skin ailment). e purgatives come
with instructions for how to keep them for later use, and when to administer
them. Perhaps the most interesting single item on this leaf is a ‘um Jordan’
charm for stopping the ow of blood. e charm is in the form of a petition
to Our Lord who was baptised in the river Jordan and stopped the ow of
94
94
See B. Roest, ‘Franciscan Authors, 13th – 18th Century: A Catalogue in Progress’,
https://applejack.science.ru.nl/franciscanauthors/, accessed 20 April 2023, under
Joannes Brytt, and sources cited there.
95
He also gave the manuscript to the Canterbury Franciscans. For further details on
this manuscript see https://medieval.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/catalog/manuscript_4270,
accessed 20 April 2023, and the catalogues and resources cited there.
66 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
the salt water in the sea.96 Longinus the soldier who pierced the side of Christ
on the cross is also invoked, and the blood and water that owed from the
redemptive wound. e virtues of the Trinity are summoned in aid of N,
the patient whose blood ow must be stopped. e pater noster must be said
three times.97 is charm is often found in medical manuscripts when there
is no evidence for ownership or use by religious.98 But it does seem certain
that the Franciscan Bruyll had no diculty in reconciling his profession with
the use of this historiola of Christ’s baptism and crucixion for the purpose
of stopping a patient’s blood ow, nor with promoting the ecacious use of
saying the Lord’s Prayer at points in the ritual.
At another point in the manuscript, John Bruyll copies out a second
medical ritual, this time giving his source. At the end of his copy of Urso’s
Aphorisms, he uses the blank space after the text to copy out the formula for an
amulet taken from book seven of Gilbertus Anglicus, Compendium medicine.
Gilbertus was a common source of remedies in late medieval English remedy
books, and it is no surprise that Bruyll had access to this text. e amulet
works to promote conception, which, as we have already seen in the Tabula
medicine and will see in the Liber uricrisiarum of Henry Daniel (Chapter 5),
seems to have been rather a preoccupation of English friars. In the Gilbertus
text, it is described as an ‘empiricum that never fails’, here as an experimentum.
e ritual requires that on St John the Baptist’s eve before the third hour
the celebrant pull up comfrey, saying as he does so the Lord’s prayer, while
yet remaining silent to others he may meet. en he uses its juice to write a
formula involving liturgical tags and words of power on pieces of parchment.
e parchment is hung round the neck of the man or woman while they have
96
Normally stopping the river Jordan for Christ’s baptism is specied in the ‘um
Jordan’ charm. Possibly the high salinity of the Jordan is meant in this version or
Christ calming the storm on the sea of Galilee. On the ‘um Jordan’ charm see J.
Roper, English Verbal Charms (Helsinki, 2005), pe Medicine of the Friars in Me-
dieval England 04–9; Latin and Middle English variants are in L. T. Olsan, ‘e
Corpus of Charms in the Middle English Leechcraft Remedy Books’, in Charms,
Charmers, and Charming: International Research on Verbal Magic, ed. J. Roper (Bas-
ingstoke, 2009), pp. 214–37, nos. 4–6 (pp. 218–19).
97
Bodl., MS Digby 153, fol. 18v: Dominus sicud veraciter in bethlem natus fuisti. &
baptizatus in umine jordanis & fecisti aquam salsam in mari stare; cessare facias
sanguinem.N. ter pater noster longinus miles latus domini perforavit. inde exivit
sanguis & aqua. sanguis redempcionis. & aqua baptismi. In nomine patris stet san-
guis. N. in nomine li restet sanguis. N. in virtute Spiritus Sancti non exeat plus
sanguis.N. pater noster ter.
98
See for example K. Leach, ‘Narrative Charms in Late Mediaeval and Early Mod-
ern Wales’, Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 64 (2019), 335–52.
Friars Practising Medicine 67
sex, and the child will be male or female depending on who wears the amulet.99
Bruyll does not say whether he has tested out the ritual himself to help men
and women conceive.
ere are not many friars identiable as medical practitioners in the other
orders of friars (I am considering Carmelites and Augustinians here). Richard
Tenet OC was reputed by John Bale to have studied at Oxford c. 1390, but this
date must be too early. He is recorded as one of two scribes of a copy of John
Baconthorpe’s commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard (preserved in
BL, Royal MS 11.C.VI). e inscription suggests he wrote after his ordination,
which dates the copy to c. 1422.
100
Apart from his theological interests, he
wrote large parts of another manuscript, Trinity College Cambridge, MS
O.8.2, comprised of medical texts. His annotations to this manuscript, found
in the margins and empty spaces, make it clear that he was not just a copyist
but a medical practitioner too. e medical texts in this manuscript fall into
ve groups. First comes a lexicon of names of herbs (or synonyma) in Latin
with Middle English equivalents. Second, there are texts on dierent kinds
of medicaments and the illnesses for which they can be used. ird, there are
texts on diagnosis from urine (ve) and pulse (one). Fourth, there is a remedy
book in Latin, Middle English and Anglo-Norman, lacking its beginning, and
possibly not complete. Finally, there are two texts on pestilence, the second
of which is atelous. ere is a medieval foliation in the manuscript, and some
leaves are missing (fols. 24–5, 32–3, 81–2 in this foliation). ere is a partial
index to remedies, general and pestilential, on fol. 13v, written in the foliating
99
Bodl., MS Digby 153, fol. 99r: Gilbertus medicus li.7 ponit tale experimentum
per quod dicit fecit multos concipere que ante steriles putabantur/ co ligat in quemdam vir etatis 20 annorum et supra in vigilia beati johannis baptiste consolidam
maiorem et consolidam minorem primo et post consolidam minorem cum radice
extrahat de terra ante horam terciam dicendo ter oracionem dominicam non eundo
nec redeundo nemini respondeat nec aliud dicat et sic tacendo succum extrahat de
predictis herbis et cum illo succo scribat in tot cartis quot indignerit ista verba.dixit
dominus.crescite + uthihoth + et multiplicamini + thabethay + et replete terram
+ amath. si masculi succo et istis verbis cartam scriptis circa collum habeat dum
feminam cognoscit. femina masculos[?] concipiet.et econtrario si femina. feminam.
et per illud ut dicit fecit multas concipere que putabant ste[riles]. For the context
of this performative ritual see P. M. Jones and L. T. Olsan, ‘Performative Rituals
for Conception and Childbirth in England, 900–1500’, Bulletin of the History of
Medicine 89 (2015), 406–33 (pp. 412–15).
100
R. Copsey, Biographical Register of Carmelites in England and Wales 1240–1540
(Faversham, 2020), p. 323.
68 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
hand. is collection of texts was assembled and written by Tenet because of
their immediate relevance to medical practice.
101
But it is Tenet’s added notes, often identied as experimenta, which speak
most clearly to his own medical practice. e rst occur at the end of a
section, De urinis mulieris (On woman’s urines), which appears to belong to a
longer treatise on urines. ere are a series of notes in Tenet’s hand which are
comments on how to diagnose from a woman’s urine when she is pregnant.
ese notes are independent of the text itself and take up most of a page. After
the last such note come what Tenet calls experimentum 1 and experimentum 2,
and these are dierent recipes for plasters to be applied to the right side in case
of overheating of the liver.
102
Similarly, on fol. 71r where the text deals with
the use of clysters or enemas, Tenet adds notes in the bottom margin about
when and how to use clysters, but also about the use of medicinal bathing. On
fol. 80v, where the text is an analysis of colours of urines, Tenet adds notes
below about identifying the urine of a virgin, of a woman who has sex with
men, or of a menstruating woman. He refers to an authority, the liber magistri
Roberti (master Robert’s book), although this is not readily identiable. ere
are many more such experimenta in the margins of the remedy book part of
Tenet’s manuscript from fol. 83 onwards. ey include remedies for bruising
(citing the Practica of Platearius), aids to sleep, ways to lose weight, and notes
on identifying kinds of dropsy. ere is an experimentum probatum (proven
experiment) against poison of all kinds, which says:
Write these three words on pieces of bread with a pen: ‘max.nax.pax’ and
give the patient one piece to eat on the rst day, two on the second, three on
the third, saying ‘in the name of the father, of the son, and of the holy ghost’
if you give it to a human, and ‘in the name of the saviour’ if to an animal.
101
For the contents of TCC, MS O.8.2, see M. R. James, e Western Manuscripts in
the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge: A Descriptive Catalogue, 4 vols. (Cambridge,
1900–04), III, pp. 388–9; Voigts-Kurtz, eTK at https://indexcat.nlm.nih.gov/
vivisimo/cgi-bin/query-meta?v%3aproject=indexcat&v%3asources=etkevk2&
s.v. Trinity 1377; L. R. Mooney, e Index of Middle English Prose: Handlist XI,
Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 129–
30. ese sources do not deal with the remedy book and pestilence parts of the MS
on fols. 83–90 (James refers only to receipts in Latin, French, and English in the last
quire). Another medical manuscript in Bodl., MS Ashmole 1398, was owned by a
Carmelite of the Lynn convent, Roger Roo, and given by him to another friar Robert
Walton in the late fourteenth century: Copsey, Biographical Register, p. 362.
102
TCC, MS O.8.2, fol. 32r.
103
Ibid., fol. 83r: Experimentum probatum contra omnem venenum. Scribe hec tria
nomina in pane cum stilo. max. nax. pax. & da .3. diebus. primo die primum. postea
ad.3o 3mum. Si sit homo da in nomine patris & lii & spiritus sancti amen. Si sit
aliquod animal. da in nomine salvatoris sui.
103
Friars Practising Medicine 69
Another experimentum on fol. 85r is a method for nding the body of a
drowned person using a red stick anointed with the blood of the nearest
relative; the stick is then used as a divining rod over the water. Here, Tenet
is proposing a kind of natural magic of sympathy, though he does go on to
recommend a method of bringing the drowned person back to life by hitting
them on the back while they are suspended over the girth of a horse until they
spit out water. is will work so long as a day has not passed since the drowned
person fell in, we are told.
As in the case of the Franciscan John Bruyll, the Carmelite Richard Tenet
made notes about healing practices for his own use in a book he compiled
himself. Equally remarkable in both cases is the way in which rituals, charms
and amulets are as much part of their practice as diagnosis from urine or
experimenta, using standard medicaments taken from books of Practica
or the Antidotarium Nicolai. ese two friars put into practice some of the
unorthodox learning which we will see was a distinguishing feature of medical
texts written or compiled by mendicants (Chapter 5).
Of the Augustinian friars, there is a one candidate as a medicus whose
credentials hang by the slenderest of threads. Robert Waldby or Waldeby (c.
1335–97) was closely associated with the court of King Richard II from the
1380s and became archbishop of York in 1396. He was at the Augustinian
convent of York when ordained in 1361 and is assumed to have studied at
Oxford and Toulouse.
104
His epitaph on a brass above a marble monument in
St Edmund’s Chapel in Westminster Abbey suggests a legal background but
also identies him as medicus:
is was Robert, called de Waldeby, skilled in both kinds of law: now he is
conned beneath this marble. He was a doctor of Holy Scripture, of worthy
birth, a physician, ever a friend of the people. He was bishop of Aire (in
Gascony) and afterwards Archbishop of Dublin: from there he went as
bishop of Chichester, and nally became primate of York. He died on the
fourth of the Kalends of January [i.e. 29 December] in 1397. I beseech you,
pray for the gifts of a blessed life with the saints for him, that he may rest
here without strife.
104
R. N. Swanson, ‘Waldby, Robert (c. 1335–1397), archbishop of York’, ODNB, 23
September 2004, accessed 14 April 2023, https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/28432;
Roth, English Austin, I, pp. 86–9; A. Laferriere, ‘e Austin Friars in Pre-Reformation English Society’ (unpublished D.Phil. dissertation, University of Oxford,
2017), pp. 109–10.
105
https://www.westminster-abbey.org/abbey-commemorations/commemorations/
robert-waldeby/, accessed 20 April 2023. See Inventory of the Historical Monuments
in London, Volume 1, Westminster Abbey (London, 1924), ills. 80–1. e Dictionary of
105
70 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
However, the Latin original of this inscription is now illegible, and it is at
least possible that what was read as medicus was in fact modicus (temperate).
ere is no other direct evidence to identify Waldby as a healer, let alone that
would make him physician to Richard II, as has sometimes been suggested.
But Waldby was at the York convent of the Austin friars, which came to
have an extraordinary collection of medical books in its library. is was the
work of John Erghome OESA, who was ordained at Gateshead in 1353,
but who placed his books in the common library of York’s Augustinians by
1372. Amongst Erghome’s books, medicine, alchemy and mathematics were
strongly represented (Chapter 5). It is not known how he came by his interest
in these subjects, but by 1385 he was licensed as both master regent and prior
of York and soon after made his way to Italy where he was appointed by the
prior general magister antiquus and regent of the studium curiae at Naples.
e medical books in the library at York had a strong emphasis on practical
rather than theoretical matters, though Erghome himself is not known to have
practised medicine.
106
Robert Waldby’s relative, John Waldeby OESA, was a
well-known preacher and author who evidently used Erghome’s books in the
York convent.
and gave him a push towards the practice of medicine.
107
Perhaps the medical books were known to Robert Waldby too
108
We do know more about the healing environment of the inrmary in an
Augustinian house. e Constitutions of Ratisbon, approved at the general
chapter of the order in 1290, were mostly already in force before 1284 when
codication started. ey remained in force through the fourteenth and
fteenth centuries. e care of the sick was the subject of chapter 13 of the
Constitutions and was the rst and supreme task of the Prior. He was to set
aside one or several rooms for an inrmary (D 614, II: 247*) and appoint one
of the brethren as inrmarian, whose just demands for the sick could not be
refused. If there were many sick, the inrmarer could have an assistant. e order
distinguished between those who were sick with a swelling or a wound, where
National Biography, ed. L. Stephen (London, 1885–1906), has an article on Waldby
suggesting the alternative reading modicus.
106
Roth, English Austin, I, pp. 408–13; Friars’ Libraries, ed. Humphreys, pp. xxix–xxx,
11–154 (pp. 132–9 for medical books).
107
J. Catto, ‘Waldeby [Waldby], John (d. after 1372), Augustinian friar and preach-
er’, ODNB, 23 September 2004, accessed 14 April 2023, https://doi.org/10.1093/
ref:odnb/53112.
108
Compare Augustinian friars in Italy: L. Moulinier-Brogi, ‘L’intérêt des Augustins
pour la médecine et la science au Moyen Âge: une aiguille dans une meule de foin?’,
in Savoirs profanes dans les ordres mendiants en Italie (XIIIe-XVe siècle), ed J. Chande-
lier and A. Robert (Rome, 2023), pp. 235–64.
Friars Practising Medicine 71
the patient was not weakened or lost appetite, and those who suered from any
of six specied kinds of fever, or from a severe or chronic illness. Only the second
category, the feverish or severely ill, should be moved to the inrmary. In 1358,
John de Arderne OESA, prior of London, wanted to build and furnish such an
inrmary. e prior general praised the undertaking and commanded that only
sick brethren should stay there (D 438, II: 185*). e Ratisbon Constitutions
permitted brothers trained in medicine to practise their art not only inside but
also outside the house, though the General Chapter of Imola rescinded this
permission in 1388. e Registers of the Prior General of the Augustinians
reveal in 1422 that despite this revocation of the original permission, William
Wells, a baccalarius formatus, could practice medicine which he had studied for
a long time; he was also to advance to the magisterium upon the deposition
of six masters.
109
Between 1433 and 1441, Wells was provincial of his order,
but frustratingly we know nothing more of his practice of medicine after he
was given his licence in 1422. Perhaps he acted as inrmarian to the London
convent or treated patients at other convents or in the city outside.
Conclusion
Medical practice by friars has largely been lost to sight within general accounts
of medical practice in England. is chapter has demonstrated that friar
practitioners can be found if the manuscript evidence is taken into account,
whether in the compilation of the Tabula medicine, in single manuscripts
written by or for individual practitioners, in letters written by Adam Marsh,
or even in a solitary lawsuit of 1477. Because of the accidents of survival of
manuscripts, it must be the case that much more evidence of this kind has
been lost. But what the surviving manuscripts do reveal is that we can do a lot
more than identify names of practitioners. A good deal can be gleaned about
the patients treated by friars, the illnesses they suered and the treatments
oered. e picture which emerges shows that friars could be found practising
on rich and poor, though most often the cases cited are those of nobles, gentry
or prominent citizens. e illnesses treated by friars cover the entire spectrum
from burns and skin complaints to humoural imbalances, loss of hearing, fevers,
gynaecological illnesses, sexual failings, poisoning, and wounds and ruptures
requiring surgery. is suggests that there were in practice no inhibitions on
the kind of things friars might oer to cure, even when canon law might
suggest otherwise. Diagnosis involved inspection and testing of urine, as well
as various kinds of experimental tests. Treatments also ranged widely, from
109
For the Ratisbon Constitutions, see Roth, English Austin, I, pp. 215–18; for Wil-
liam Wells Jr., ibid., I, pp. 108–10, 237; II, p. 298*.
72 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
herbal remedies, exotic spices and precious stones, purges using clysters, and
bloodletting, to hands-on surgery, the use of experimenta involving substances
like cow dung, raven’s and human blood, to prayers, ritualised charms and
amulets. is chapter has not dealt with the use of astrology in diagnosis,
or in the use of alchemical preparations, but these will emerge as very much
characteristic of medical interventions by friars in Chapter 2 on William
Holme OFM, and Chapter 4 on the culture of medicine among the friars.