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Introduction 3
the role of author or compiler of texts on medicine. is evidence is necessarily
piecemeal. It is found mainly in the large collections of medical manuscripts
at the British Library, the Bodleian Library, Cambridge University Library,
Oxford and Cambridge colleges, the Wellcome Library in London and the
Hunterian collection at Glasgow University Library, but there are also some
individual manuscripts elsewhere with traces of the friars. Only in recent
years has this evidence in manuscript collections begun to emerge, though of
course there have been clues in earlier catalogues and bibliographies waiting
to be followed up. e only English friar who wrote on medicine whose
works attracted serious scholarly attention in the early twentieth century was
Roger Bacon, who joined the Franciscans in 1257. e pioneering work of
John Henry Bridges and Andrew G. Little on editions of Bacon’s writings
on medical and related subjects has still not been replaced, or perhaps even
properly valued. is book will follow in the footsteps of Faye M. Getz, the
rst modern scholar to appreciate the signicance of Bacon’s writings on
medicine and the prolongation of life, in a specically English context. So
inuential was Bacon that there was an eorescence of English writings
on his characteristic themes on the errors of scholastic medicine and the
contributions that alchemy, astrology and experiential knowledge should make
to health. Most of these writings were attributed in manuscripts (wrongly) to
Bacon’s authorship.
Another author-compiler, the Dominican Henry Daniel, has emerged
only very recently to take the place he deserves in consequence of his massive
(and digressive) work on diagnosis, the Liber uricrisiarum, and his equally
idiosyncratic Herbal, both written in the 1370s in English.3 A team of scholars
attached to the University of Toronto and led by E. Ruth Harvey and M.
Teresa Tavormina has done most to give Daniel his rightful place as a medical
author. Bacon and Daniel are the two big ‘names’ amongst friars who wrote
on medicine, but this book will look also at less well-known gures. A very
signicant role in this book goes to the Tabula medicine, a work on sicknesses
and their remedies compiled by a collective of English Franciscans in 1416–25.
at work is an anthology of treatments, many of them identied with named
English friars, who tested them in practice, and it also yields the most detailed
information we have about friars who treated named English patients. e
writings of Bacon and Daniel, and a compilation like the Tabula medicine,
show that the friars did not write on medical themes within the constraints of
3
e Liber uricrisiarum may have rst been drafted in Latin, but Daniel decided it
needed to be in English to reach its intended readership. e writings of Bacon and
Daniel mentioned here are listed in detail under their rst names in the Bibliogra-
phy (Published Primary Sources) and in the notes to Chapters 3 and 4.
Fig. . Opening of the Tabula medicine, compiled –. Cambridge, Jesus College,
MS Q.G., fol. r, c. . Entries for Abhominatio and Abstinentia, with gap left
between them. e names of Maria, Jesus and John are inscribed at the top; notes about
medical concepts are later additions at the bottom.
Introduction 5
the university medical curriculum, whose characteristic genres were expository
treatises, commentaries and questions. Bacon led by example in devising new
forms of medical writing, polemical and evangelical, and he was ercely critical
of logic-chopping and disputation as indulgences of the scholastic physician.
is book will devote attention to the impact on English medical writing
of the distinctive methods of study and intellectual organisation developed
by friars, and to the anity between methods of addressing an audience
developed for their core mission of preaching, teaching and confessing, and
those used in their contributions to medicine.
e Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England will not just be an act of
recuperation of roles later lost to view, then, but will also examine the ways
in which the friars departed from established patterns of medical practice and
writing. ese patterns have been relatively well-studied by historians who
have focussed variously on university-trained physicians or master surgeons or
barbers, apothecaries or midwives. As we will see, friars practised in these same
areas of expertise, and wrote about them too, but often in ways aected by their
roles as both religious and healers, and the opportunities opened to them by
their mission to the laity.
e only monographic study so far published on friars and medicine is by
Angela Montford. Her work focuses on the convents of the Franciscans and
Dominicans in Bologna, and it shows the centrality of health matters in those
institutions. is study takes in the design of conventual buildings, including:
the inrmary; the oce of inrmarer; the importance of health and strength
to the ministry of the friars; and diet, medicine and surgery as practised on
the friars. e book is built on detailed archival research on two account books
from the fourteenth century for the Dominicans, and an eighteenth-century
transcription of accounts since lost for the Franciscans. What Montford found
in these accounts has been calibrated with the prescriptive rules and regulations
of both orders, most particularly the Chapter acta of the Dominicans. e book
deals with change as well as continuity. Montford argues that the practice of
medicine by friars in their convents, in the hands of the frater medicus, was
in decline by the fourteenth century in Italy. She also acknowledges that
this development was not necessarily so marked outside Italy, and that her
book does not address what happened in the later fourteenth and fteenth
centuries.4 ere is no evidence surviving for English friaries, which could
sustain a comparable investigation to that of Montford for Bologna, although
this book will bear out her general conclusions about the centrality of health
4
A. Montford, Health, Sickness, Medicine and the Friars in the irteenth and Fourteenth
Centuries (Aldershot, 2004); A. Montford, ‘Dangers and Disorders: e Decline of
the Dominican Frater Medicus’, Social History of Medicine 16 (2003), 169–91.
6 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
and disease to friars in England. Where this book diers will be in arguing
that practising and writing about medicine by English friars survived the
supposed decline of the frater medicus.
An important article, also by Angela Montford, addresses unique visual
evidence for the connection of Dominican friars to the teaching of practical
medicine in Paris, 1255–70. is evidence is found in Philadelphia, University of
Pennsylvania, Kislak Center for Special Collections, MS LJS 24. e manuscript
was made in Paris, probably for a Dominican friar there, and the contents are
texts associated with teaching of the Ars medicine, a corpus of medical texts
which attracted scholastic commentary. Crucially, the manuscript also contains
a series of twelve historiated initials showing a Dominican teaching a class, but
also engaged in activities like judging urine, taking the pulse and supervising
the administration of foods or medicines. Given that these images mark the
beginning of separate medical teaching texts, the images should not be taken
as evidence that Dominican friars practised medicine, but rather that they were
somehow involved in teaching or studying texts to do with urine, pulse and
foods or medicines.5 eir involvement in medical teaching or study is not,
however, supported by documentary evidence for the University of Paris at this
time. What evidence there is connecting friars to university medicine relates
to Bologna rather than to Paris. However we do know that Dominicans like
John of St Giles and Giles of Santarem did study medicine, and were present
in Paris as early as the 1220s and 1230s, although they may not have been
taught medicine in Paris or carried out teaching themselves.6 Unfortunately, a
thirteenth-century commentary on the Viaticum of Constantine, a Salernitan
text of practical medicine often accompanying the Ars medicine corpus, cannot
be shown conclusively to be the work of Giles of Santarem.7 John of St Giles
and Giles of Santarem both left Paris for Dominican convents elsewhere, and, as
we shall see in Chapter 1, John was summoned back to England to serve as both
medicus and counsellor to Bishop Robert Grosseteste. e Dominicans were
never involved with study or teaching of medicine at the English universities.
e implication of the Paris medical manuscript with its ne historiated initials
5
A. Montford, ‘‘Brothers who have Studied Medicine’: Dominican Friars in irteenth-
Century Paris’, Social History of Medicine 24 (2011), 535–53.
6
See I. McCleery, ‘e Life and Legend of Giles of Santarem, Dominican Friar and
Physician (d.1265): A Perspective on Medieval Portugal’ (unpublished PhD dis-
sertation, University of St Andrews, 2001), pp. 156–9, 181–5. is important study
will be referenced further below in the section on Religion and Medicine.
7
Despite the case made by Mary Wack for Giles of Santarem’s authorship of
this commentary, it could have been the work of any ‘Egidius’. See M. F. Wack,
Lovesickness in the Middle Ages: e Viaticum and its Commentaries (Philadelphia,
1990), pp. 74–6.
Introduction 7
remains in many respects mysterious, lacking as it does other contextual evidence
which might prove Dominican involvement with scholastic medicine.
ere have been other modern studies which have drawn attention to the
contributions made by friars to dierent branches of natural philosophical
and medical learning in the Middle Ages. Essays in the volume I francescani
e le scienze by Agostino Paravicini Bagliani, Iolanda Ventura, Michela
Pereira, Chiara Crisciani, Cecilia Panti and Jeremiah Hackett, among others,
represent some of the excellent work done in this area.8 e thirteenthcentury Franciscan authors who are the subjects of this essay volume include
Englishmen, pre-eminently Roger Bacon, but also Robert Grosseteste
(the lector of the Franciscans in Oxford), Bartholomaeus Anglicus and
Adam Marsh – all of these gures we will meet too in this book.9 e great
encyclopedias compiled by friars in the thirteenth century, which summarise
natural philosophical and medical learning within a cosmological framework,
have in recent years become the focus of intensive research.10 e compilers
of these encyclopedic works include Vincent de Beauvais, Speculum naturale;
Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De proprietatibus rerum; and omas de Cantimpré,
Liber de natura rerum. e last two of these are the subject of modern
editions in progress.11 Moving beyond the big names amongst the friars,
Laurence Moulinier-Brogi has identied some anonymous but signicant
medical writings by friars, testifying to their interest in astrology as well
as therapeutics.12 e attention of e Medicine of the Friars in Medieval
England will not so much be directed at friars as well-travelled members of
8
Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, I francescani e le scienze: atti del XXXIX
Convegno internazionale: Assisi, 6–8 ottobre 2011 (Spoleto, 2012).
9
e intellectual culture of English Franciscans is explored by the essays in Early
irteenth-Century English Franciscan ought, ed. L. Schumacher (Berlin, 2021).
10
See I. Draelants, ‘Le ‘siècle de l’encyclopédisme’: conditions et critères de dénition
d’un genre’, in Encyclopédire: formes de l’ambition encyclopédique dans l’Antiquité et au
Moyen Âge, ed. A. Zucker (Turnhout, 2013), pp. 81–106.
11
For omas of Cantimpré, see http://sourcencyme.irht.cnrs.fr/encyclopedie/liber_
de_natura_rerum_versions_i_ii_ed_cipriani_en_cours_2017?citid=cit_idp9083
3936; B. Van de Abeele, ‘Diusion et avatars d’une encyclopédie: le Liber de natura
rerum de omas de Cantimpré’, in G. de Callataÿ and B. Van den Abeele, Une
lumière venue d’ailleurs. Héritages et ouvertures dans les encyclopédies d’Orient et d’Oc-
cident au Moyen Âge (Louvain, 2008), pp. 141–76.
12
L. Moulinier-Brogi, ‘Un aspect particulier de la médecine des religieux après le
XIIe siècle: l’attrait pour l’astrologie médicale’, in Médecine et religion: compétitions,
collaborations, conits (XIIe-XXe siècles), ed. L. Berlivet, S. Cabibbo, M. P. Donato, R.
Michetti and M. Nicoud (Rome, 2012), pp. 65–92; L. Moulinier-Brogi, ‘La Practi-
ca fratris du ms. Munich, Clm 267: une lecture d’Avicenne par un religieux au xiiie
siècle?’, Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge 84 (2017), 157–312.
8 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
international orders and as philosophers but instead will concentrate on friars
at the intersection between medical learning (in its widest sense, including
astrology, alchemy and magic) and medical practice in England.
e orders of friars in England
Four orders of friars – Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites and Augustinians
– came to England in the thirteenth century, and still ourished in the
sixteenth century. e two largest orders arrived in England in the 1220s.
e Dominicans and Franciscans both made expansion to England an early
priority after their foundation. e Dominicans (Order of Preachers) arrived
in England in 1221 under the protection of the powerful bishop of Winchester,
Peter des Roches, who took them to Canterbury and introduced them to
Archbishop Stephen Langton. ey pushed on to London and Oxford,
spreading rapidly to cathedral cities and market towns. e second minister
general of the Order, Jordan of Saxony, preached in Oxford, and hoped to
nd there a rich pool of recruits among masters and students. e Franciscans
(Order of Friars Minor) arrived in 1224 in a small party including Agnello of
Pisa, who was to become the rst minister provincial. ey too were received
at Canterbury as guests and within six months had set up friaries in London,
Oxford and Northampton. Like the Dominicans, they favoured towns rather
than rural settings, and rapidly adopted the same strategy of recruiting learned
men from the universities.
Two further orders arrived in the 1240s. e Carmelites (Order of Our
Lady of Mount Carmel) and the Augustinians (Order of the Hermits of St
Augustine) diered from the rst two orders, insofar as their rst settlements
in England were in rural locations. Nevertheless both Carmelites and
Augustinians soon developed houses in English towns, and became learned
preaching orders like the Dominicans and Franciscans. As time went on, these
newer orders beneted in their turn from royal patronage. John of Gaunt,
for example, was a great supporter of the Carmelites, employing them as
confessors. He was the patron of Nicholas of Lynn OC, whose medical calendar
became widespread in England (see Chapter 4 below). In the fourteenth and
fteenth centuries, each of these four orders of friars was well established and
continued to ourish, despite the heavy casualties among friars inicted by the
plague from 1349 onwards. ere were, in fact, still other English orders of
friars, though their success was conned to the thirteenth century. e Friars
of the Sack and the Pied Friars were not so successful as the other four orders
at making themselves permanent features of the English scene. e Second
Introduction 9
Council of Lyons of 1274 eectively doomed them to disappearance when it
forbade them from recruiting new members to their orders.
13
e coming of the friars to England was opportune in the context of the
movement of church reform set in motion by the Fourth Lateran Council of
1215. e canons promulgated by this Council were far from being original, as
they were for the most part the culmination of trends already in motion at the
ird Lateran Council of 1179, or even before then. But these canons of 1215
explain how the English friars were rst called to action within their national
church. Canon 10 ordered the appointment of preachers and penitentiaries to
assist in the discharge of the episcopal functions of preaching and penance.
e formation of the Dominican and Franciscan orders followed soon after
the Lateran Council, and these two orders became the chosen instruments of
the pope, cardinals and bishops, to full the requirements of Canon 10. is
applied also to Canon 21 of the same Council, which ordained that every
Christian person, of either sex, who had attained the age of reason, must
confess their sins to their own priest at least once each year. If anyone, for just
causes, should desire to confess their sins to a priest other than their own, they
must rst apply for and obtain permission from their own priest, for otherwise
that other priest will not be able to loose or bind (in the sacrament of penance).
is permission was in eect delegated not (as the Canon suggests) to the
parish priest but to the presiding bishop, for it was the bishops who allowed
and encouraged friars who were priests to act as penitentiaries.
e decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council were promulgated in England
by the bishops and abbots who were in attendance, and (for the province of
Canterbury) by the Council of Oxford which took place in 1222. ereafter it
was the bishops who took the lead through their diocesan synods and visitations.
Although the Council took place before the Dominican and Franciscan orders
came into being, the bishops were quick to see the opportunity aorded by
the new orders in fullling the Council’s aims.14 Robert Grosseteste, bishop of
Lincoln, wrote in 1236 to Elias, minister general of the Franciscans requesting
his help:
…because my diocese is much larger and more populous than
any other in the kingdom of England, and I therefore need more, and
more eective, help in preaching God’s word, hearing confessions, and
13
F. Andrews, e Other Friars: e Carmelite, Augustinian, Sack and Pied Friars in the
Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 2015).
14
M. E. Gibbs and J. Lang, Bishops and Reform 1215–1272: With Special Reference to
the Lateran Council of 1215 (London, 1934); P. M. Hoskin, Robert Grosseteste and the
13th-Century Diocese of Lincoln: An English Bishop’s Pastoral Vision (Leiden, 2019).
10 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
imposing penances, and because there are no assistants I know of for
these and similar responsibilities so eective as your friars
15
Grosseteste asked for two to four friars to help him with this. In fact,
Grosseteste is echoing here the language of Canon 10 of the Lateran Council,
and he made similar requests of the Dominicans. During the thirteenth
century, most English bishops followed Grosseteste’s lead in deploying the
friars as preachers and confessors to put into practice the programme of 1215.
e friars themselves needed instruction in these tasks, and many of the most
inuential guides to preaching and confessing were the work of Dominicans
and Franciscans. e use of the friars by bishops in these roles met opposition
from parish clergy who disliked the competition and from some bishops who
found that they could not subject the friars to the same sort of control that they
could parish clergy or monks. ese tensions were meant to be resolved by the
papal bull Super Cathedram (1300), which allowed the friars full right to preach
in their own churches and in public places at certain times, and also in parish
churches by invitation. Friars were to choose suitable brothers to be confessors
and present them, through the provincial prior, to the bishop for approval. is
compromise established the rules of engagement for friars as preachers and
confessors, until the dissolution of the friaries in 1536–8, although it did not
prevent localised disputes about their rights and responsibilities over this long
span of time. As we have seen, the Augustinian friars and the Carmelites – both
of whose constitutions were modelled on the Dominicans – began to spread to
English towns from the mid-thirteenth century onwards. All four orders had a
ministry of preaching and confession.
By the reign of Henry III, the requirement of the Fourth Lateran Council
of 1215 that every Christian confess his or her sins and be absolved at least
once a year was enforced as policy by synods and bishops of the English church.
Like other European monarchs, English kings made sure they received special
treatment that set them apart from normal folk, by championing the royal chapel
as their parish and requesting papal privileges that allowed them to choose
their confessor freely.16 e role of confessor in the royal, noble or episcopal
15
e Letters of Robert Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, trans. and ed. F. A. C. Mantello
and J. Goering (Toronto, 2010), Letter 41, p. 161; quoted by A. Power, ‘e Prob-
lem of Obedience among the English Franciscans’, in Rules and Observance: Devis-
ing Forms of Communal Life, ed. M. Breitenstein, J. Burkhardt, S. Burkhardt, and J.
Röhrkasten (Berlin, 2014), pp. 129–67 (p. 151).
16
N. Reinhardt, Voices of Conscience: Royal Confessors and Political Counsel in
Seventeenth-century Spain and France (Oxford, 2016), p. 12; X. de La Selle, Le
service des âmes à la cour: confesseurs et aumôniers des rois de France du XIIIe au XVe
siècle (Paris, 1995), pp. 37–42, 86–9.
Introduction 11
household was now much better dened than chaplaincy had been. From the
reign of Henry III onwards, friars established themselves as the preferred
confessors of kings and queens, and, by imitation, of the higher nobility and
episcopate too. For almost one hundred and fty years, the king’s confessor
was a Dominican friar; the queen’s confessor tended to be a Franciscan. Later,
in the fourteenth century, the Carmelites too were chosen as royal confessors.
ese royal confessors were primarily spiritual advisors, but also could be
employed as counsellors in secular aairs, and as envoys and diplomats, not
just to the pope and to other courts, but to broker deals with disaected
nobles or recalcitrant clergy within the kingdom. We can see because of the
exceptional survival of his letters that the Oxford-based Franciscan Adam
Marsh (Chapter 1 below) could nd himself counselling the queen, Simon de
Montfort, Boniface archbishop of Canterbury and many others, even when
he was not acting as their confessor, strictly speaking. Sometimes friars were
called on to preach crusades on behalf of pope and king, and to help to solicit
contributions, voluntary or forced. is access to power, and the relaxation of
the mendicant rule that of necessity accompanied such a role, provoked envy
and criticism (see Chapter 6). But although anti-mendicant feelings reached
a crescendo in the sermons preached by Richard Fitzralph, archbishop of
Armagh in London in 1356–7, the challenge to religious orthodoxy, and to
the structure of the late medieval church itself, posed by Lollardy, provided
the next generation of friars with an opportunity to prove their loyalty to
the crown and to preach and write against the heretics. Mendicants were
at the forefront of the campaign to enforce doctrinal orthodoxy and church
discipline, and to censor vernacular theology, marshalled by the Constitutions
of Archbishop Arundel published in 1409.
My focus in this book will be on England, and English friars, though at
dierent times the province of England within the four orders did not coincide
with the territorial boundaries of the English kingdom. I will not be dealing
with Scottish, Welsh or Irish developments however. Although England
constituted a separate and insular province in terms of mendicant organisation,
it would be a mistake to imagine that England was backward or isolated in
respect of the continental provinces of the orders of the friars. Because the
friars were international orders reporting ultimately to their ministers general,
general councils and to the papacy itself, there were close links between English
friars and those in other provinces, promoted by a lingua franca of Latin, and
a steady trac of men and books across the English Channel. e importance
of the studia generalia of the friars as places of study in theology, especially for
Englishmen of the universities of Paris, Oxford and Cambridge, contributed
signicantly to the ow of friars into and out of the country.
12 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
All four orders of friars in England underwent signicant changes over the
centuries in their relation to wider society in towns and cities. An early stage
in which the friars were establishing themselves in houses granted to them
by lay and clerical patrons gave way from the late thirteenth century onwards
to ambitious campaigns of building and extending the urban footprint of
the friary. e friaries came to resemble monasteries in their employment of
cloister, inrmary, chapter house, library, refectory, gardens and other ancillary
buildings within a walled precinct.17 In university towns like Oxford and
Cambridge the four friaries came to dominate the built environment before
colleges began to gain ground in the fteenth century. In other market towns,
the friaries experienced less in the way of competition, and their dominance of
the urban landscape was unchecked. Although they closely resembled monastic
houses, the friaries were much more central to urban space, and the walls of
the friaries were far more porous than those of the monasteries. Townsfolk
came into the friary to hear sermons, and to worship at side-altars; after death,
they could be be buried in the chancel of the church and commemorated
post-mortem by the saying of masses. Friars encouraged the development of
confraternities of lay men and women linked to local friaries, and alreadyestablished gilds of merchants and craftsmen found friaries to be useful hosts
and spiritual advocates. e four orders developed strong links with their lay
patrons through their activities as confessors and preachers, and, accordingly,
were often remembered as a community or as named individuals in the wills of
lay people. Much of the income of friaries by the fteenth century came from
renting out properties inside or outside the friary precinct to lay people rather
than from pursuing alms as mendicants. Although the pace of building work
slowed in the fteenth century, there was no decline in the numbers of friars in
England until the very last years before the dissolution when the writing was
on the wall for monasteries and friaries.
18
17
ese developments have been examined in detail by Nick Holder, e Friaries of
Medieval London: From Foundation to Dissolution (Woodbridge, 2017).
18
See C. H. Lawrence, e Friars: e Impact of the Early Mendicant Movement on
Western Society (London, 1994); for English friars, see D. Knowles, e Religious
Orders in England, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1948–59), I; R. B. Dobson, ‘Mendicant
Ideal and Practice in Late Medieval York’, in Archaeological Papers from York Pre-
sented to M.W. Barley, ed. P. V. Addyman and V. E. Black (York, 1984), pp. 109–22;
J. Röhrkasten, e Mendicant Houses of Medieval London, 1221–1539 (Münster,
2004); e Friars in Medieval Britain: Proceedings of the 2007 Harlaxton Sympo-
sium, ed. N. Rogers (Donington, 2010); on particular mendicant orders, W. A.
Hinnebusch, e Early English Friars Preachers (Rome, 1951); A Companion to the
English Dominican Province: From Its Beginnings to the Reformation, ed. E. J. Giraud
and J. C. Linde (Leiden, 2021); M. J. P. Robson, e Franciscans in the Medieval