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5
Souls and Bodies
his chapter is concerned with medicine of words rather than deeds,1
T
though, as we shall see, these words had to do with exhorting,
persuading and encouraging patients and others to take charge of their lives
or full their responsibilities rather than with speculation or doctrinal issues.
It will explore the overlap between medicine and religion in discourses of
counsel or advice addressed to lay people and to clergy. is overlap occurs
across a range of dierent kinds of writing. Some of the various forms these
discourses took (from the thirteenth century to the dissolution) were: the
writing of pastoralia about preaching and confession; penitential literature
aimed at lay folk; advice to princes about conduct, diet and exercise; and
general regimens of health. For the most part, the authors of these writings
I will be considering here were friars.
e range of roles friars undertook as preachers, confessors, teachers and
advisors to eminent people encouraged the creation of a similar variety of texts
of counsel. But separating out those discourses concerned with spiritual as
opposed to those concerned with bodily matters (salus animae vs sanitas corporis)
is not always straightforward. In part, this is because texts were multivalent.
To take an example: was the De proprietatibus rerum, an encyclopedic survey
of things created by God, written c. 1240 by Bartholomaeus Anglicus OFM,
read as a help to interpretation of the scriptures, as a source for gurae and
exempla to be used in friars’ sermons, or as a guide to conduct and bodily
health for all? e reason for the extraordinary success of this text in
England, measured by its appearance in libraries and citation in everything
from scholastic commentaries to recipes, is surely that it could be read in all
1
is chapter deals with the medicine of words in a wider sense, corresponding to
the therapeutic reading described in McCann, Soul-Health, pp. 10–12. On a nar-
rower front, and in respect of speech rather than writing, Roger Bacon provided a
naturalistic account of how the sound of words might have power, including eects
on human health: see Delaurenti, La puissance, pp. 111–14, 157–200; S. P. Marrone,
‘omas Aquinas, Roger Bacon and the Magicians on the Power of Words’, in
Contemplation and Philosophy: Scholastic and Mystical Modes of Medieval Philosophi-
cal ought, ed. A. Speer and R. H. Pich (Leiden, 2018), pp. 216–31.
164 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
three ways (and indeed in other ways too). Dierent books of the complete
work by Bartholomaeus were useful for dierent kinds of reading.2 e
same might be said for the new edition made by Roger Bacon OFM of the
pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum Secretorum in the 1270s. is work, translated
from an Islamicate original, purported to be ethical, political and medical
advice from Aristotle to Alexander; it dated from thirty to forty years after
De proprietatibus rerum. Bacon tidied up the text to make it more logical in
its ordering and easier to read for clergy and laymen alike. He also supplied
counsel of his own invention.3 Other texts did not have the encyclopedic reach
of De proprietatibus rerum or the Secretum Secretorum but could still combine
some parts which contained spiritual advice and other parts which contained
bodily prescriptions. We can include amongst these combinatory texts those
rules and constitutions which set the pattern for the friars’ own collective lives.
A thirteenth-century constitution of the Dominican order made in England
provides in various sections for the needs of the sick, for tonsure and for
periodic bloodletting (which had to be tted into the regimen spirituale), as
well as for the governance and behaviour of the brothers.
4
But it is not simply a matter of overlap of dierent kinds of discourse
within the same text. e domains of spiritual and bodily regimen were
interconnected. ey were acknowledged to impact each other, because soul
and body each inuenced the other (a truism in Galenic medicine). As we
shall see below, the concepts of complexion and temperament provide an
explanation of how this came about. Whether acting as confessor to penitents
or as medical adviser to patients, the friar had to take the impact of complexion
and temperament into account. In framing medical counsel, the classic regimen
sanitatis (regimen of health) had to balance the four humours by engaging
with the six non-naturals (air, food and drink, exercise and rest, sleeping and
waking, repletion and excretion, and accidentia animi, ‘accidents of the soul’,
sometimes translated as emotions or passions). is meant that those things
which aected the emotions would also aect the balance of the humours
or complexion of the individual. Contrariwise, the confessor had to start his
determination of the spiritual state of the penitent and prescribe appropriate
penances by understanding his or her complexion. e use of humoural or
complexion language in penitential literature or in friars’ preaching was not
simply metaphorical – that is to say, making use of familiar medical language
2
See Chapter 3, pp. 104–7, and bibliography cited there.
3
See Chapter 4, pp. 128–30, for bibliography.
4
CUL, MS Ll.2.9, fols. 66–98. e text is thirteenth century, with fourteenth-cen-
tury additions. e manuscript was owned by the Dominican house at Guildford.
Souls and Bodies 165
to speak to the lay penitent – but recognised that bodily and spiritual health
were directly connected through the susceptibility of individual temperament
to the inuence of the non-naturals.
5
ese overlaps between dierent discourses of counsel need to be kept in
mind as we look rstly at texts to do with preaching and confession (cura
animarum) and afterwards at those dealing with regimen sanitatis. e last
part of the chapter will be concerned with the mediating role of the ideas of
complexion and ‘accidents of the soul’.
Cura animarum: Preaching
Preaching by friars did lean heavily on medical metaphor and analogy.
Oxford, New College, MS 88, is a Dominican preacher’s handbook from
the end of the thirteenth century, and its contents show that the owner had
heard sermons preached in Oxford and its vicinity. It is a small book, one
that might easily be carried around by its owner. is manuscript was a book
owned by a friar, and although written in a variety of dierent scripts and
at dierent times, judged to be written in the hand of the owner. One of
the sermons it contains is titled ‘De beato Dominico’, on St Dominic (fols.
32–3). e Latin sermon is reexive in character, considering what is needed
to be a good preacher, by way of imitating Dominic himself. Two things are
required, it claims, expertise in interpreting scripture and eectiveness in
getting the sermon across to listeners.
For it may be that someone who should be treating others has medicine
boxes, in which he keeps electuaries and a variety of potions, but he has
no expertise in medicine. If he presumed to treat anyone, surely he would
harm the sick person rather than relieve their illness, and he would go astray
quickly rather than heal, and so he would not be eective as a healer. But
the preacher should heal others; thus Isaiah 61.1 (the Lord has anointed
me to preach good news to the poor). Many brothers have as it were plenty
of medicine boxes, that is to say they have booklets in which medicines are
contained, since they have many good writings. But for sure unless they
have expertise in interpreting these scriptures, they will have little or no
eectiveness in teaching. No surprise, for they will quickly go astray rather
than heal
5
e interlocking of concerns for soul and body at times of plague or war is the
subject of N. Archambeau, Souls under Siege: Stories of War, Plague, and Confession in
Fourteenth-century Provence (Ithaca, 2021).
6
S. Wenzel, ‘A Dominican Preacher’s Book from Oxford’, Archivum Fratrum
Praedicatorum 68 (1998), 177–203 (pp. 195–6): Esto enim quod aliquis qui
6
166 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
e image of the preacher’s booklet, containing his sermon, as medicine boxes
packed with healing ingredients, but useless or harmful in the hands of any but
a skilled healer/preacher, is a vivid way of conveying to a clerical audience the
importance of the skills in interpreting scripture, developed in the teaching
centres of the Dominican order. e manuscript itself is made up of forty-four
irregular quires, the booklets of which the sermon speaks. e Dominican who
owned and wrote out this sermon aspired to the role of the skilled interpreter
of scripture who heals through the words addressed to his audience.
Very few such preaching notebooks survive, but more common are the
handbooks on preaching produced by English friars. e best known of
these, and the one copied or excerpted in most surviving manuscripts, is
the Fasciculus morum, compiled by a Franciscan in the last quarter of the
thirteenth century. It was designed as an aid to preachers, framed around the
seven capital vices or deadly sins and their remedial virtues. e seven parts
of the book deal successively with pride and humility, wrath and patience,
envy and love (caritas), avarice and poverty, sloth and occupation, gluttony
and sobriety, and lechery and chastity. Into this structure are inserted other
matters which the Lateran Council and episcopal constitutions required
to be taught: the Ten Commandments, the pater noster, the Articles of
the Creed, the theological and cardinal virtues, etc. In part three on envy
and love, there is a chapter on the three ways of Christ’s coming to earth.
First, he comes as a good physician to heal us; if we are spiritually sick, we
have him to prepare our medicine. As the physician diagnoses from urine
and pulse, so when Christ visits the sinner, he enables him through grace
to understand himself and his own sin, that he may repent. en Christ
prescribes a diet, in order that the sinner may avoid the occasions of sin
and seek occasions for practising virtue. irdly, Christ gives an electuary
or other medicine to expel his sickness, that is, contrition of his sins, a
medicine which is made of bitter herbs. Fourth, after the sinner is healed,
Christ warns against relapsing and teaches him how to live. ere are other
ways in which Christ heals: through the sweat of contrition, reecting on
aliis mederi deberet multas haberet pixides, et in eis multa electuaria et varias
pociones, artis tamen medicinalis non haberet periciam. Si iste alicui mederi
presumeret, cicius certe egrum lederet quam eius morbum leniret, et cicius er-
raret quam curaret, et sic in curando ecaciam non haberet. Sed predicator aliis
mederi debet; Ysaie 61: “Ad annunciandam mansuetis,” etc. (Isa 61:1). Multi
fratres quasi multas habent pixides, quaternos scilicet in quibus multa habent
medicinalia, quia multos bonos sermones. Sed certe nisi illorum habeant perici-
am, modicam uel nullam habebunt in doctrinam ecaciam. Quid mirum, cicius
enim errabunt quam curabunt. e entire sermon is transcribed in the Appendix
to Wenzel’s article.
Souls and Bodies 167
the vileness of sin; through the bloodletting of confession; through the
diet of fasting and penance; through the plaster or ointment of devout
prayer; through draining excess uids, that is, giving alms; through the
surgical removal of evil companionship and the occasion of sin; and, nally,
through the cautery of charity. All the contemporary medical techniques of
diagnosis and therapy are elaborated in this analogy of Christ as physician
healing the sinner.
7
Under part ve on sloth and occupation comes ‘the quality of a good
confession and its power’. e metaphors of health and healing are developed
in specic and sometimes surprising detail. us,
many say that in a sick person a general sweat is a sign of health, but any
partial sweating, such as on his foot or hand or head only, is a sign of death.
e same goes for the topic under discussion. Just as sweat comes from
humors within our body that are superuous and bad and are driven out
by our natural body heat, so should confession deal with superuous things
that must be completely driven out by the heat of divine love.
8
Here, the compiler is alluding to what is said about sweating in Salernitan
medical sources, for instance, in the Pantegni of Constantine, eorica book 7
cap. 18, De signicationibus sudoris:
Its viscosity is to be approved of, if the sweat is plentiful and is frequent;
this is because it is a sign that a robust constitution expels the humours
and cleanses the body; if however sometimes it comes in spurts and not as
a continuous ow; or if some members of the body sweat and not others,
sometimes more or sometimes less; or if it happens at one time, but not
another, and then again it begins to issue; all these things indicate the
worst outcome.
7
Fasciculus morum, ed. Wenzel, pp. 255–7.
8
Fasciculus morum, pp. 468–71: Dicunt enim multi quod in inrmo sudor universalis
9
est signum sanitatis, et e contrario sudor particularis, si tantum in pede, manu, vel
capite, signum est mortis. Revera sic in proposito. Nam sicut sudor provenit ex in-
terioribus humoribus superuis et illicitis per calorem naturalem expulsis, sic con-
fessio de superuis esse debet, que per calorem divinis amoris universaliter debent
expelli.
9
Constantine the African, Pantegni, in Isaac Israeli, Opera omnia … (Lyon, 1515),
fol. 25v: Spissitudo sua laudanda est si multa sit et sepissima; quia naturam ad ex-
pellendos humores fortem et ad mundicandum corpus signicat. Si autem adeo
est seiuncta ut non t continua; aut quedam sudant membra; quedam vero non;
quedam plus; quedam minus; aut quodam in tempore egrediatur; quodam non; sed
iterum revertatur; omnes pessime esse signicantur.
168 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
e role of the priest in confession is compared to the use of the herb betony
(betonica):
And notice that it is the nature of a stag, when he has been hit by an arrow
and can escape, to look at once for the herb betony, which according to the
physicians, has the power to extract iron, and he is healed. You, sinner, must
likewise look for this herb betony when you have been wounded by the
arrow of sins – which is the herb which gives help against your sin, namely
a priest. For he can be your betony; in English: “He can be your medicine
and mend your sin.” And in this way you will be healed.
10
e use of dittany (dictamnus) by the stag to extract arrows is found in
Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De proprietatibus rerum, book seventeen, but is also
found in Isidore, Etymologiae, book twelve, cap. 1, who in turn may have relied
on Pliny’s Natural History. e compiler of Fasciculus morum appears to have
substituted betony (betonica) for the original dittany, for reasons unknown.
e urgency of repentance is the message which all sermons to lay people
are supposed to emphasise. Preaching manuals like the Fasciculus morum
provided the mendicant preacher with a model of the priest as a powerful
medicinal herb like betony, who could treat sin by urging repentance and
confession, and this would have encouraged the sinful members of the
audience to respond. But the Fasciculus morum also directed the preacher
to draw attention to the sickbed or deathbed as the place where the critical
encounters between good and evil, which determined the ultimate fate
of the soul, took place. is was where the struggle between devils and
angels over the soul of the sick was fought out, and where the sacrament
of penance, following on true repentance and confession, should determine
the outcome. For the preacher to drive this message home, he was provided
with stories of such encounters, drawn from the scriptures, the lives of the
church fathers, treatises of vices and virtues, classical history and myth, but
also from anecdotes told by other friars, or the compiler’s own experience.
Surprisingly, perhaps, given the ubiquity of such sources in other similar
mendicant texts, the Fasciculus morum makes little use of the miracles of
10
Fasciculus morum, ed. Wenzel, pp. 472–3: Et nota quod natura cervi est quando
sagittatur, si evadere potest, querit statim herbam betonie, cuius natura est secun-
dum medicos ferrum extrahere, et sanatur. Sic tu, peccator, cum vulneratus fueris
sagitta peccatorum, queras herbam betonie, hec est illa in qua est remedium idest
sacerdotem contra peccatum’. Ipse enim potest esse betonia tua; [Anglice: ‘He may
be þy bote and bete þy sinne’].
Souls and Bodies 169
the Virgin or saints’ lives.11 e stories or exempla in the Fasciculus morum
were designed to appeal to the lay audience, to make the lessons more vivid
and memorable. In many of them, the limitations of secular medicine are a
signicant part of the story. Sometimes, the sick person ends up being cured,
but it will be as a result not of medicine but of their acknowledging their sins
and trusting to the power of the sacraments or the intervention of the saint.
Most often, the outcome of the story is the death of the sick person, but the
soul’s salvation or damnation is the moral that matters.
Shorter texts aimed to help preachers by keying their advice to the vices and
virtues, or to the ten commandments or the creed. A good example of such a
text is the De septem venenis or Tractatus de veneno (On poison) by Malachy of
Ireland OFM.12 Malachy lived at the end of the thirteenth century and was
an unsuccessful candidate for the archbishopric of Tuam in 1286. Earlier, he
seems to have studied in the English province at Oxford, Cambridge or one
of the Franciscan custodial schools. His work might be responding directly
to the call by Archbishop John Pecham OFM in the Lambeth constitutions
(Ignorantia sacerdotum) of 1281 for instruction of the laity in the seven capital
sins and their fruits. Malachy describes his purpose rst:
erefore since I intend to speak about spiritual poison, I draw together
metaphors from poisonous beasts, so that, the more pointed they are to
preach and the more terrifying to hear, the more eectually they may
penetrate the hearts of sinners. is is needful today, when familiar forms of
imagery no longer move.
13
e text is designed to supply gurative content in the form of animal
analogies for use in preaching to the recalcitrant laity. Every sin is compared
to venom in three ways: its origins, the spreading of infection and the diculty
of nding a cure. ere is likewise a triple remedy for sin in general: curative,
restorative and preventative. Malachy then works his way through the capital
11
S. Wenzel, Verses in sermons: ‘Fasciculus morum’ and its Middle English poems (Cam-
bridge MA, 1978), p. 55.
12
R. Sharpe uses this text to illustrate how mutable the titles of medieval works can
be, in Titulus: Identifying Medieval Latin Texts (Turnhout, 2003), pp. 218–45. It
was eventually printed with the title Libellus septem peccatorum mortalium venena
eorumque remedia describens, qui dicitur Venenum Malachiae (Paris, 1518).
13
R. Hanna, Malachy the Irishman On Poison: A Study and an Edition (Liverpool,
2020), pp. 54–5: Dicturi igitur de veneno / metaphoras sumimus a creaturis
venenatis: ut [e]o sint ac[uc]iores ad predicandum et horribiliores ad audiendum,
tempore isto quo s[t]ilus tepescit communis, eo possint penetrare ecacius corda
peccatorum. I have modied the translation here slightly in relation to ‘stilus …
communis’, in line with the suggestion of an anonymous reader.
170 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
sins in order, and each sin branches o into several varieties. On sins, he
usually follows Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job. He cites a good number
of classical sources for his poisonous animal analogies, but the great majority
of them are not quoted directly from ancient authors, but instead drawn from
Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De proprietatibus rerum. Malachy can be thought of
as digesting that Franciscan encyclopedia into a form more immediately useful
to preachers, as well as giving an entertaining conspectus of the animal lore of
the ancients. While few other authors pursued the dichotomy of poison/sin
and remedy/virtue with the thoroughness of Malachy, the dichotomy itself is
at the heart of the great mass of writings which pair o poisonous vices and
medicinal virtues.14 e De septem venenis is found in no less than 115 English
manuscripts, often mistakenly attributed to Robert Grosseteste. In turn, it is
widely cited by other authors, and used directly in sermons, as in the case of
the Franciscan William Herebert, who includes the text of De septem venenis
in a collection of his own sermons.
15
Friars were famous for their use of exempla (illustrative stories), as
well as similitudines (animal analogies) and fables, in their sermons to
the laity. ‘Modern’ or university styles of sermons required these devices
for the purpose of elaboration and illustration of the themes addressed.16
Exempla were circulated within the orders of friars by means of manuscript
collections. e De adventu of omas (called of Eccleston), described
in Chapter 1, was one such collection, as well as being a narrative of the
development of the Franciscan order in England. Two other such English
Franciscan collections have been edited and are available in print. One is
the Liber exemplorum, written between 1275 and 1279, and put together
by a friar from Warwickshire who spent time at convents in Ireland and
studied in Paris, before becoming lector in Cork in 1268–72.17 It is the
14
I base this analysis of De septem venenis on the unpublished talk by Chris Tuckley,
‘Deadly Sins in Durham: the 14th-Century Tractatus de veneno in Durham Priory
Library’, which he was kind enough to share with me, and on Hanna, Malachy;
important also is R. Hanna, ‘“Classicising Friars”, Miscellaneous Transmission,
and MS Royal 7 C.i’, Journal of the Early Book Society 19 (2016), 97–123. See also
Roest, Franciscan Literature, pp. 323–4, who describes Malachy’s text as a confes-
sion handbook.
15
Hanna, Malachy, pp. 24, 21–5. Herebert also copied medical recipes, suggesting
that he may have put these to practical use.
16
D. d’Avray, Medieval Marriage Sermons: Mass Communication in a Culture Without
Print (Oxford, 2001).
17
Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium saeculo XIII compositus a quodam Fratre
Minore Anglico de Provincia Hiberniae, ed. A. G. Little, British Society of Francis-
can Studies 1(Aberdeen, 1908); N. Louis, ‘Entre vérité et ecacité: les stratégies
Souls and Bodies 171
earliest Franciscan collection of exempla known and is also pioneering in its
organisation in alphabetical order of topic (for the second part of the work
only; it is also incomplete, ending at the letter M). e Speculum laicorum
(Mirror for lay people) contains many stories from East Anglia and Kent
and was probably compiled between 1279 and 1292. e compiler tells us
that he worked at the request of an old school friend now in a cure of
souls. Each chapter begins with an explanatory part dealing with important
catechetical material on vices and virtues; it then cites authorities and
illustrates the moral with stories.18 A Dominican collection, made by an
itinerant friar working in Cambridge between 1253 and 1260, is found
in BL, MS Royal 7.D.I.19 ere is very little moralisation or organisation
to this collection, but the stories bear on church matters or on vices and
virtues. e compiler has travelled in England, Wales, Scotland, Ireland
and France, and locations in these countries are described in his stories.
e majority seem to have been told to the compiler or are based on his
own experience. Some of the exempla in this manuscript were repeated in
the Speculum laicorum, indicating that Dominicans and Franciscans not
only drew on the same sources, but copied from each other. Despite this
evidence of intertextuality, many of the stories in these collections were
not copied directly from other texts but were told to the compiler by other
friars, and sometimes the chain of storytelling is described in the exemplum
itself, so that the hearer will believe the more willingly that the stories are
founded on truth.
In the fourteenth and fteenth centuries, the creation of new collections of
exempla by English mendicants slows down. Instead, the existing collections
were made more readily usable for preachers by devices like cross-referencing,
tabulation and indexing, and presentational devices on the page. In addition,
important continental works began to appear in manuscripts written in
England, particularly collections of Dominican origin. e most successful
in terms of circulation was the Alphabetum narrationum (Alphabet of stories)
de rédaction dans le Liber exemplorum ad usum praedicantium’, Revue Mabillon
n.s.19 (2008), 123–56; J.-T. Welter, L’ exemplum dans la littérature religieuse et didac-
tique du Moyen Age (Toulouse, 1927), pp. 290–4.
18
J.-T. Welter, Le speculum laicorum. Édition d’une collection d’ exempla composée en An-
gleterre à la n du XIIIe siècle (Paris, 1914). A partial edition only.
19
S. L. Forte, ‘A Cambridge Dominican Collector of Exempla in the irteenth Cen-
tury’, Archivum fratrum praedicatorum 28 (1958), 115–48 (extracts). Partly transl. by
D. Jones, Friars’ Tales: irteenth-Century Exempla from the British Isles (Manches-
ter, 2011), pp. 154–88; more generally, see J. Berlioz, ‘Les éditions de recueils d’ex-
empla. Des ressources sur l’Internet à la publication électronique’ (2005), https://
doi.org/10.4000/ccrh.3022/, accessed 17 April 2023.
172 The Medicine of the Friars in Medieval England
of Arnold of Liège, compiled probably in Paris between 1297 and 1308. e
Liber de exemplis sacre scripturae (Book of examples from scripture), compiled
between 1260 and 1278 by Nicolas de Hanapes, and the Speculum exemplare
(Exemplary mirror) of Rambert of Bologna are other examples of continental
Dominican works circulating in England.
e friars’ persuasive use of exempla was not restricted to sermons. Leaving
aside the De proprietatibus rerum of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, the writings of
English friars with the widest circulation across Europe were those of John
of Wales OFM (d. 1285). He was sixth lector to the Oxford Franciscans,
from 1259 to 1262, and it can be deduced from his works that he spent
the early to mid-1260s living and writing in Oxford, before transferring to
Paris in the late 1260s. His earliest works were written in Oxford, the later
ones in Paris. e four best known of John’s works were his Breviloquium
de virtutibus antiquorum principum et philosophorum (Brief discourse on the
virtues of ancient princes and philosophers: 151 manuscripts survive, and 5
early printed editions), Communiloquium, sive, Summa collationum (General
discourse, or a summary of readings: 144 manuscripts survive, and 10 printed
editions), Compendiloquium de vita illustrium philosophorum (Epitome on the
lives of famous philosophers: 27 manuscripts survive, and 3 early printed
editions), and Breviloquium de sapientia sanctorum (Brief discourse on the
wisdom of the saints: 23 manuscripts and 5 early printed editions).20 ey
all made signicant use of exempla but the kinds of stories John told in the
rst three of these works drew more on classical sources than on religious
texts – they constituted a kind of classical orilegium as well as a work of
edication. e virtues and vices on show corresponded to the conventional
categories of Gregory the Great, but the stories of ancient rulers or
philosophers were more suitable for supplying conversational topics at the
dinner table than for preaching sermons. English friars of the fourteenth
century followed John of Wales’s lead in exploring the same classical sources
in their biblical commentaries and other writings. e most famous of these
was the Commentary on Wisdom by Robert Holcot OP (c. 1290–1349), who
leant heavily on John of Wales. A late fourteenth century explicit to this
commentary attributes its success to the fact that it addresses and informs
rulers.21 e English friars in this tradition certainly wrote about ethical and
20
See J. Swanson, ‘Wales, John of [ John Wallensis] (d. 1285): Franciscan Friar and
eologian’, ODNB, 23 September 2004, accessed 14 April 2023, https://doi.
org/10.1093/ref:odnb/28552, for these gures.
21
J. Swanson, ‘Holcot, Robert (c. 1290–1349), Dominican Friar and eologian’,
ODNB, 23 September 2004, accessed 14 April 2023, https://doi.org/10.1093/
ref:odnb/13485; H. G. Gelber, ‘Blackfriars London: e Late Medieval Studium’,