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between collective bargaining institutions and monetary policy is not the
degree of centralisation or decentralisation of that bargaining, but rather
its governability. In this regard, we agree with their criticism of the
'inverted U' theory of Calmfors and Driffill (1988) on centralised and
decentralised models of bargaining, and their conclusions with regard to
economic activity, and inflation and unemployment control policies.
Notwithstanding this, our notion of governability depends not only
on the organisational structures of the social partners, but also on other
legal and cultural elements such as customs, values, traditions and
consensus, i.e. the institutional framework of the labour market. These
elements also provide the system of industrial relations with rationality.
With this new variable, the Spanish model could be classified as peaklevel governability through institutional regulation.
There is more governability in Spain than may be suggested by the
theoretical models, and this can be observed in the governability of
wage policies, as has been stressed. We may conclude, from a
comparative perspective, that the model governs itself in spite of low
density and organisational weakness. We are therefore critical of the
theoretical approaches of some comparative studies and of their
exclusively quantitative analytical dimensions.
Finally, this paper seeks to contribute certain reflections to the
comparative debate on the study of industrial relations through the
concept of governability, which also depends on the institutional
framework, as it involves legal and other matters to do with the culture
of the country that establish a national style. In conclusion, the
examination of the dimensions of power, domain and control capacity
has allowed us to explain the peculiar capacity for governability of the
Spanish collective bargaining system, despite the organisational
weakness of the trade unions and employers' associations. This
conclusion may have important implications for economic and wages
policy.
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84
Human resource policies, training and qualifications
Antonio Martín Artiles, Faustino Miguélez, Andreu Lope20
(Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 1998 4: 264 DOI:
10.1177/102425899800400208 The online version of this article can be found at:
http://trs.sagepub.com/content/4/2/264)
Summary
The article focuses on the argument that human resource policies
set out to develop a twofold approach to management of the workforce
which thereby becomes divided between a core of highly qualified and
skilled employees and a peripheral compont consisting of workers with
less or no skills. This split is reflected in company training policies
which, furthermore, exhibit an anti-trade union bias.
Introduction
During the last decade, changes in the organisation of work have
been generating new techniques of managing the workforce.
Technological and organisational innovation appear to be especially
associated with company training and retraining programmes. Research
has been conducted in various European countries on this aspect of
human resource and training policies. This has taken place within the
context of the so-called post-Fordist rationalisation of work
organisation. But post-Fordism, the new production methods and the
retraining of the workforce have also been fashionable topics and, at
times, nothing more than an ideology for modernisation. Despite the
propagandist and modernising tone, the actual adoption of these new
company management policies has been limited, as demonstrated by
numerous comparative studies21.
20
The QUIT Group, Sociology Department, Independent University of Barcelona
21
The Spanish magazine Sociologia del Trabajo recently published a bibliography entitled "Diez
Anos de sociologia del trabajo" ("Ten Years of Labour Sociology"). The research looks at the
situation in Germany, Italy, France, Great Britain and Spain and covers, with different emphases
and nuances, the development of industrial relations and continuous training in companies. Other
comparative studies which allow us to evaluate the situation in the "four motor" regions include the
work of Marino Regini and R. Bahnnmüller (1997), Best practice oder funktionale Àquivalenz?,
Munich, Rainer Hampp Verlag. Also the research carried out with the direct and indirect
participation of the European Foundation for the Improvement of Working Conditions which we
will look at later.
85
With different nuances, depending on the country, the new
concepts of production and labour management seem to be limited to the
large innovative companies, where human resource policies are also
coloured by anti-trade union feelings. Anti-trade union polices have
been most aggressive in Great Britain and the United States, probably
because the industrial relations of these countries are characterised by
free collective bargaining, less state intervention and the greater
importance of company-level agreements. It could be that the
characteristics of this industrial relations model have reinforced the
development of company-level industrial relations. This tendency is also
apparent in the Latin countries but not with the same intensity nor with
the same characteristics.
In any case, growing importance is being given to so-called human
resource policies and to the direct participation and involvement of the
workforce. An emphasis on training and retraining, associated with the
rationalisation of work, has also been acquiring importance, as we will
briefly show in the following sections.
New management techniques
The rationalisation of the organisation of work in large companies
is closely linked to the introduction of new techniques of managing the
workforce. The use of such techniques is often aimed at marginalising
trade unions by focusing on individuals or small groups and increasing
the motivation, participation and involvement of the workforce. Recent
research also reveals the emergence of new criteria for the selection and
recruitment of the workforce and for the management of in-house
training and retraining. Management and academic literature has given
increasing attention to so-called human resource policies and there has
been a corresponding growth in the human resource departments of big
companies (Prieto 1991).
Employee participation and involvement
Direct participation of the workforce is a key concept that sums up
the basic ideas that underlie the new management and work organisation
techniques. The jungle of concepts - which are often only euphemisms that emerged in the management literature of the 1980s, such as Quality
Circles, Total Quality Management, Semi-Autonomous Groups, Flexible
86
Cells, Lean Production, etc. all at least agree on one question: that the
workforce should be involved more directly in the work and in the
company. What is new is that management are pursuing this objective
more earnestly than previously.
Participation is certainly not a new concept. But it is new in the
sense in which it has been used in recent years. There are two aspects of
it that should be emphasised, as indicated by Fröhlich and Pekruhl
(1995). First, participation is encouraged by management within the
framework of the restructuring and reorganisation of the production line.
Management aims to give employees a greater capacity to intervene and
greater responsibility and autonomy in carrying out their work. Second,
participation is now conceived of in a broader way. It goes beyond
employee involvement in their workshop, section or department and
extends to employee input into the whole organisation. Whereas
participation was previously conceived of as aiming to promote greater
reliability and the resolution of specific problems (e.g. the "SolvingGroups"), there is now a tendency for it to be thought of in a more
general way.
Participation also derives from attempts to copy the (past)
successes of the Japanese economy, its high efficiency, the motivation
of its workforce, the high quality of its products and the flexibility of its
work organisation. Attempts are made to adapt these "technical"
elements to the characteristics of western companies, which, of course,
is not so simple. Taking everything into consideration, management
wants to use participation to achieve greater efficiency, an
intensification of work and greater control over work. However, we
must not omit to say that participation can also represent an opportunity
to humanise work and introduce certain elements of democracy into the
workplace.
In an attempt to systematise the concept of employee participation,
Geary and Sisson (1994) define it with reference to four criteria consultation, delegation, individual and group. In addition, participation
can be temporary or permanent. The combination of these criteria in
different ways produces six types of participation:
1. Individual/consultation. This form of minimal participation
consists merely in the consultation of individual employees or in
encouraging employees to make suggestions. Management
87
reserves the right to act on the results of any consultation or to take
up any suggestions.
2. Individual/delegation. This second formula consists in the transfer
of certain levels of responsibility to individual workers. This could
consist of giving the worker autonomy to organise his or her work
station, take on responsibility for preventive maintenance, or even
broadening the range of tasks.
3. Temporary group/consultation. In this case, the character of the
group is consultative and temporary and is established to develop a
project or contribute suggestions as to how to solve a particular
problem. The group is dissolved once it has made its suggestions.
An example of this type are the "project groups'" described in
management literature.
4. Temporary group/delegation. This type of participation also has a
limited duration, with tasks delegated in order to resolve problems
or make proposals. The difference is that the group's solutions are
binding. Examples are "working groups", "continuous
improvement groups", etc.
5. Permanent group/consultation. This is where groups are stable but
their function is limited to consultation. For example, the Quality
Circles of Japanese inspiration, whose main task is to examine
product quality and make suggestions about how to improve the
production process.
6. Permanent group/delegation. This is the organisational formula
that best reflects participation in the sense of economic democracy.
The groups have rights and duties and work in an autonomous way
and have responsibility for the organisation of work. This kind of
group has its origin in the so-called "socio-technical focus"
tradition of the Tavistock Institute and is associated with the
Industrial Democracy experiences of the Scandinavian countries.
In brief, these six types of participation appear in management
literature under a profusion of names that are very often no more than
fashionable and confusing jargon. The different formulae of
participation have contributed to the modification of certain aspects of
the traditional organisation of work. However, it is only the sixth
formula - permanent group with delegated functions - which constitutes
88
a radically different alternative to the "scientific" organisation of work.
This formula inspires vanguard management proposals such as the
humanisation of work and trade union demands such as set out by the
Movement for Improvement in the Quality of Life and Work, which has
put down institutional roots in the Scandinavian countries.
So, management policies on participation are based on two distinct
sets of ideas. First, since the 1980s, the Japanese (Toyotist) model has
had a growing influence in western countries because of the
international success of the Japanese economy. In the Japanese model,
participation does not necessarily signify questioning or eradicating
Taylorist organisation, as Coriat (1993) and Bonazzi (1993) have
warned. In any case, participation is compatible with slight
modifications of Taylorism, or with a combination of old and new forms
of work organisation. The Japanese model allows a limited degree of
autonomy to groups of workers; the functions of the group are often
closely defined and the management hierarchy is more pronounced than
in the Scandinavian model. In addition, the trade unions have a
subordinate role and industrial relations have a paternalist character. As
a result, social and economic democracy is very weak in this model and
it may have an openly anti-union stance, as most clearly shown by the
North American experience (AA.VV., 1997).
On the contrary, the origins of the Scandinavian model of
Industrial Democracy are associated with an innovative focus on
harmonising technology and social factors; the trends to humanise work
that emerged in the 1970s; and the ideas of direct and indirect worker
participation put forward by trade unions. In this model, the groups have
greater autonomy, responsibility and decision-making capacity.
Participation is also indirect, operating through the company's decisionmaking and administrative structure. Participation in this sense is
definitely linked to the idea of social and economic democracy22.
22
In Spain, interest in the various types of employee participation at work is relatively recent. This
is largely because it is also only recently that management practice has advanced in this direction.
In general, and with few exceptions, the issue began to acquire some relevance at the beginning of
the 1980s and interest has intensified since the middle of the 1980s. See, among others, Lope,
Martin, Varella (1994).
89
Management and promotion policies
The transformations to which we have alluded, such as new
technologies and forms of work organisation, have caused certain
transformations in the management of the workforce. In many cases,
changes in management methods are associated with new and emerging
professions. But they do not affect all occupational groups within
companies in the same way. Various studies show that the effects of
human resources management policies appear to be polarised. The
"winners", those that benefit most from the process of innovation and
retraining, are executives, technicians, middle management, qualified
professionals and marketing department personnel. They tend to be
managed in pro-organisation terms and with reference to the logic of
internal work markets. The "losers" are the production workers who are
not so well educated. There is a tendency to require the latter to be
flexible and multi-skilled and to give them instruction when and where
necessary (not precisely the same as professional retraining). They tend
to be managed with reference to external labour markets. In other words,
there is a tendency to retrain staff who have already been trained and
who have formal professional qualifications, while the lesser qualified
sectors can expect only on-the-job instruction.
Technicians and skilled blue-collar workers are the professional
groups that companies prefer, though not exclusively, to promote from
within the company. Some groups of unskilled administrative staff and
workers also form part of that section of the workforce which is likely to
be seen as a source of internal recruitment and promotion. This pattern
also applies to all types and sizes of company, including small
companies, probably because in-house promotion represents a saving in
the costs of replacing staff, recruitment, selection and training. These
preferences give clues about the selective and hierarchical criteria
followed by company training policies. In other words, investment in
"human capital", career plans and promotion has to fit into a highly
pronounced hierarchical structure (Grup d'Estudis QUIT 1997).
Each occupational group is treated differently when it comes to inhouse promotion or external recruitment. Executives and other positions
of responsibility are recruited from existing staff and the external labour
market. In the case of technical and administrative staff, in-house
promotion predominates. Blue-collar workers tend to be recruited from
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