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Сравнение социальных моделей Европы. Социальная и трудовая политика в Европе. Учебно-методическое пособие

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in the economic cycle to be absorbed, but these instruments of economic
straint
Cuts in certain types of interest.
ing
ally,
including social security and
An end to consensus on pay
Disagreements within the trade
Respect for Maastricht
ocial inclusion and
Exchange control in a setting of
Leadership and direction at a time
vre to
tors
management were signed away by European convergence during the 1990s, and can hardly be used any longer. During the so-called golden years of capitalism, the 'baby boom' more than regenerated the labour force, but population ageing in the 1990s represents a challenge for social security systems and for the continuation of pensions schemes. Table 2 sets out a schematic summary of the contrasts between the pacts' differing scenarios.
Table 1
Pre- and post-EMU contexts
Pre-EMU Post-EMU
External contingency
Unemployment, budget deficit
Issues at national level
Salary increases
Shared consensus on pay re and diagnosis. Trade union unity in relative terms
Issues at European level
convergence criteria
Motivation of the actors Government:
Budgetary consolidation. Fall unemployment
Labour costs compared glob
pension rates
restraint.
union movement
Employment, s pensions
Government:
Achieving room for manoeu cut labour costs
sluggish economic growth.
Trade unions:
Continue to be central actors
Employers:
of uncertainty
Trade unions:
New balance of power in sec and regions
Employers:
Encouragement of decentralisation
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The content of social pacts has sought to respond to local economic and social changes. In brief, the agreements address three main issues: wages, quantitative labour flexibility, and social security.
1) Wages. Wages are a key issue in this comparative study. The study of employees' behaviour has been an important factor in the pacts (although not in all, e.g. Spain). In many cases, the traditional binomial linking wages and productivity has been replaced by a new binomial: wages and competitiveness. Generally speaking, there is a tendency for wages to fall as a share of GDP. However, after several years of declining purchasing power and a failing wage share in GDP, there is now less and less consensus that pay restraint is a mechanism for controlling inflation and a compromise of new investment and job creation. The new emphasis on controlling and limiting growth in wage costs is linked to reductions in pension scheme contributions. This is very disturbing in the medium and long term.
2) Flexibility. Flexibility, too, has been an important factor in social pacts, although the claim that flexibility is in retreat should be treated with some caution. Perhaps the most important issue has been the retreat of quantitative flexibility (based particularly on contractual arrangements relating to working hours and other forms of atypical employment): that has perverse effects not only on job insecurity and instability, but also on consumption and economic growth. In this context, attempts have been made to control atypical employment and limit the abuse of working hours agreements in certain countries including France, the Netherlands, Spain and Portugal. On the other hand, flexibility is linked in pacts to the development of European-level directives on employment. In particular, flexibility is associated with the impulse provided by active employment policies, and this has specifically called for agreements to extend part-time working to integrate particular groups (e.g. women and young people) on the labour market. In this respect, the Netherlands provides an impressive model of labour flexibility based on part-time working.
3) Social security. The main objectives that have guided social security reform are control of public spending, a reduction in the public debt, and lower labour costs. The chapter by Hassel and Ebbinghaus analyses this question in depth, and argues that the policy of the reform has a meaning (it is simply a question of concessions at the point of
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exchange) on the one hand, and a particular aim (reducing labour costs)
Regulated national
Accommodating monetary
Economic and Monetary
Redistribution of
Pay restraints and
phasis on
Restrictions on welfare
of
Centralisation and
tion towards
on the other. In this respect, the pact concluded in Finland, as Tim Kauppincn reports, is an eloquent and illustrative example of reducing social contributions on the lowest wages, thereby affecting industrial activities that are labour-intensive and have low productivity. However, many authors in this book issue warnings about the dangers of social dumping that could flow from measures designed to achieve international competitiveness through lower social security contributions. These measures may be effective in the short term, but not in the long term, as one of the basic features of the European scenario is ongoing ageing of the population and increases in pensions expenditure.
Table 2
Main differences between agreements signed in the 1960s and 1970s
and those signed in the 1990s
Social agreements
(1960s and 1970s)
Context
economies
Baby boom
system. Fordism
Labour market
Full employment Labour market regulation
Pay policy
productivity gains
Social
Expansion of welfare state
protection Institutional
Social agreements (1990s) Globalisation
Population ageing
Union Information society
Unemployment Security and flexibility
em competitiveness
state Coordinated
framework concertation
direc partnership
The new post-EMU economic context is marked by a new equilibrium. The various national analyses not only show how varied the situations are, but also highlight the existence of common contingent
decentralisation State direction
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elements such as the interdependence of member states of the European Union and economic development subordinated to the disciplinary criteria of Maastricht. The analysis in this comparative study has involved examining the impact of external variables (such as monetary union and, more broadly, the change in the monetary system) in the signing of social pacts in the 1990s. External pressure has been temporarily decreased as a result of a reduction in the public debt and low interest rates in the euro zone, while some countries on the periphery (i.e. Portugal, Spain, Ireland and Greece) have simultaneously experienced substantial economic grown and higher employment rates.
The unions need to confront issues like cuts in social security, and threats such as the uncoordinated decentralisation of collective bargaining. Where should trade unions place the emphasis with regard to future social concertation? The EMU has been restricting wage growth, and the wage share in GDP has fallen, which has in turn been a blow to social equity. These days, changes in social security aim to achieve financial stability. The objective of reform of the so-called continental system of social security is to broaden the state's room for manoeuvre, but at all events, as trade union involvement in reform in Spain and Italy shows, the need to obtain a consensus, both at a political level and among the social actors, is becoming a priority.
The Netherlands and Ireland illustrate the emergence of an agenda containing new qualitative issues such as quality of life and quality of work, the debate on stress, and other matters, including social exclusion related to gender and ethnic background. To conclude, it appears that we can point to the emergence of a new collective bargaining agenda and new content in the formulation of social pacts, but their characteristics are hard to identify. On the one hand, wage growth is clearly limited by monetary union restrictions; on the other hand, the terms for a new social contract are still difficult to establish, particularly with regard to maintaining and respecting social security entitlements at a time when the population is ageing. Today, inadequate coordination between pay policy and a reduction in labour costs is re-opening the debate on ‘competitiveness pacts' that may bring with them the risk of 'social dumping'.
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Editorial
Jens Lind and Antonio Martin Artiles
(Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 2007 13: 541, DOI:
10.1177/102425890701300401. The full version of this article can be found at: http://trs.sagepub.com/content/13/4/541.citation.)
Since we introduced non-thematic or «open» issues of Transfer three years ago the Editorial Committee has had an ongoing debate as to whether we should continue with this new system. We were not sure whether the new system was actually an improvement and whether we had succeeded in our aim of opening up the journal to more potential authors. At our meeting in September 2007 in Manchester we finally decided to continue to publish one non-thematic issue each year. Our decision was largely based on our experience with this issue: the articles are all highly relevant to trade unions and European policy-making, and they are of a good academic quality without being oriented towards a narrow and purely academic discourse.
Although we are not selecting articles solely on the basis of the political actuality of the topic, the first article in this issue certainly deals with a «hot» topic in European politics and trade union strategies. Flexicurity is seen by many European policy-makers as a strategy which can strike a balance between labour and capital and simultaneously improve competitiveness and economic growth. Andranik Tangian’s article, «European flexicurity: concepts, methodology and policies», departs from the recent political and academic discussion and argues that it is an illusion to expect that such a balance can be achieved and that the winners are fewer than the losers. Instead, he proposes a «flexinsurance» based on employers’ contributions to social security that are proportional to the flexibility of the employment contract and/or risk of unemployment for the employee, a basic minimum income system and measures that would constrain financial markets’ pressure on European governments.
Another ongoing debate is highlighted in the following article by Gerhard Bosch and Sebastian Schief «Older employees in Europe between "work line" and early retirement». The ageing population and current pension systems throughout Europe are seen as major threats to future wealth and a time bomb under the welfare state. After examining all the basic trends in labour market participation among older people in
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Europe, the authors argue that the measures agreed upon by the European politicians in 2001 to increase the labour force participation rate for older people are not sufficient. In a few European countries, the EU recommendations were attained many years ago, but for the majority of countries it is necessary to create a more comprehensive policy starting from considerations on five issues: equality, humanisation of work, qualifications, flexibility and motivation.
The third article in this issue builds on the almost classical discussion on gender equality in the labour market. Alexandra Scheele discusses in her contribution, «Gender and the quality of work: an overview of European and national approaches», how the quality of work is defined and how it is linked to gender issues. The starting point in the gender debate is the gendered participation in paid work and the segmented pattern of female employment. These issues are relatively easy to define and discuss, but when it comes to the quality of work the debate becomes much more blurred: what is good work? Scheele outlines the EU quality indicators and the ILO decent work indicators and compares them with the German initiative on a 'New Quality of Work'. She concludes that the debate on the quality of work is embedded in a capital-oriented strategy where productivity, low wages and poor labour rights seem to be dominant with the result that the quality dimension is suppressed. Furthermore, the gender issue is being reduced to the simple message that women should share the same conditions as men - not taking into consideration the work-life balance for women.
Flexicurity, the ageing population and the gendered pattern of employment are all issues on the general European agenda on employment standards and included in policy recommendations to stimulate economic growth and to deal with some general aspects of inequality and other social aspects. From the perspective of the ruling neoliberal strategy, which forms the basic assumptions on how to organise society to achieve the most effective and productive allocation of resources, another important issue in EU policy-making must be a restructuring of the production of services. The dominant recommendations are very clear: more market and more competition. From this perspective public services have been under attack for several years.
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The next two articles comment on this issue and report on national experiences in Denmark and Portugal. In 'Marketisation of the public sector leads to socially and environmentally irresponsible contracting: the case of Denmark', Ole Busck shows how the national implementation of the EU directives has affected public sector outsourcing of refuse collection and how working conditions in this sector have deteriorated. In Denmark, during the 1990s some 70% of refuse collection was contracted out by the municipalities to private operators and the choice of operator most frequently fell on the cheapest offer. The result has been a significant worsening of the working conditions among garbage men. Health and safety standards have been undermined, training has been abandoned and employment security has been reduced. In theory this should not happen because the contract between the municipality and the contractor defines acceptable standards, but in practice the municipalities' main interest is to save money and they close their eyes when breaches of norms and standards occur.
'The revolution in the public services sector in Portugal: with or without the unions' by Alan Stoleroff provides us with an example of trade union attitudes and difficulties in influencing the comprehensive reform process of the public sector which in Portugal has resulted in a general rise in industrial conflicts. Despite an official commitment to involve unions in the process, governments have pursued their own goals of achieving a 'revolution' in public sector employment relations ­with or without the unions. Stoleroff concludes his article by posing a number of questions which cannot easily be answered, but are key for the evaluation of trade union behaviour in the restructuring of the public sector. Have the unions' strategies and tactics reduced the possibilities of genuinely negotiated solutions? Are the unions' accusations of the government having an 'anti-bargaining attitude' a self-fulfilling prophecy? Is the imposition of austerity and reformist measures of rationalisation the result of a style of governance or an anti-labour orientation? Is the Lisbon strategy's reference to social dialogue merely rhetoric when it comes to implementing changes which alter the established 'effort bargain' and established rights in the public sector?
The last article in this issue, 'Puzzles of union density in Norway', deals with one of the most persistent themes over the years in this
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journal: trade union membership and organisation. Kristine Nergaard and Torgeir Aarvaag Stokke start from the recent debate in Transfer on the impact of the unemployment insurance system (the Ghent system) on trade union membership rates in Denmark, Belgium, Finland and Sweden. After presenting the details of trade union membership in Norway they concentrate on explaining why membership rates have remained practically constant in this country - unlike elsewhere in Europe. They point to a number of factors behind this stability, but their main argument is that a deeply rooted and institutionalised industrial relations system including a favorable attitude among employers towards unions secures this stability.
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УЧЕБНОЕ ИЗДАНИЕ
СРАВНЕНИЕ СОЦИАЛЬНЫХ МОДЕЛЕЙ ЕВРОПЫ:
СОЦИАЛЬНАЯ И ТРУДОВАЯ ПОЛИТИКА В ЕВРОПЕ
Магистерская программа: «Социальное администрирование
на промышленном предприятии»
Под редакцией И.Е. Козловой
Н.Ш. Валеевой
Ответственный за выпуск Т.Я. Виленская
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