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English of Global Economics. Учебное пособие

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corporate headquarters from southern California to Las Colinas. It cited the proximity of DFW as a “major factor” in its decision.
Dallas is far from an isolated example of airport-driven development. When Washington Dulles International Airport opened in 1962 in rural Virginia, it was considered a white elephant; but it has spawned a high-tech corridor and now sits in the fastest-growing county in the United States. Denver’s ten-year-old international airport, about 40 miles out of town, is expected to be the centre of a community of 500,000 people by 2025 — almost as many people as live in Denver itself. It recently branded its surrounding acreage as the “Aeropolitan”, as well as a marketing pitch to businesses.
Working in the shadow of an airport has its problems. There are height restrictions on buildings, and residents and office workers have to put up with the noise and traffic that airports generate. But, despite those drawbacks, more and more businesses feel the need to be near a runway
runway взл¸тно-посадочная полоса; aerotropolis «аэротрополия» (ср.: metropolis); to spawn создавать; proximity близость; aeropolitan относя­щийся к крупному аэропорту (ср.: metropolitan); marketing pitch to bu- sinesses постоянное торговое место для фирм.
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Unit Four
Ex. 10. Read the following text and speak on: (a) the traffic problems
in American fast-growing cities; (b) possible ways out of this
situation; (c) traffic problems the provinces may face in many other
countries.
The western half of America contains most of its fastest-growing cities; but the sprawl also causes problems. One is resentment against oversized McMansions. But the main bugbear for most people is traffic. Can cities build around the car find a better way to organize themselves? Consider the very different approaches of two of the new West’s main entrep
^ts — Phoenix and Denver.
Both are growing at a staggering rate. Since 1960 the population of the greater Phoenix area has grown from 664,000 to 3.6 million, an average of 47% in each decade. The population of the Denver metropolitan area has risen to 2.6 million, an increase of over 8% since 2000. Inevitably, that means snarled rush-hour traffic. The number-crunchers at the Texas Transportation Institute reckon that in 2003 the average commuter on Denver’s roads suffered congestion delays of 51 hours, the 13th-worst in the
TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATIONS
country. In Phoenix the hold-ups and traffic crawls were almost as bad: 49 hours in 2003, or 18th-worst.
As their rankings imply, Denver and Phoenix still do relatively well compared with many big cities on the east coast or in chaotic California. But that does not stop their residents, many of whom left places like Los Angeles-Long Beach or San Francisco-Oakland, complaining about it.
Denver’s solution is the bolder. New roads, such as the 47-mile (76 km) E-470 tollway, which opened in 2003 along the eastern edge of the Denver region, will form a beltway — 75% complete — to relieve congestion in the centre. By the end of next year, the T-Rex scheme, budgeted at $1.7 billion, will have added extra lanes along the 1—25 and 1—225 freeways.
But the main focus is light rail. T-Rex will stretch 19 miles of new double-track light rail from the Denver city centre to the metro region’s south-eastern border. By 2016, a $4.7 billion project known as FasTracks will add another 119 miles of light and commuter rail and some 18 miles of rapid transit by bus. These new lines will curl out from Denver’s Union Station like the legs of an octopus, linking up with existing bus services and giving commuters a mass transit alternative to the clogged lanes of the 1—25 or US-36.
FasTracks, say its boosters, will be the biggest “build out” of a mass transit system since Washington, DC, began its Metro system in 1976. The aim of FasTracks is not just to ease traffic congestion, but to change the shape of the city. Each station will be the centre of various commercial and residential developments; Union Station will, in the ghastly jargon of urban planning, become a multi-modal hub for everything from buses and heavy rail to the “downtown circulator” that shuttles passengers around the tourist-friendly 16th Street Mall. Instead of simply sprawling ever farther across the mile-high plains, Denver would bring its population closer together.
Pie in the planning sky? Sceptics foresee parking problems at the stations. They also worry that car drivers will ignore light rail (as in Los Angeles) and that the hoped-for offices, hotels and apartments along the FasTracks routes just won’t happen. All the same, 58% of metro Denver’s voters agreed to back FasTracks with a 0.4 cent sales tax.
For Denver, this is something of a return to its past. Founded in the 19th-century mining boom, it still has roots in the age of
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rail: witness Union Station and the passenger and freight trains that roll in and out of the city. By contrast, Phoenix lost its passenger train service in 1996, making it possibly the world’s largest urban centre without a rail connection for residents. It is a car city — and seems keen to remain so.
In theory, a determined Phoenician could get just about anywhere in the area by public transport. In practice, they made only 12.7 bus trips each in 2002, compared with 37.1 transit trips for the average Denverite (and 28.4 for the average American). Phoenix’s voters, by approving a 20-year extension for the half-cent sales tax devoted to transport, are also investing in a light-rail system — but just 20 miles of it, to be laid by the end of 2008, plus another 38 to be finished by 2026.
By contrast, the city’s main strategy is to lay tarmac. It plans to add 1,328 new lane-miles to its 2,000 mile freeway system over the next 20 years, after adding 982 new lane-miles over the past two decades.
Who is taking the right course? At first sight, Phoenix would seem to have public sentiment on its side. Given a choice, most Americans, especially those in the west, prefer the car, with its promise of comfort, f lexibility and freedom. Denver, though smaller than Phoenix, also has the greater problem to solve: longer rush-hours, more congestion and more wasted time and fuel per traveller. According to the Texas Transportation Institute, its congestion cost per peak-time traveller in Denver was $865 in 2003, compared with $831 in Phoenix.
On the other hand, the centre of Denver is already a more vibrant place than Phoenix — and that gulf is likely to grow. Officials in Phoenix talk bravely of new construction along Central Avenue, which has seen no new high-rise office building since 1991, and of linking the downtown eastward to the university quarter in Tempe. But it looks half-hearted.
Denver’s dreams may come to nothing. But Phoenix risks becoming a second Los Angeles — another car-choked city that could never really bring itself to believe in public transport
Unit Four
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bugbear пугало; entropôts [!ɔntrəpou] склад (для транзитных грузов); number-cruncher сверхбыстродействующий вычислительный комплекс; beltway кольцевая автодорога; light rail «л¸гкая» железная дорога,
«л¸гкое» наземное метро; сторонник; multi-modal hub центр смешанного сообщения, транспорт-
óctopus спрут, осьминог; booster горячий
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íûé óçåë; circulator транспорт, курсирующий по круговому маршру ту; pie in the sky журавль в небе; tarmac гудронированное (гудрон ное) шоссе.
Ex. 11. Read and discuss the following text. Try to remember similar
events which occurred in other countries.
Farmers in the mid-west are having a rotten year. First, a drought shrunk corn ears and hurt alfalfa, though a few droplets of August rain helped salvage soyabeans. Then came the hurricanes. No sooner were New Orleans’s docks back up after Katrina than Rita tore through the Gulf, battering more barges and closing coastal waterways again.
Ports across the region are limping back to life, but slowly. The Port of New Orleans, one of America’s busiest, is still operating at about 30% of its normal capacity, as measured by ship arrivals. The port at Lake Charles, a Louisiana town that is America’s biggest export centre for bagged rice, finally got off generator power last week. Wheat has been slow getting out of Beaumont, a Texas port hard-hit by Rita.
Upriver, the problem is a lack of barges, which has caused transport costs to soar. Barges are simply not available north of St Louis. There, prices for soyabeans have dropped about $1.80, or 27%, a bushel and corn about 70 cents (33%) a bushel since early August.
The awful weather has exposed the other infrastructure problems plaguing the Mississippi. America relies on its waterways to move everything from oil and coal to chemicals and salt. Some 60% of all grain exports go down the Mississippi. But the drought, now several years old, has caused barges to scrape the bottom. Missouri’s two senators wrote to the president last month to request the Army Corps of Engineers, which handles these things, to “release supplemental f lows” from the Missouri river into the Mississippi. They said that barges were 20% lighter and traveling 25% slower than usual.
There is a third, even thornier matter: the run-down locks on the upper Mississippi. Many of these date back to the New Deal. They are too short for today’s massive tows, which consist of about 15 barges bound together (30 on the lock-less lower Mississippi). The barges must be broken up to get through. This costs time and money. Sometimes the locks break.
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Before Katrina struck, the House of Representatives voted overwhelmingly to authorise $1.8 billion to be spent to create seven new locks, which will be double the size of the old ones. Another $235 million would upgrade more upstream locks. More still would be spent on river conservation. The Water Resources Development Act is now in the Senate. Its sponsor, the senior senator from Missouri, says that more items may be added in response to Katrina.
All told, this would be one of America’s most expensive river projects. Greens say it is a boondoggle that would wrongly prop up a dying industry. Water quality would suffer, wildlife would lose more habitat and underwater plants would be smothered — all for saving a few dozen hours on a trip that takes a couple of weeks. And agricultural shipping down the Mississippi has been falling anyway: volume through the Port of South Louisiana fell by one-fifth between 1999 and 2004.
Meanwhile, in the wake of Katrina, many mid-westerners are worrying once again about the mighty river that sustains them. Even in the current drought, the waters that are now squeezed by sandbars could spill over their banks next spring. A certain degree of f looding is expected; but many locals remember the Great Flood of 1993, when people who lived as much as ten miles from the river found it f lowing through their kitchens. The Corps of Engineers recently announced that the 11 miles of flood wall protecting St Louis are still damaged. They may not be able to withstand another f lood as high as that of 1993.
And for the really spooked there is an even bigger worry. During the winter of 1811—1812 the New Madrid fault zone in southern Missouri experienced a series of earthquakes more powerful than any in California. The shock made church bells ring in Virginia and Boston, and the Mississippi river briefly ran backwards. Back then, of course, the region was barely populated (by Europeans, at any rate). Today a tremor of similar magnitude would devastate St Louis, Memphis and everything in between
Unit Four
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alfalfa [l!flfə] люцерна; to batter взламывать, плющить (металл); barge баржа; to plague [pleig] мучить, докучать; lock øëþç; tow [tou]
буксировка; буксирный караван; boondoggle заниматься пустым, бес смысленным делом; to prop up поддерживать; to smother [!sm шить, подавить; Corps [k spooked пугливый, напуганный.
ɔ:, pl :z] of Engineers инженерные войска;
ðə] çàäó
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TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATIONS
Ex. 12. Read the following text and try to think of (a) any cases of
piracy in the ocean; (b) reasons for maritime accidents mentioned
in the text or any other accidents, if you know.
There are 40,000 ships plying the oceans, most of them crewed by the world’s poor, owned by shadowy offshore companies and flying f lags of convenience. These ships carry almost all the raw materials and finished products on which our land lives are built. They embody global capital and trade, and they represent free enterprise at its freest. Yet they extract a huge price: polluting shipwrecks; fatal accidents; piracy; and the deadly threat of maritime terrorism.
Speaking about the dangers inherent in the freedom of the seas, it is necessary to point out the helplessness of American officials who believe that a large-scale maritime terrorist attack currently poses the most serious threat to their national security. It is quite obvious that the US Coast Guard’s 50,000 employees are no match for the 60,000 calls made at American ports each year by ocean-going ships, many of which have crews from troubled parts of the world who necessarily bypass standard immigration procedures. These vessels are stacked high with containers whose contents it is impossible to scan or inspect.
On the high seas the vessels face industrial-scale piracy. Gangs of organized, armed and ruthless pirates, operating mostly in the South China Sea (including the waters of Indonesia and the Philippines), earn a living by hijacking entire ships, killing or marooning their crews, and changing the vessels’ identity in mid-ocean by renaming and repainting them while under-way. The “phantom” ship then enters a port as a legitimate vessel and sells its stolen cargo before picking up new freight and disappearing again.
There are many examples of maritime accidents: several thousand sailors who died during the 1990s alone; the wrecking of the oil tankers Exxon Valdez and Amoco Cadiz, and the environmental destruction that followed; the sinking of the ferry Estonia in the Baltic with the loss of over 850 lives; and, in December 1987, the modern world’s worst accident at sea, a fire on an overcrowded Filipino ferry that killed 4,375 people, including 1,000 children. In India, 183 filthy and dangerous ship-breaking yards employ thousands of impoverished workers to dismantle around half of the 700 ships that reach the end of their life each year.
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No wonder that the ocean can descend into such chaos in practice if the system of f lags of convenience makes tiny Panama and land-locked Bolivia significant maritime nations, if numerous unenforceable regulations generated by the United Nations’ International Maritime Organization, based in London, create certain difficulties in governing the ocean and its users.
Despite such well-intentioned regulations and the wish of the world to make the ocean a safer place, the anarchic chaos remains. The outlaw sea — spanning three-quarters of the surface of the globe — remains the last true wilderness on earth
to ply (the oceans) бороздить (океаны), курсировать, сновать (о судах); to fly a flag of convenience плавать под чужим флагом; shipwrecks îá
ломки судов; inherent [in!hi обходить; to stack складывать в штабель; to maroon 1. высаживать на необитаемом острове 2. покидать, оставлять в безвыходном положе нии; chaos [kei
Ex. 13. Read the following text and exchange opinions on the future
of telephony. Say whether you share the idea that the internet
really killed the phone business.
əs] õàîñ; anarchic [!nɑ:kik] анархический.
ərənt] присущий, свойственный; to bypass
The term “disruptive technology” is popular, but is widely misused. It refers not simply to a clever new technology, but to one that undermines an existing technology — and which therefore makes life very difficult for the many businesses which depend on the existing way of doing things. Twenty years ago, the personal computer was a classic example. It swept aside an older mainframe-based style of computing, and eventually brought IBM, one of the world’s mightiest firms at the time, to its knees. This week has been a coming-out party of sorts for another disruptive technology, “voice over internet protocol” (VOIP), which promises to be even more disruptive, and of even greater benefit to consumers, than personal computers.
VOIP’s leading proponent is Skype, a small firm whose software allows people to make free calls to other Skype users over the internet, and very cheap calls to traditional telephones — all of which spells trouble for incumbent telecoms operators. In September, eBay, the leading online auction-house, announced that it was buying Skype for $26 billion, plus an additional $1.5 billion if Skype hits certain performance targets in coming years.
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Unit Four
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TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATIONS
This seems a vast sum to pay for a company that has only $60 million in revenues and has yet to turn a profit. Yet eBay was not the only company interested in buying Skype. Perhaps it, rather like some overexcited bidder in one of its own auctions, has paid too much. The company says it plans to use Skype’s technology to make it easier for buyers and sellers to communicate, and to offer new “click to call” advertisements, but many analysts are sceptical that eBay is the best owner of Skype. Whatever the merits of the deal, however, the fuss over Skype in recent weeks has highlighted the significance of VOIP, and the enormous threat it poses to incumbent telecoms operators.
For the rise of Skype and other VOIP services means nothing less than the death of the traditional telephone business, established over a century ago. Skype is merely the most visible manifestation of a dramatic shift in the telecoms industry, as voice calling becomes just another data service delivered via high-speed internet connections. Skype, which has over 54 million users, has received the most attention, but other firms routing calls partially or entirely over the internet have also signed up millions of customers.
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***
The ability to make free or almost-free calls over a fast internet connection fatally undermines the existing pricing model for telephony. “We believe that you should not have to pay for making phone calls in future, just as you don’t pay to send e-mail”, says Skype’s founder. That means not just the end of distance and time-based pricing — it also means the slow death of the trillion-dollar voice telephony market, as the marginal price of making phone calls heads inexorably downwards.
VOIP makes possible more than just lower prices, however. It also means that, provided you have a broadband connection, you can choose from a number of providers of VOIP telephony and related add-on services, such as voicemail, conference calling or video. Many providers allow a VIOP account to be associated with a traditional telephone number — or with multiple numbers. So you can associate a San Francisco number, a New York number and a London number with your computer or VOIP phone — and then be reached via a local call by anyone in any of those cities.
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Furthermore, your phone (or computer) will ring wherever you are in the world, as soon as it is plugged into the internet. So you can take your Madrid number with you to Mumbai, or your San Francisco number to Shanghai. Skype and other VOIP services, in other words, are leading to lower prices, more choice and greater f lexibility. It is great news for consumers — but terrible for telecoms operators. What can they do?
***
As is always the case with a disruptive technology, the incumbents it threatens are dividing into those who are trying to block the new technology in the hope that it will simply go away, and those who are moving to embrace it even though it undermines their existing businesses. Since VOIP will cause revenue from voice calls to wither away, the most vulnerable operators are those that are most dependent on such revenue.
In particular, that means mobile operators, which have been struggling for years to get their subscribers to spend more on data services, but are still hugely dependent on voice. Worse, the very “third generation” (3G) networks that are supposed to provide future growth for these firms could now undermine them, because such networks make mobile VOIP possible too. Least vulnerable, by contrast, are those fixed-line operators that are now building new neworks based on internet technology, which will enable such firms to benefit from the greater efficiency and lower cost of VOIP compared with traditional telephony.
These operators are taking an “if you can’t beat ’em, join ’em” approach and getting into the VOIP business. While their voice revenues will slowly evaporate, they will then be well placed to offer fee-based add-on services over their new networks. Again, this is a common pattern with disruptive technologies: forward-looking incumbents can end up giving upstart innovators a run for their money.
It is now no longer a question of whether VOIP will wipe out traditional telephony, but a question of how quickly it will do so. People in the industry are already talking about that day, perhaps only five years away, when telephony will be a free service offered as part of a bundle of services as an incentive to buy other things such as broadband access or pay-TV services. VOIP, in short, is completely reshaping the telecoms landscape.
Unit Four
TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATIONS
And that is why so many people have been making such a fuss over Skype — a small company, yes, but one that symbolises
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a massive shift for a trillion-dollar industry
disruptive разрушительный; mainframe-computer мэйнфрейм, большая ЭВМ; incumbent должностное лицо; bidder участник торгов (предлага ющий высокую цену); broadband connection широкополосная связь; wither away снижаться.
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Ex. 14. Debate on the following topics. Keep the conversation going in
a round table framework.
1. Transport in world economy.
2. The world’s biggest airlines and their routes (British, American,
Italian, Russian, etc.).
3. Automobile in the life of contemporary (rural, urban) dwellers.
4. City transport and its problems.
5. New projects of transport and communications systems.
6. The basic forms of communications.
7. A telecommunications system.
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