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Even as adults, our childhood memories aren’t immune to false implants.
iStock.com/michellegibson
This result is easy to find—for studies using false personal events before age 10 (Brewin & Andrews, 2017). Brewin and Andrews argue that experiments on the implantation of false personal memories are therefore somewhat problematic. Overall, the experiments are homogeneous, tend to be about personal experiences (e.g., your eighth birthday), and rest on plausibility (such as the likelihood of the event), who says the event occurred (an experimenter, or your mother), or proof of the event (some experiments have provided a photo of the false memory). Is it fair to argue that illusory memories are easy to implant when the phenomenon has not been thoroughly studied for nonpersonal events across a wider range of ages and when fake evidence in support of the false memory is provided? We know that presenting people with fake evidence can even mislead people to confess to a crime they know they did not commit. Thus, is fake evidence from a deeply trusted source a fair addition to illusory memory studies? Brewin and Andrews (2017) review suggests that even with such compelling evidence, only a minority of participants seem to be fooled into believing the false childhood memories are true, and the size of the effects is small. Regardless, we’ll learn that these studies are unsettling for what they imply about the memories of childhood abuse that adults sometimes “recover” while in therapy.
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY LEARNING OBJECTIVES
Consider the research on autobiographical memory and apply it to your own life.
Determine why our memories for even the most personal events are at risk. Describe the variables that makes some experiences particularly vivid and
enduring.
Define childhood amnesia, and tell why it occurs.
Personal experience memories aren’t just at risk when fake evidence is presented. Suppose you were to sit down to write about your personal experiences. What would you say? What stands out in your mind? Would your reports of the past be accurate or distorted in some way? To answer these kinds of questions, psychologist Marigold Linton (1982) kept an extensive diary and later used it to test her memory for the events of her life. Every day for six years, she wrote the date on one side of an index card and a description of something that happened to her. In all, the diary contained 5,000 entries—some important, others trivial. Once a month, Linton pulled 150 cards at random from her file and tried to recall the events and date them correctly. Like Ebbinghaus, she found that as time passed, her personal memories took longer to recall, were harder to date, and were less detailed—but that, right from the start, this fading occurred at a slower rate. More recently, two psychologists kept personal diaries for seven months and were then tested by colleagues who asked about events that were in the diaries and nonevents that seemed plausible but did not occur. The subjects knew in advance that items would be fabricated for the test, yet they still made several false recollections (Conway, Collins, Gatheicole, & Anderson, 1996).
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Many cognitive psychologists have recently traded in their nonsense syllables to study autobiographical memory—the recollections people have of the events and experiences that have touched their lives (Koppel & Bernsten, 2014; Lemesle, Planton, Pagès, & Pariente, 2017; Söderlund et al., 2014). There are two key questions about these memories: (a) What aspects of our own past do we tend to preserve—and what are we likely to forget? (b) Are we generally accurate in our mental time travel, or does memory alter as we age or experience neurological changes?
autobiographical memory. The recollections people have of their own personal experiences and observations.
What Events Do People Remember?
When people are prompted to recall their own experiences, they typically report more events that are recent than are from the distant past. There are two consistent exceptions to this rule. The first is that older adults retrieve an unusually large number of personal memories from their adolescence and early adulthood years (Fitzgerald, 1988; Jansari & Parkin, 1996; Steiner, Pillemer, Thomsen, & Minigan, 2013; Westerhof & Bohlmeijer, 2014). This “reminiscence peak” may occur because these early years are busy and formative in one’s life. William Mackavey et al. (1991) analyzed the autobiographies written by 49 eminent psychologists and found that their most important life experiences tended to be concentrated between the ages of 18 and 35.
A second exception to the recency rule is that people are quick to remember transitional “firsts.” Think about your college career. What events immediately pop to mind—and when did these events occur? Did you come up with the day you arrived on campus or the first time you met your closest friend? What about notable classes, exams, parties, or sports events? When David Pillemer and his colleagues (1996) asked college juniors and seniors to recount the most memorable experiences of their first year, 32 percent of all recollections were from the transitional month of September. And when graduated college alumni were given the same task, they too cited a disproportionate number of events from the opening two months of their first year—followed, interestingly, by the next major transitional period, the last month of their senior year (illustrated in Figure 6.24).
Description
Figure 6.24 Memorable Transitions Source: Adapted from Pillemer, D., Picariello, M., Law, A., & Reichman, J. (1996). Memories of college: The importance of specific educational episodes. In D. Rubin (Ed.), Remembering our Past: Studies in Autobiographical Memory (pp. 318-338). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511527913.013
Obviously, not all experiences leave the same impression, and some dates are etched in memory for a lifetime. What information will most likely be remembered is influenced by a number of factors. One factor is gender (Grysman, Fivush, Merrill, & Graci, 2016; Grysman & Hudson, 2013; Nahari & Pazuelo, 2015). For example, women use more details when describing events (Grysman et al., 2016; Nahari & Pazuelo, 2015), remember more basic facts (Grysman et al., 2016), and have a better memory for emotional content (Bohanek & Fivush, 2010) than men. Why does
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this difference exist? The socialization hypothesis emphasizes that the gender roles and stereotypes one is raised with contributes to how autobiographical memory skills develop. The female role accentuates relationships, and the male role accentuates personal success and strength (Grysman & Hudson, 2013). With such an emphasis on others, it is possible that those who identify as females—and those who score high on feminine gender identity—simply learn to better encode information that seems to be relevant to the interaction and not just themselves. Compère and colleagues (2018) tested this hypothesis and found that gender identity—not biological sex—was the better predictor of autobiographical memory performance. This supports Grysman and Hudson’s (2013) suggestion that using the male and female binary variable when measuring memory performance is not the best practice.
Another factor in memory longevity is the uniqueness of the event. Linton (1982) found that unique events were easy to recall but that routines were quickly forgotten. Among college students, Rubin and Kozin (1986) found that some of the clearest memories were births, deaths, weddings, accidents, injuries, sports events, romantic encounters, vacations, and graduations. Schrauf and Rubin (2001) had older Latinx adults narrate their life stories and found that they produced the most recollections from the ages at which they left home and immigrated to the United States. Clearly, special events serve as autobiographical landmarks—reference points that we use to organize our personal memories (Shum, 1998).
Some events in our lives are so vivid that they seem to occupy a particularly special status in memory. For instance, think about where you were when the announcement was made that Donald Trump was elected president. Hirst (2016) believes that no matter your political leanings, the Trump election most likely resulted in a flashbulb memory. Brown and Kulik (1977) coined the term flashbulb memories to describe enduring, detailed, “high-resolution” recollections and speculated that humans are biologically equipped for survival purposes to “print” the most dramatic events in memory (as you may recall, physiological arousal releases hormones that can enhance memory). Since the coining of the term, research has demonstrated that flashbulb memories are not as perfect as once believed. In 2009, a group of 17 memory researchers published a study about those who had flashbulb memories of 9/11 (Hirst et al., 2009). The participants were tested for their recollection of events on three separate occasions—one week, 11 months, or 35 months after the attack. The results demonstrated that memories were not consistently clear, as a decline in accuracy occurred. Memory for emotional reactions suffered the most. However, the decline in memory accuracy began to stabilize after one year. What did remain fairly consistent between recollection assessments were confidence levels. This finding supported work completed by Talarico and Rubin (2007) that argues that flashbulb memories are not incredibly accurate, but those who have them report incredible confidence in those memories, nonetheless.
flashbulb memories. Highly vivid and enduring memories, typically for events that are dramatic and emotional.
Although flashbulb memories aren’t perfect, those events aren’t completely lost to us. On the contrary, there is a period of life that does seem entirely lost. Think back to your earliest memory. It probably was not the sight of the doctor’s hands in the delivery room, or the first time you waved, or even the first step you took as a toddler. An intriguing aspect of autobiographical memory is that most people generally cannot recall anything that happened before the age of 3 years (Dudycha & Dudycha, 1941; Rubin, 1996). In one study, for example, Pillemer and others (1994) interviewed preadolescent children about a fire drill evacuation they had experienced in preschool. Those who were 4 and 5 years old when the incident occurred were able to recall it 7 years later; those who were 3 at the time could not. This memory gap, which is common, is known as childhood amnesia.
childhood amnesia. The inability of most people to recall events from before the age of 3 or 4.
Why should this be? One possibility is that the forgetting is caused by the passage of time and by interference from later experiences. The problem with this explanation is that a college student may be unable to recall events from 18 years ago, but 35-year-olds can easily recall their college days after the same amount of time. Other explanations include the notions that young children lack the conceptual framework or self-concept for organizing information to be stored (Howe & Courage,
1993); that young children aren’t good at correctly reporting how long ago a memory occurred, which thus biases the data (Wang & Peterson, 2014); and that the development of autobiographical memory is influenced by social factors—such as the
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extent to which parents reminisce about the past with their young children (Bauer & Larkina, 2014).
Do early memories exist? It’s hard to say. Some researchers have found that adults can recall certain critical events—moving, the birth of a sibling, being hospitalized, and the death of a family member—from the age of 2 years, suggesting that there are exceptions to the rule (Usher & Neisser, 1993). Others caution that these reports may not be based on firsthand memories but, rather, on stories told by parents, photographs, and other external sources (Eacott & Crawley, 1998; Loftus, 1993b). Still others maintain that people may have partial, implicit memories of the early years. One way to trigger these implicit memories is through music (Janata, Tomic, & Rakowski, 2007; Krumhansl & Zupnick, 2013). Janata and colleagues (2007) exposed college students to top Billboard hits that were popular from 1955 to 2009, to cover both the songs their parents most likely played and the songs the college students heard during their own lifetimes. Songs that were recognizable, liked, and ignited happy and energetic feelings were correlated with autobiographical memory recall (illustrated in Figure 6.25). Older songs had a tendency to spark nostalgia. As stated by Krumhansl and Zupnick (2013), “music heard during childhood, likely reflecting the tastes of previous generations, would make a lasting impression on children’s autobiographical memories, preferences and emotional responses” (p. 2067). The next time you are in the car, turn your radio to the classic rock station and see if any of the notes or lyrics you hear light up a fond childhood memory.
Description
Figure 6.25 Classic Song Recognition Source: Krumhansl CL, Zupnick JA. Cascading Reminiscence Bumps in Popular Music. Psychological Science. 2013;24(10):2057-2068. doi:10.1177/0956797613486486
Thinking Like a Psychologist About Memory
Human memory is often a subject of controversy. In this chapter, we’ve seen that people can accurately recall faces, names, music lyrics, skills such as riding a bike, high-impact world events, and personal experiences that stretch deep into their past. Cognitive psychologists have thus likened the human mind to a computer in which information is encoded, stored, and retrieved faithfully on demand. Within this model, researchers have sought to trace the flow of information as it is processed, and in doing so they have distinguished among fleeting sensory memory, short-term working memory, and the somewhat permanent storage systems of long-term memory.
At the same time that cognitive psychologists marveled at our information­processing capacities, they also found that our memory is limited, flawed, and biased —as when we forget a phone number we just looked up or misidentify an innocent person as the criminal in a lineup. What’s more, it’s now clear that memory is an active and constructive process—and that we sometimes unwittingly develop “memories” that are completely false, often to feel better or boost our self-esteem. Our gender identity also contributes to what we do and do not remember. Those who identify as female—and those who score high on feminine gender identity—are better at encoding information that is important to their interactions with others. Individual
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differences affect our attention. Therefore, we must keep in mind that human memory is not perfect. Commenting on this two-headed portrait of human memory as simultaneously competent and flawed, Schacter (1996) reminds us that “the computer is a retriever of information but not a rememberer of experiences” (p. 37).
SUMMARY
An Information-Processing Model
Cognitive psychologists view memory as an information-processing system. Sensory memory stores sensations for a brief moment. Those that draw attention
are transferred to short-term memory (STM), and those that are further encoded are stored in long-term memory (LTM).
The Sensory Register
The sensory register is the first step in the information-processing system.
Iconic Memory
The visual system stores images called icons in iconic memory. Using the partial-report technique, Sperling found that many items initially register in consciousness but that most last for only a fraction of a second before fading.
Echoic Memory
The auditory system stores sounds in echoic memory. Echoic memory holds only a few items but lasts 2 or 3 seconds, sometimes longer.
Short-Term Memory
Sensations that do not capture attention fade quickly, but those we notice are encoded (in visual, acoustic, or semantic terms) and transferred to short-term memory. People usually encode information in acoustic terms.
Capacity
Using a memory-span task, researchers found that short-term memory has a limited capacity. People can store seven items, plus or minus two. STM can be used more efficiently, however, if we group items into larger chunks, called chunking.
Duration
STM is also limited in the length of time it can hold information. Studies show that items are held in STM for up to 20 seconds. Through repetition or maintenance
rehearsal, however, input can be held for an indefinite period of time.
Functions of Short-Term Memory
STM contains new sensory input and material from long-term memory. The limits of STM are adaptive, enabling us to discard information that is no longer useful. STM is not just a passive storage depot but an active workspace referred to as working
memory. When people memorize a list of items, they exhibit the serial-position curve, whereby items from the beginning and end are recalled better than those in
the middle.
Long-Term Memory
LTM is a relatively enduring storage system that can hold vast amounts of information for long periods of time.
Encoding
To transfer input to LTM, it is best to use elaborative rehearsal—specifically, engaging in “deep” processing and associating the input with information already in LTM. Retention is also increased through overlearning (continued rehearsal after the material is mastered) and through practice spaced over time rather than crammed in all at once.
Storage
In LTM, information may be stored in semantic or visual form. In semantic coding, people store the meaning of verbal information, not just specific words. In fact, memories are stored in complex webs of association called semantic networks. In visual coding, people store input as mental pictures. Thus, the use of imagery, particularly when it is interactive and bizarre, improves memory.
There is more than one type of long-term memory. Procedural memory consists of learned habits and skills, whereas declarative memory consists of memories for facts about the world and about ourselves. Neuroscientists have sought to identify the
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physical traces of memory. In the case of H.M., the hippocampus was removed, producing anterograde amnesia, the inability to form new long-term memories (not retrograde amnesia, the inability to retrieve old memories from the past). Studies confirm that the hippocampus is involved in the encoding of information into long-term memory. Biochemically, the neurotransmitter acetylcholine plays a key role.
Retrieval
There are two basic techniques by which retrieval can be tested, and each assesses a different aspect of memory: explicit and implicit. Explicit memories are recollections consciously retrieved in response to direct questions. Implicit memories are nonconscious recollections that are indirectly measured by their effects on performance. This distinction is important because people may “forget” (have no explicit memory of) an experience and yet show the effects (have an implicit memory) of that experience.
In tests of explicit memory, people find it more difficult to produce a recollection in the form of free recall than recognition. Apparently, forgetting often occurs not because memory has faded but because the information is difficult to retrieve. Retrieval failure is indicated by the tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon and by the fact that memory is aided by retrieval cues. Research on encoding specificity indicates that any stimulus that is encoded along with an experience—including locations (which accounts for context-dependent memory) and internal states (which accounts for state-dependent memory)—can later jog memory of that experience.
Implicit tests uncover memories of which people are not aware by measuring their effects on performance. Many amnesia patients use material they cannot explicitly recall. As shown by the illusion of truth, unconscious transference in eyewitness testimony, and unconscious plagiarism, implicit memory is also common in everyday life.
Forgetting
Beginning with Ebbinghaus, researchers have found evidence for a specific forgetting curve in which there is an initial steep loss of retention, with the loss rate leveling off over time. Forgetting can result from a lack of encoding, physical decay, interference, or repression. There are two kinds of interference. In proactive
interference, prior information inhibits one’s ability to recall something new. In retroactive interference, new material disrupts memory for previously learned
information.
Reconstruction
Remembering is an active process in which people construct memories based on schemas, or preconceptions, and information from outside sources. Experiments by Loftus and others reveal that memory is also “reconstructive”—that after one observes an event, postevent input becomes integrated into the memory. When that information is false, the result is known as the misinformation effect. In other ways as well, false or illusory memories can be created.
Autobiographical Memory
Autobiographical memory consists of the recollections people have of their own
personal experiences. What aspects of our own past do we preserve? Are these memories accurate?
What Events Do People Remember?
People can best recall events from the recent rather than the distant past, though older adults report many memories from adolescence and early adulthood and people in general tend to recall transitional periods in their lives. For events that are particularly dramatic, people form flashbulb memories that are highly vivid and enduring—though accuracy tends to suffer as time passes. Most people report the inability to recall events from before the age of 3 or 4 years, a memory gap called
childhood amnesia.
Critical Thinking
Thinking Critically About Memory
1. Given what you have learned about memory, what strategies would you use to help you remember the information from this chapter? Why would those strategies be effective?
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2. What do psychologists mean when they say that memory is an active process?
3. Suppose you meet a person with damage to the hippocampus. What types of deficits, if any, would you expect this person to exhibit? Why?
4. Distinguish between explicit and implicit memory. How could one study implicit memory if people cannot report having such memories? Design a study that would allow you to assess implicit memory.
5. Speculate as to how you might determine the veracity of an allegedly “recovered” memory.
6. Hypothesize about the relative capacity and duration of tactile, olfactory, and gustatory memories. How could you go about testing these memory abilities?
Career Connection: Business
Human Resources Specialist
Human resources (HR) specialists are responsible for tasks related to employee relations, training, compensation, and benefits and are employed at all mid-sized and larger businesses and organizations. They’re involved in recruiting, screening, interviewing, and hiring new employees while also helping to guide existing employees through all HR-related procedures and policies.
Professionals in this role are often also tasked with some basic administrative duties, such as creating and managing benefit plans, processing payroll, and keeping employment records up to date. HR specialists are also responsible for ensuring every HR function is compliant with federal, state, and local regulations. Many companies require HR certification or continuing education, but the skills learned in psychology coursework will provide a valuable foundation for the field.
Key skills for this role that psychology students learn to develop:
Enhanced teamwork capacity Incorporation of sociocultural factors in scientific inquiry Interpersonal relationship development
Key Terms
anterograde amnesia (p. 229) autobiographical memory (p. 248) childhood amnesia (p. 250) chunking (p. 218) declarative memory (p. 227) echoic memory (p. 216) elaborative rehearsal (p. 224) encoding specificity (p. 233) explicit memory (p. 232) flashbulb memories (p. 249) forgetting curve (p. 239) free recall (p. 223) hippocampus (p. 229) iconic memory (p. 215) implicit memory (p. 232) information-processing model (p. 214) long-term memory (LTM) (p. 214) maintenance rehearsal (p. 220) memory (p. 214) misinformation effect (p. 245) proactive interference (p. 242) procedural memory (p. 227) recognition (p. 233) retroactive interference (p. 242) retrograde amnesia (p. 229) schemas (p. 244) semantic network (p. 228) sensory memory (p. 214) serial-position curve (p. 222) short-term memory (STM) (p. 214) working memory (p. 221)
Descriptions of Images and Figures
Back to Figure
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g
An author introduction reads as follows. Here is an array of letters like that used by Sperling. When subjects viewed this array for one-twentieth of a second and tried to name all the letters, they could recall only 4 or 5. But when signaled after the items to recall only one row, they were able to recall 3 or 4 letters per line, for an average of ten letters. The grid of letters features 3 rows of 4 letters, as follows.
1. Top row. Signaled by a high tone. K, S, M, R.
2. Middle row. Signaled by a medium tone. X, D, Q, G.
3. Lower row. Signaled by low tone. B, Z, O, H.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. How long does an iconic memory last?
Sperling varied the time between the letters and the tone signaling the row to be recalled. The iconic image started to fade after one-third of a second and vanished completely after one full second.
The delay in seconds is plotted on the X-axis, ranging from 0.15 seconds to 1
second. The percentage of correct answers is plotted against the Y-axis, with a range from zero to 100, at intervals of 10. The data points for the partial report condition involving tone signals, represented by a line chart on the graph, are presented in the following table.
The data points for the full report condition involving no signaling, represented by
a bar chart on the graph, are presented in the following table.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. To appreciate the limited capacity of
short-term memory, try this test. Read the top row of digits in Figure 6.3, one per second, then look away and repeat them back in order. Next, try the second row, the third row, and so on, until you make a mistake. The average person’s memory span can hold seven items of information.
The table contains 10 rows, and each row gets longer by 1 number. The set of
numbers is recreated in the following table.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. Study this arrangement of chess pieces
for 5 seconds. Then try to reproduce the arrangement as best you can on the empty board in Figure 6.10. Unless you are a highly experienced chess player, the number of pieces you can place in the correct squares should approximate the magical number seven.
The chess pieces are set up in the following positions.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. Musicians and non-musicians were
presented music familiarity tasks. During the tasks, they were scanned with a f, M, R, I to collect brain activation data. The f, M, R, I data demonstrated that musicians had more gray matter density in their hippocampi than did non-musicians. The data also demonstrated that the hippocampus was more involved in the task for musicians than for non-musicians.
The image on the left captures Functional Data. The image on the right captures
Structural Data.
The original article by Groussard et al states that a morphometric analysis
revealed higher gray matter density for musicians compared with non-musicians, but only in the left hippocampal head.
They conclude, for the first time, our study has identified functional differences
between musicians and non-musicians during a musical long-term memory task. This pattern of activation appears broadly to combine the neural networks involved in episodic and semantic memory. These functional brain differences indicate that when musicians hear familiar melodies, more perceptual and contextual details come to mind, linking autobiographical episodic memories with subjective recollection. In addition, we found structural brain differences in the hippocampus, an area classically devoted to memory processes. Our findings support the idea that musical training may be associated with the development of specific memory abilities, that could contribute to a greater cognitive reserve, which could reduce age-related decline in memory.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. What is the duration of short-term
memory? When subjects are kept from rehearsing material they are trying to recall, items stored in short-term memory vanish within 20 seconds.
The delay in seconds is plotted on the X-axis, with a range of zero to 18 seconds,
at intervals of 3 seconds. The percentage who recalled consonants is plotted against
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the Y-axis, with a range from zero to 100 per cent, at intervals of 10. The 6 estimated data points are presented in the following table.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. According to Cowan, the central
executive processor directs attention either inward toward long-term memory or outward toward the world. While driving, many stimuli are presented at once in the world. If a novel stimulus is sensed, like a new song you have never heard, then your attention helps direct that new song from sensory memory onward to long-term memory. There, short-term memory is activated so that you can focus on the information. Finally comes action. You might try to sing along and repeat the chorus over and over again—what is technically called maintenance rehearsal. Notice that the text message alert is also processed in short-term memory. Cowan believes that some information still gets coded and stored in long-term memory, even if we don’t pay much attention to it. But if we want to retrieve the information later, like the new song, attention is key. The stop sign you may or may not have obeyed is completely forgotten because it never made its way into long-term memory.
The diagram of the model consists of the following elements. A yellow box is labeled, Central Executive. The Central Executive is charged with
directing attention. Two arrows lead from the Central Executive. The first arrow leads to the left and is labeled Directed to the Outside World. The Central Executive directs attention to outside stimuli. The second arrow directs attention to the long-term memory storage.
3 stimuli are presented in the diagram. These are represented by curved arrows
positioned on the left of the diagram, as follows.
1. A new song.
2. A cellphone message.
3. A Stop sign. The new song and the cellphone message are processed by the Sensory Memory
Storage, which is represented by an orange box. The Central Executive directs the person’s attention to push the new song and the cellphone message from the Sensory Memory Storage to the Long-Term Memory Storage. The person’s focus is on the new song and the message, and this activates the short-term memory. Actions result from the focus in short-term memory. This is illustrated by a photograph of a woman singing as she drives her car.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. Subjects trying to memorize a list of
words were tested immediately or after 30 seconds of distraction. In the first group, subjects recalled the first and last few items the best, yielding the U-shape serial­position curve. In the delay group, however, there was no recency effect. After 30 seconds without rehearsal, subjects forgot the later items.
The Serial Position is plotted against the X-axis, with a range from 1 to 15
seconds, at intervals of 1 second. The Percentage correct are plotted against the Y­axis, with a range from zero to 70, at intervals of 10.
The blue data line represents the zero delay group and forms a U-shape. The red
data line represents the 30-second delay group and the line slowly declines.
The estimated data points are presented in the following table.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. Subjects read a long list of words and for
each word judged how it was printed, relating to the visual, how it sounded, relating to the acoustic, or what it meant, relating to the semantic. The more thought required to process the words, the easier they were to recognize later.
The 3 types of encoding, visual, acoustic, and semantic, are plotted against the X-
axis. The percentage who recognized the word is plotted against the Y-axis, with a range from zero to 100 per cent.
The data points are presented in the following table.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. When subjects visualized the left rather
than right side of this drawing, it took them longer to recall the flag. This result suggests that subjects scanned a mental image for the answer.
A line drawing of a small motorboat. The boat is facing to the right, with the stern
to the left. There is a flag positioned at the bow of the boat. The cabin is covered by a roof. A rudder is visible at the stern of the boat.
Back to Figure
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An author introduction reads as follows. According to semantic-network theories,
memories are linked in a complex web of associations. The shorter the link between items, the more likely it is that the retrieval of one item will trigger that of the other.
The node-link network diagram is formed from the following 22 elements. Each
are listed as follows with their connection. Each node is represented by a labeled circle.
The Street node links to the following 6 elements.
1. Vehicle. Long link.
2. Car. Short link.
3. Ambulance. Medium link.
4. Truck. Long link.
5. Bus. Long link.
6. Fire Engine. Long link. The Car node links to the following 5 elements.
1. Vehicle. Medium link.
2. Truck. Short link.
3. Ambulance. Short link.
4. Fire Engine. Short link.
5. Bus. Medium link. The Ambulance node links to the following 5 elements.
1. Street. Medium link.
2. Car. Short link.
3. Truck. Medium link.
4. Fire Engine. Medium link.
5. Vehicle. Long link. The Fire Engine node links to the following 9 elements.
1. House. Medium link.
2. Ambulance. Medium link.
3. Car. Medium link.
4. Bus. Medium link.
5. Vehicle. Medium link.
6. Truck. Short link
7. Red. Short link.
8. Fire. Short link.
9. House. Medium link. The Truck node links to the following 6 elements.
1. Car. Short link.
2. Fire Engine. Short link.
3. Vehicle. Short link.
4. Bus. Short link.
5. Ambulance. Medium link.
6. Street. Long link. The Vehicle node links to the following 6 elements.
1. Bus. Short link.
2. Truck. Short link.
3. Fire Engine. Medium link.
4. Car. Medium link.
5. Street. Long link.
6. Ambulance. Long link. The Bus node links to the following 5 elements.
1. Vehicle. Short link.
2. Truck. Short link.
3. Fire Engine. Medium link.
4. Car. Medium link.
5. Street. Long link. The Red node links to the following 10 elements.
1. Fire. Short link.
2. Apples. Short link.
3. Cherries. Short link.
4. Roses. Short link.
5. Orange. Short link,
6. Green. Short link.
7. Yellow. Medium link.
8. Sunrises. Medium link.
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