Добавил:
Sekretar
kiopkiopkiop18@yandex.ru
t.me/Prokururor I Вовсе не секретарь, но почту проверяю
Опубликованный материал нарушает ваши авторские права? Сообщите нам.
Вуз:
Предмет:
Файл:Ординатура / Хирургия / Библиотека им академика М.И. Перельмана / Книга_27_библиотеки_им_акад_М_И_Перельмана
.pdf
dialects are taken into account, tens of thousands of variations can be distinguished
further. It’s amazing how different many languages seem on the surface. To
appreciate this point, consider the top 10 most spoken languages in the world
(Babbel, 2018): Mandarin Chinese, Spanish, English, Hindi, Arabic, Portuguese,
Bengali, Russian, Japanese, and Punjabi/Lahnda. Despite the differences, however,
linguists are quick to note that from a Martian’s perspective, all humans speak with a
single tongue. The reason is that all languages share certain universal properties:
semanticity, generativity, and displacement.
semanticity. The property of language that accounts for the communication of
meaning.
At a produce market in Hong Kong, shoppers converse in Chinese—the most
widely spoken language in the world.
iStock.com/danielvfung
Semanticity
The smallest units of speech are phonemes, the basic sounds, or building blocks,
of all spoken languages. Each separate sound you hear when you pronounce the
word unthinkable is one phoneme. English has 26 letters, but 40 to 45 phonemes.
The word tip has three phonemes: t, i, and p; so do the words ship (sh, i, and p) and
chip (ch, i, and p). Linguists estimate that human beings are physiologically capable
of producing 100 basic sounds. No one language uses all of them, however. Most
contain between 28 and 80 phonemes. English speakers say s and z differently. In
Spanish, they’re one and the same. As a result of such differences in vocal
experience, people sometimes struggle to pronounce the phonemes of other
languages. For example, many Americans struggle to roll the German r or cough up
the guttural ch sound of Arabic.
phonemes. The basic, distinct sounds of a spoken language.
A string of randomly connected phonemes does not convey sound that is
meaningful. The smallest unit that carries meaning is called a morpheme. Words,
prefixes, and suffixes are all morphemes. Every word has one or more morphemes.
Simple words like dog, run, and think contain one. The word unthinkable has three
morphemes—the prefix un-, the root word think, and the suffix -able—and each adds
to the total meaning of the word. The average American high school graduate knows
about 45,000 different words, and the average college graduate has a vocabulary that
is nearly twice that size (Miller, 1991). It is quite remarkable that human beings are
able to master a full language vocabulary so well, and so quickly, given that most
word sounds are unrelated to meaning. There is no reason why a cat is called a c-a-t
as opposed to a d-o-g. It just happens to be that way. There are exceptions to this
rule, as some words do resemble the sounds they signify (such as bang, crack, and
oink).
morphemes. In language, the smallest units that carry meaning (e.g., prefixes,
root words, suffixes).
Combinations of morphemes become the building blocks for phrases, groups of
words that act as a unit to convey meaning. Take this quote by author Joseph Heller,
“When I grow up, I want to be a little boy.” In this quote, the words “When I grow up”
and “I want to be a little boy” are both phrases. Morphemes and phrases are then
combined into larger units we call sentences. A sentence is an organized sequence
https://t.me/medicina_free
of words that expresses a thought, a statement of fact, a proposition, an intention, a
request, or a question. Most English sentences contain 20 words or fewer. When
English sentences exceed that number of words, we often refer to it as a “run-on
sentence.” However, that doesn’t mean a hard rule exists for sentence length.
Jonathan Coe’s book Rotter’s Club contains a sentence that comprises 13,955
words.
phrase. A group of words that act as a unit to convey meaning. Phrases are
formed from combinations of morphemes.
sentence. An organized sequence of words that expresses a thought, a
statement of fact, a proposition, an intention, a request, or a question.
Each of these units can be combined to form meaning. To create a sentence, the
units must complete words that are organized sequentially.
iStock.com/THPStock
Generativity
A second property of language is generativity, the capacity it offers to use a finite
number of words and rules for combining words to produce an infinite variety of novel
expressions. Generativity gives language virtually unlimited flexibility as a system of
communication. Two features of human language enable this flexibility. The first is
that a phrase can always be added to the end of a sentence in order to form an
entirely new sentence. Thus, you could go from the sentence “I like psychology” to “I
like psychology this semester” to “I like psychology this semester, thanks to the
professor,” and so on. A second aspect of language that makes it flexible is that one
expression can always be inserted inside another. This makes possible the
construction of long, embedded sentences.
generativity. The property of language that accounts for the capacity to use a
limited number of words to produce an infinite variety of expressions.
If language is so generative that we can produce limitless numbers of novel
sentences, how are we able to comprehend each other as competently as we do?
The key to managing generativity is syntax, rules of grammar that govern how words
can be arranged in a sentence. Expressions are not random strings of unrelated
sounds but, rather, words that are combined in familiar and orderly ways. Every
language has its own unique syntax. For example, adjectives usually come before the
noun in English (white wine) but after the noun in Spanish (vino blanco). We’ll learn
later on in this chapter that children learn most of the rules of their language by the
age of 5, and they do so without explicit instruction. Hardly anyone can explain the
rules of grammar, yet most of us can instantly spot a statement that violates these
rules.
syntax. Rules of grammar that govern the arrangement of words in a sentence.
Displacement
A third property of language is displacement. Displacement refers to the fact that
language can be used to communicate about things that are not in our immediate
surroundings, matters that extend beyond the limits of the here-and-now. Thus, we
reminisce about the good old days, we talk about our hopes and dreams for the
future, we gossip about others behind their backs, and we discuss abstract ideas
concerning religion, politics, social justice, and love.
displacement. The property of language that accounts for the capacity to
communicate about matters that are not in the here-and-now.
https://t.me/medicina_free
Emergence of Language
Paralleling the changes that take place in the way children think is their
development of language, as summarized in Table 7.3. Between the ages of 1 and 6
years, children acquire a vocabulary that consists of an estimated 14,000 words, an
average of 9 words per day. They also learn to combine words in ways that fit
grammatical rules too complex for most of us to explain. What’s amazing about these
achievements is that children of all cultures absorb the words and grammar of
language without formal instruction. It just happens. As in cognitive development,
some children may speak sooner than others, but the sequence of achievements is
the same for all (Brown, 1973; McNeill, 1970; Rice, 1989).
Table 7.3
Developmental Sequence
Newborns communicate their needs by crying. In their second month, they also
use the tongue to make more articulated cooing sounds such as oh and ah. At about
4 months, babies begin playful babbling, vocalizing for the first time in ways that
sound like human speech—ah boo, da da, and ah gee. As with crying and cooing,
babbling is inborn. Regardless of whether the native language is English, French,
Spanish, German, Hebrew, or Swahili, babies all over the world initially make the
same sounds, including some they never hear at home (for example, the German ch
and the rolled r). Even babies who are born deaf and cannot hear speech babble
right on schedule.
babbling. Spontaneous vocalizations of basic speech sounds, which infants
begin at about 4 months of age.
Sometime near the first birthday, give or take 4 months, babies utter their first real
words. The sounds are brief and not clearly pronounced, but they communicate
meaning in the native tongue—for example, ba for bottle. For the next few months,
babies speak one-word utterances, and the number of words in their vocabulary
increases sharply (Woodward, Markman, & Fitzsimmons, 1994)—from 4 or 5 at 12
months, to 30 at 18 months, to 250 at 2 years. These utterances are not random.
Babies tend to name objects and actions that they desire (a bottle, favorite toys,
“more”), especially those that involve motion (cars, a pet dog)—an outcome that
Piaget would predict of a sensorimotor child (Nelson, 1973), as discussed in the
chapter on life span development.
At about 2 years of age, there is a vocabulary explosion, as children accumulate
hundreds of new words a year. At this point, children will pick up a new word they
encounter in conversation—even when they hear it only once or twice. For building a
vocabulary, it helps for young children to be spoken to. Observational research has
shown that toddlers whose mothers were more talkative, compared to those whose
mothers were less talkative, had 131 more words in their vocabularies at 20 months
and 295 more words at 2 years (Huttenlocher, Levine, & Vevea, 1998).
Another important development in language occurs when children begin to form
two- and three-word phrases. These early word combinations illustrate what is called
telegraphic speech because—as in telegrams, kept short for cost reasons—they
include only nouns, verbs, and some essential modifiers, yet make sense to the
listener (“More juice” for “I want more juice,” or “No sit chair” for “I don’t want to sit in a
chair”). It’s interesting that these primitive sentence forms contain the seeds of
grammar—“more juice” rather than “juice more,” for example. It’s also interesting that
the statements are often overextensions. For example, until different animals can be
distinguished, the 2-year-old who uses the word doggie to call the family pet will use
the same word about a cat, a horse, or a circus elephant. Language tells us a lot
about a child’s developing knowledge of the world.
https://t.me/medicina_free
telegraphic speech. The early short form of speech in which the child omits
unnecessary words—as telegrams once did (“More milk”).
By the age of 3 to 5 years, a child’s mind contains a small dictionary of words
ready to be used correctly. Although new words are learned without any explicit
thought or instruction, an enriched linguistic environment can accelerate the process.
For example, preschoolers who watch the educational TV show Sesame Street have
larger vocabularies than those who do not (Rice, Huston, Truglio, & Wright, 1990).
With increasing age, children construct longer and more complex sentences; learn to
use plurals, pronouns, past tense, and other rules of grammar; and begin to
appreciate puns and words with double meanings. At puberty, corresponding to the
onset of Piaget’s formal operational stage, children even come to appreciate abstract
metaphors—“like two ships passing in the night.”
When children are building a vocabulary, it is helpful to frequently speak to and
with them.
iStock.com/NicolasMcComber
Developmental Theories
No one disputes the stages of language development in children or the sequence
of those stages. But there are differences of opinion as to what it all means. One
issue in particular has been whether language develops as a result of nature, nurture,
or both. In 1957, behaviorist B. F. Skinner wrote a book entitled Verbal Behavior, in
which he argued that children learn to speak the way animals learn to run mazes.
They associate objects and words, imitate adults, and repeat phrases that are met by
social reinforcement. Through trial and error, for example, a baby of English-speaking
parents learns to repeat the babbling sounds that excite mom and dad but not foreign
sounds that leave them cold.
Certainly, environmental experiences play a role in language acquisition, with
enriched experiences associated with not only stronger language or conversation
complexity but also greater school achievement in general (Huttenlocher, Waterfall,
Vasilyeva, Vevea, & Hedges, 2010; Rowe, 2012). In response to Skinner, linguist
Noam Chomsky (1959, 1972) argued forcefully that the human brain is hardwired for
the acquisition of language. Specifically, he argued that children are endowed from
birth with a “universal grammar,” core rules common to all human languages, and the
ability to apply these rules to the language they hear spoken. The evidence for this
biological position is impressive: Language grows at a rate that exceeds all other
kinds of learning. For example, 2-year-olds construct telegraphic statements they
couldn’t possibly have heard from adults, and children learn to speak properly even
though nobody really stops to correct their grammar. Furthermore, the rate at which
language grows appears to favor females, whose language performance during the
first 30 months of life exceeds that of males in vocabulary growth (Bauer, Goldfield, &
Reznick, 2002; Eriksson et al., 2012), communicative gestures (Ozçalişkan & GoldinMeadow, 2010), and vocabulary size (Westerlund & Lagerberg, 2008). But be mindful
that these findings do not necessarily prove that nature or nurture is at play. In fact, it
is quite possible that we raise females in such a way that they are exposed to
vocabulary with a higher frequency, given more attention, or receive additional
encouragement in comparison to males during language development.
https://t.me/medicina_free
To some extent, it is clear that human beings are genetically prepared for
language the way that computers are prewired for programming (Pinker, 1994). The
environment we live in may provide the software that determines what language we
learn to speak, but biology provides the hardware that controls when and how we
learn it. It’s also clear that in the acquisition of language, there is a critical, or at least
sensitive, period during the first few years of life when humans are most receptive to
language learning (Lenneberg, 1967). That is why adolescents and adults who learn
a second language speak it with an accent, while children who acquire a new
language before puberty speak it without an accent. It is also why linguists suggest
that parents of deaf children teach their child sign language as early as possible
(Humphries et al., 2014). Research investigating deaf children who are exposed to
sign language after the critical period—because of cochlear implant failure—struggle
to master both sign language and speech (Humphries et al., 2014). The same pattern
is true in the acquisition of grammar. In a study of Asian immigrants to the United
States, the younger they were as children when they moved, the higher was their
score on a test of grammar (Johnson & Newport, 1989).
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THOUGHT AND
LANGUAGE
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
Explain how the words we use influence our ideas about others, ourselves, and
the world.
Relate the words we speak to the way we conceptualize the world.
Discuss how culture affects language.
This chapter has shown that thought and language are interrelated cognitive
activities. Having now examined them separately, we are faced with the question
“What is the nature of their interrelationship?”
The Linguistic-Relativity Hypothesis
Common sense tells us that language is a useful tool for expressing thought, but
that it is not necessary. Thus, child development researchers have found that young
children understand concepts before they have words to explain them (Flavell, Miller,
& Miller, 1993) and that they can assign objects to categories even when they do not
have the relevant vocabulary (Gershkoff-Stowe, Thal, Smith, & Namy, 1997).
In the fifth century BCE, Herodotus, a Greek historian, argued that the Greeks and
Egyptians thought differently because the Greeks wrote from left to right and
Egyptians from right to left. Many years later, inspired by anthropologist Edward
Sapir, Benjamin Lee Whorf (1956) theorized that the language we speak—the words,
rules, and so on—determines the way we conceptualize the world. This notion, that
our thoughts are “relative” to our linguistic heritage, is called the linguistic-relativity
hypothesis. This hypothesis gave rise to a profound prediction: that people of
different cultures who speak different languages must think in different ways
(Gumperz & Levinson, 1996; Lucy, 1992). As we’ll learn shortly, this hypothesis led
researchers to span the globe in search of cross-cultural comparisons.
linguistic-relativity hypothesis. The hypothesis that language determines, or at
least influences, the way we think.
https://t.me/medicina_free
Hieroglyphs are read from the right to the left—the opposite of how we read the
English language. Alphabets are different, too. Hieroglyphic letters are in the form of
objects, such as a viper for the letter F.
iStock.com/kyoshino
Does language have the power to shape the way people think? As a result of
many years of research, nobody believes that language determines thought the way
genes determine a person’s height. But most psychologists do agree with a less
radical claim: that language influences thinking (Bloom, 1981; Goodman & Lassiter,
2014; Hardin & Banaji, 1993; Hunt & Agnoli, 1991; Lucy, 1992). In one study,
researchers showed subjects line drawings and varied the label that accompanied
each one, as illustrated in Figure 7.14. Afterward, subjects redrew these figures from
memory in ways that were distorted by the labels (Carmichael, Hogan, & Walter,
1932). In a second study, subjects were presented with pictures of faces or color
chips, and half were asked to describe them. Those who had put what they saw into
words later had more difficulty recognizing the original faces and colors. Did language
in this case disrupt thought? Yes, according to the investigators, “some things are
better left unsaid” (Schooler & Engstler-Schooler, 1990).
Description
Figure 7.14 Words That Distort Memory for Images
If language can influence thought, then words are tools that can be used to
socialize our children, sell products, mold public opinion, and stir the masses. People
in power are aware of this connection and choose their words carefully. As colorfully
documented by William Lutz (1996), the result is “doublespeak”—language that is
designed to mislead, conceal, inflate, confuse, and distort meaning. Thus, we are told
that a new tax is a “user’s fee,” that companies that fire employees are merely
“downsizing,” that recession is “negative economic growth,” that civilian war deaths
are “collateral damage,” and that plastic handbags are made of “genuine imitation
leather.” Even more common are the euphemisms we all use to talk about touchy
subjects. Thus, we say that people who died “passed away,” that being unemployed
is being “between jobs,” and that we need to use the toilet in a “restroom” (Allan &
Burridge, 1991; Holder, 2002).
Culture, Language, and the Way We Think
According to Whorf’s linguistic-relativity hypothesis, people who speak different
languages think about the world in different ways. To illustrate, Whorf (1956) pointed
to cultural variations in the use of words to represent reality. He noted, for example,
the Hanunoo people of the Philippines have 92 names for rice—in contrast to the
https://t.me/medicina_free
crude distinction North Americans make between “white rice” and “brown rice.”
Similarly, although English has only one word for snow, the Inuit have several words
—which, Whorf argued, enables them to make distinctions that others may miss
between “falling snow, snow on the ground, snow packed hard like ice, slushy snow,
wind-driven flying snow—whatever the situation may be” (p. 216). Even grammar
shapes thought, claimed Whorf. For example, he compared English to the language
of the Hopis. In English, you can use the same numerical modifier for units of time
(“five days”) as for concrete objects (“five pebbles”). In the Hopi language, by
contrast, different numerical modifiers are used in each case. Whorf argued that this
feature causes the speakers of each language to perceive time differently.
Evaluating the linguistic-relativity hypothesis is not easy because people who
speak different languages differ in other ways as well. Many bilingual people say that
Whorf is right, citing as personal evidence the odd sense that they think differently in
each language—and sometimes get “lost in translation” (Hoffman, 1989). However,
there are flaws in both the theory and the research. First, even if members of two
cultures did think differently, who’s to say that the difference in their language came
first? Second, the Inuit may have several words for snow, but does that mean they
think about snow differently? After all, people in other regions of North America
distinguish between slush, fresh powder, packed powder, hail, wet snow, and the
“loose granular” substance often found on ski slopes.
In 2013, David Robson, a scientific journalist for the Washington Post, interviewed
Igor Krupnik, a researcher at Smithsonian Institution’s Arctic Studies Center. Krupnik
believes there are around 50 words for snow in the Inuit dialect.
AGF / Contributor/Universal Images Group/Getty Images
INTELLIGENCE
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
Critique the theoretical types of intelligence for accuracy and bias.
Examine the reasons why intelligence is measured.
Describe how IQ tests are constructed.
Recognize what it means to create an accurate IQ test.
The term intelligence means different things to different people, as illustrated in
Figure 7.15. In fact, it’s important to realize that your definition is influenced by the
culture and generation in which you live. Many students are impressed by the
combination of speed and general knowledge that enables contestants on TV game
shows like Jeopardy! to win large sums of money. For some South Pacific islanders,
however, intelligence is defined by your ability to navigate the ocean from one island
to the next. For the San people in Africa, it means having the skills needed for
productive hunting and gathering. For gang members in an inner city, “street smarts”
is what matters most. To accommodate the many ways in which people all over the
world exhibit their intelligence, many psychologists prefer to define the concept in
general terms, as a capacity to learn from experience and adapt successfully to one’s
environment.
intelligence. The capacity to learn from experience and adapt successfully to
one’s environment.
https://t.me/medicina_free
Figure 7.15 Concepts of Intelligence Handout / Handout/Getty Images;
iStock.com/Uwe Moser
Intelligence Tests
The study of intelligence began with the instruments used to measure it. Like
much of psychology, intelligence testing is long on tradition but short on history. About
4,000 years ago, the Chinese used civil service exams to measure aptitude. But it
was not until the end of the 19th century that modern forms of assessment were born.
The first psychologist to devise such “mental tests” was Francis Galton (1883),
Charles Darwin’s cousin. Noticing that great achievements run in families like his
own, Galton believed that intelligence was inherited. Like it or not, he said, all men
and women are not created equal. Taking a page from Darwin’s book on evolution,
Galton went on to suggest that if intelligence could be measured objectively, then the
typically slow processes of “natural selection” and “survival of the fittest” could be
hastened through eugenics, selective-breeding policies that encourage only the
brightest of adults to reproduce.
How did Galton measure intelligence? If you had visited the Chicago World’s Fair
in 1883 or London’s International Health Exhibition in 1884, you could have been one
of thousands to find out. For a small fee, a technician using Galton’s state-of-the-art
equipment would measure biologically rooted abilities such as your muscular
strength; the size of your head; your speed at reacting to signals; and, most
importantly, your ability to detect slight differences between two weights, lights, and
tones. Afterward, you would receive an intelligence score printed on a card (Johnson
et al., 1985).
Galton’s laboratory at the London Health Exhibition in 1884.
Science & Society Picture Library / Contributor/SSPL/Getty Images
By today’s standards, these measures are crude and inaccurate. Indeed, even
Galton found that bright, highly accomplished adults did not get higher-than-average
scores. Galton’s elitist proposal for increasing the native intelligence of the human
species through selective breeding laid the groundwork for what would become a
bumpy road for the intelligence-testing movement that followed (Weinberg, 1989).
What’s worse, he founded a eugenics movement that spawned involuntary
sterilization laws in a number of American states and later provided justification for
the Holocaust in Nazi Germany—a development that would have distressed Galton
https://t.me/medicina_free
(Gillham, 2001). The story is told in more detail by Adam Cohen (2016) in a book
titled Imbeciles: The Supreme Court, American Eugenics, and the Sterilization of
Carrie Buck and in his interview with Terry Gross on National Public Radio’s Fresh Air
(Gross, 2017).
The Stanford-Binet
Across the English Channel, French psychologist Alfred Binet sought to measure
intelligence for humane reasons: to enhance the education of children needing
special assistance. In 1904, a few years after a law was passed requiring all French
children to attend school, the minister of public instruction hired Binet to develop an
objective means of identifying children who would have difficulty with normal class
work. With the help of Théophile Binet and Simon (1905) developed a test that
contained questions on problem solving, numbers, vocabulary, logical reasoning,
general knowledge, and memory—the kinds of skills that are necessary in an
academic setting. Binet and Simon wrote hundreds of questions, administered them
to students in Paris, and recorded the average performance of children at different
ages. Questions for the test were retained if answered correctly by an increasing
number of children from one grade level to the next.
Once the test was complete, questions were arranged in order of increasing
difficulty and administered by someone trained to score and interpret the results.
Assuming that children develop in similar ways but at different rates, Binet and Simon
used their test to determine a student’s mental age, the average age of children who
pass the same number of items. In other words, the average 10-year-old would have
a mental age of 10. Those who are exceptionally bright would have a mental age that
is higher (like an average older child), whereas those who are slow to develop would
have one that is lower (like an average younger child). Practically speaking, mental
age was a convenient way to score a child’s intelligence because it suggested an
appropriate grade placement in school.
mental age. The average age of children who passed the same number of items
on the Stanford-Binet intelligence test.
After Binet died in 1911, the scale was translated into English and imported to the
United States by Stanford University psychologist Lewis Terman (1916). The age
norms in California were different from those in Paris, so Terman revised many of the
questions, added items suitable for adults, published a set of American norms, and
gave the test a new name, the Stanford-Binet. This test has since been revised four
more times (in 1937, 1960, 1986, and 2003). The most recent, the Stanford-Binet V,
contains a number of subtests for use between the ages of 2 and 23, and takes about
an hour to administer. Ironically, Binet’s work was barely known in France until the
Stanford-Binet caught on in the United States. In 1971, 60 years after Binet’s death,
he and Simon were honored by a commemorative plaque installed at the school in
Paris where it all began.
Stanford-Binet. An individually administered test designed to measure
intelligence.
Back at Stanford, Terman was busy developing tests that could be administered in
groups (including the popular Stanford Achievement Test), theorizing about the roots
of intelligence (he favored nature over nurture as an explanation), and initiating a
massive longitudinal study of gifted children. Yet his most notable contribution was
the concept of IQ, or intelligence quotient. Basing his concept on an idea first
offered by German psychologist William Stern, Terman proposed that performance on
the Stanford-Binet test be converted to a single score—a ratio derived by dividing
mental age (MA) by the person’s chronological age (CA), and then multiplying the
result by 100 to eliminate the decimal point. The concept is elegantly simple, yet
powerful: IQ = (MA/CA) × 100. Using this formula, you can calculate that people who
are average (that is, those whose MA and CA are exactly the same) have an IQ of
100. A 10-year-old child with an MA of 12 has an IQ of 120, and a 12-year-old with an
MA of 10 has an IQ of 83.
intelligence quotient (IQ). A metric used to represent a child’s intelligence,
calculated by dividing mental age by chronological age.
Although IQ is a convenient way to represent a child’s intelligence, it makes little
sense for adults. The problem is that mental age does not continue to increase with
chronological age but levels off as we get older. An average 10-year-old may be two
mental-age years ahead of the average 8-year-old, but you can’t really say the same
for someone who is 20 rather than 18, or 30 rather than 28. When you consider
specific examples, the results are ludicrous: If at 18 you get the same score as the
average 36-year-old, your IQ would be 200; but if at 36 you had the same score as
https://t.me/medicina_free
an average 18-year-old, your IQ would be 50. The solution was to drop Terman’s
quotient and assign IQ-like scores based instead on a person’s performance relative
to the average of their same-age peers.
Materials used in the 1937 version of the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Test.
Science & Society Picture Library / Contributor/SSPL/Getty Images
The Wechsler Scales
Galton, Binet, and Terman all developed tests that reduced intelligence to a single
score. But is that necessarily the most informative approach? David Wechsler (1939)
believed it was not, so he constructed a test for adults that considers different aspects
of intelligence. The most current version of Wechsler’s test has 14 subtests grouped
within two major scales—one yielding a verbal score, and the other a nonverbal
performance score useful for people who have language problems. He improved the
test in 1955 and called it the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, or WAIS (the test
was revised in 1981, 1997, 2008, and is abbreviated WAIS–IV). He also created
similar tests that have since been revised for different age groups. For children 6 to
16 years old, there is the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC–IV), and for
preschoolers there is the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence-
Revised (WPPSI–IV).
Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS). The most widely used IQ test for
adults, it yields separate scores for verbal and performance subtests.
Because the IQ scale was so deeply ingrained in public consciousness, Wechsler
kept the same scoring system, setting the average at 100. Keep in mind, however,
that if you took the WAIS-IV, you would get three separate scores—one verbal, one
performance, and the total (the most recent version of the Stanford-Binet also yields
more than one score). The verbal items call for comprehension, arithmetic,
vocabulary, general information, analogies, and the ability to recall strings of digits. In
contrast, the items in the nonverbal performance scale ask you to find missing picture
parts, arrange cartoons in a logical sequence, reproduce block designs, assemble
pieces of a jigsaw-like puzzle, and copy symbols onto paper. The Wechsler scales
are relatively easy to administer and score, and they are used in many schools and
clinics (Kaufman & Lichtenberger, 1999). In fact, Weiss and colleagues (2010) refer to
the WAIS-IV as the most widely used intelligence test for adults in the world.
https://t.me/medicina_free
Соседние файлы в папке Библиотека им академика М.И. Перельмана