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D4.
Pair C. The 2 blocks under comparison are as follows.
Pair C, Block 1.
A1.
B1, B2, B3, B4.
C4.
D4.
E4. Two further blocks jut forward at a right angle forward from E4.
Pair C, Block 2.
A1.
B1, B2, B3, B4.
C4.
D4.
E4. Two further blocks jut forward at a right angle backward from E4.
The answers are as follows.
Pair A. Same.
Pair B. Same.
Pair C. Different.
Back to Figure
The flowchart consists of 3 dark blue boxes, positioned in a cycle at 2 o’clock, 6
o’clock, and 10 o’clock. The 3 boxes are labeled as follows, in a clockwise direction.
1. Teacher’s expectation, motivation, and behavior.
2. Student’s expectations, motivation, and behavior.
3. Student’s I, Q test score and other information.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. Steele and Aronson compared the
performances, adjusted for their own ability, of African American and White students
on a 30-item verbal-reasoning test. When the significance of the test was
underplayed, there were no differences. When the test was presented as diagnostic
of verbal ability, the African American students performed worse. This result is
consistent with the stereotype-threat hypothesis.
The performance of non-diagnostic and diagnostic white and Black subjects is
plotted on the X-axis. The mean items solved, adjusted by S, A, T is plotted on the Yaxis with a range of zero to 12, at intervals of 2.
The estimated data points are presented in the following table.
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8 PERSONALITY
Sylvie Bouchard / Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
Examine the contributions Freud, Jung, and Adler made to psychology
and the study of personality as we know it today.
Contrast psychoanalysis with the cognitive social-learning approach.
Investigate whether or not an interaction exists between self-
actualization and unconditional positive regard.
Identify the roles that nature and nurture are believed to play in trait
development.
WHAT’S YOUR PREDICTION: HOW STABLE IS
PERSONALITY?
The Situation
From research you’ve read, you know that an individual’s personality consists of
various, presumably enduring traits. You also know that many psychologists find it
useful to describe personality by comparing people along five broad dimensions:
neuroticism (a proneness to anxiety and distress), extraversion (a desire for social
interaction, stimulation, and activity), openness (a receptiveness to new experiences),
agreeableness (a selfless concern for others), and conscientiousness (a tendency to
be reliable, disciplined, and ambitious). Does one’s relative standing on these traits
stay basically the same over time, or does personality change with age, life
experience, and other factors? If you’re generally calm, outgoing, and open minded
now, will that be your profile later in life? What about the fact that people’s behavior
differs from one situation to another?
To determine the stability of personality, you decide to contact a large group of
adults who had completed a personality test six years ago as part of another study.
The test they had taken was designed to measure the top three of the five major traits
(neuroticism, extraversion, openness). Overall, 635 people had taken the test—365
men and 270 women, ranging in age from 25 to 91. In the original experiment, each
person was given the test two times, with a six-month interval. Your goal now is to
retest these same people on a newer version of the same scale. Most agree to take
part in your study. But others, you come to learn, have died, moved, become
disabled, or lost interest. In the end, you are able to recruit 398 of the original
subjects. To each one, you mail the questionnaire, the instructions, and a stamped
self-addressed envelope.
The questionnaire you use is called the Neuroticism-Extraversion-Openness
Personality Inventory, or NEO-PI. This test is the one most often used in research
(Costa & McCrae, 1992). The NEO-PI contains 181 statements (e.g., “I am usually
cheerful,” “I really like most people I meet,” “I have a very active imagination”). Next
to each statement, subjects rate on a five-point scale how much they agree or
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disagree. The items measuring neuroticism, extraversion, and openness are
dispersed throughout the test, but afterward you total the scores separately for each
“subscale”—a procedure that yields three scores per subject. Once all tests are
scored, the data are ready to be analyzed.
So what next? To determine the stability of the traits you measured, you need to
take a longitudinal approach by comparing each subject’s scores in the first and
second tests. What is the correlation between the two sets of scores? If personality,
like mood, were to fluctuate wildly from one moment to the next or if you were to pair
the scores of one subject with those of another, randomly selected subject, the
correlation would be 0 (remember, a correlation coefficient ranges from 0 to +1 or −1).
At the other extreme, if personality were completely set in stone or if the same
subjects were retested only six days, weeks, or months apart, the two sets of scores
should be strongly and positively correlated, in the.90 range. The question is: How
strongly correlated would the two sets of scores be after six years?
Make a Prediction
Six years ago, your 398 subjects took the test, which yielded three trait scores:
one for neuroticism, another for extraversion, and a third for openness to experience.
Now you have tested them again. How high do you think the correlations are between
the two sets of scores? To give you a basis of comparison, the correlation coefficients
found in earlier research when the test was readministered after only six months
appear in the table below. On a scale ranging from 0 (no correlation, no stability) to
+1 (a perfect correlation, total stability), and using the six-month numbers as a
guideline, predict the correlations that are found after six full years:
The Results
The research just described is based on studies of adult personality that were
conducted by Robert McCrae and Paul Costa (1990). So, what did you predict? Does
one’s personality stay basically the same, or does it change over time? As shown
below, the results revealed an extraordinary degree of stability—comparable, in fact,
to that found after only six months.
What Does It All Mean?
Think for a moment about your own personality—your basic feelings, attitudes,
and ways of relating to others. Have you changed at all or stayed pretty much the
same? When McCrae and Costa (1990) asked their subjects this question, 51
percent said they had stayed the same, 35 percent said they had changed a little,
and 14 percent said they had changed a good deal. Were the self-perceptions of
those who said they had changed accurate? Not according to the test scores. Costa
and McCrae recalculated the test-retest correlations for only those subjects who said
they had changed a lot—and the numbers were just as high.
As much research suggests, personality is quite stable over time. Indeed, if it
were not, you could not predict the kind of person you would be tomorrow, set a
future career goal, or commit yourself to a marriage partner. This is not to say that our
personalities stay completely the same as we get older. As described in the chapter
on life span development, the aging process itself is accompanied by physical,
sensory, and cognitive changes. As a result of life experiences, we may also change
certain habits, attitudes, and behaviors. Even subtle shifts in personality are possible.
When adults of different age groups are tested, for example, those who are older tend
to score slightly lower on neuroticism, extraversion, and openness. Harris and Brett
(2016) discovered that older adults in their study also demonstrated personality shifts,
with the exception of conscientiousness. Furthermore, cognitive functioning
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contributes to personality stability. For example, Caselli and colleagues (2018) found
that older adults with Alzheimer’s disease demonstrate personality shifts while they
transition from preclinical Alzheimer’s disease to mild cognitive impairment. The shifts
were an increase in neuroticism and a decrease in openness, in comparison to
control subjects. Terracciano and colleagues (2018) also found personality shifts in
adults with dementia, which led them to suggest “lower personality stability in older
adults is not due to age but cognitive impairment and dementia” (p. 336).
For clinical psychologists who work at helping people in distress, this research in
personality addressed a particularly critical question: Can people who suffer from
psychological disorders be helped? In the chapter on treatment and interventions,
we’ll learn that they can. But as to the question of how much change is possible—and
how difficult it is to facilitate that change—we’ll learn in this chapter that the answer
you come up with will depend, in part, on your theoretical orientation.
Search the American Psychological Association’s website for the definition of
personality. The organization defines it as “individual differences in characteristic
patterns of thinking, feeling and behaving. The study of personality focuses on two
broad areas: One is understanding individual differences in particular personality
characteristics, such as sociability or irritability. The other is understanding how the
various parts of a person come together as a whole” (American Psychological
Association, n.d.). Now search the Internet for “personality tests.” The likelihood that
the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) is on the list of top results is quite high. It is
estimated that the MBTI is taken by millions of people each year—at least 50 million
people since 1962—and makes the company that produces it more than $20 million a
year (Cunningham, 2012). The assessment can help people determine which of the
16 possible personality combinations they fit. The personality combinations can be
applied to leadership, conflict management, career planning, and more (Myers &
Briggs Foundation, 2019). Some educational institutions even use it to help students
discover the job that is right for them (Cunningham, 2012). With so much success,
the MBTI can be said to be a gold standard in personality assessment…or can it?
personality. An individual’s distinct and relatively enduring pattern of thoughts,
feelings, motives, and behaviors.
Stein and Swan (2019) wanted to address whether the MBTI is a valid
psychological assessment and, if not, the reason for its popularity. They began their
argument with a discussion about Carl Jung, a man who believed in psychological
types. These types, based on Jung’s observations, were extraversion/introversion,
sensing/intuition, and feeling/thinking. Later, Katharine Cook Briggs and Isabel Briggs
Myers added the final dimension, judging/perceiving (Quenk, 2009, as cited by Stein
& Swan, 2019). The mother-daughter team argued that one’s personality type was
determined by the individual’s preference for either side of the dichotomy. For
example, you could prefer extraversion, intuition, thinking, and perceiving over
introversion, sensing, feeling, and judging. Thus, your type would be EITP.
This sounds good, but the first problem is testability. As explained in the chapter
on psychology and its methods, scientific theories are testable. Jung did not develop
his ideas about personality types from experimentation. Jung was a protégé of Freud
and, thus, based much of his theories on observations and philosophical exercises.
Like Freud’s theories, as you will learn later, Jung’s ideas about types cannot be
tested. Without testability, the theory cannot be improved or debunked with new
knowledge. This might be why the Washington Post reported that no major peerreviewed journal has published research on the MBTI (Cunningham, 2012). The
second problem is a claim made by MBTI marketing materials that it measures a
“true type,” which can be summed up by a quote from Isabel Briggs Myers: “It is up to
each person to recognize his or her true preferences” (Myers & Briggs Foundation,
2019). Think for a minute about what your “true” self is. Will it be the same tomorrow
as it is today? Will it be the same in five years as it is now? You can imagine from
these questions how volatile a person’s true self can be. Furthermore, the Briggses
developed the assessment using friends and family as participants (Stein & Swan,
2019). Do you believe that an assessment of preferences based on the developers’
acquaintances can likely tell you what your true self is?
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Not all personality assessments are created equal. Only a few meet scientific
standards.
iStock.com/sinseeho
This marketing may be questionable, but it is successful nonetheless. One
strength is that it claims all types are equal—no one type is better than the others
(Myers & Briggs Foundation, 2019). Another strength is ownership. Because of
ownership, the assessment’s distribution is limited. This makes it a scarce
commodity. As a result, it can be seen as more worthy than something that is free (for
a discussion of persuasion and scarcity, read the chapter on social and cultural
influences). Plus, the people who deliver this commodity are not required to have any
formal training in psychology. For $2,495, you too can become an MBTI administrator
and tell people their “true type” in exchange for a fee.
The MBTI may not meet scientific standards, but there are personality
assessments that do. One such assessment, the Big Five, has undergone decades of
testing and is discussed later in this chapter. The truth is that humans are fascinated
with figuring out who they are and who others are. This is probably why personality
tests are so popular and the scientific study of personality is so intriguing. To study
personality is to seek ways to describe individuals, the ways in which they are similar
to one another, and the ways in which each is unique (Funder, 2001). At times you
will wonder, “Do I act that way? Am I an introvert sometimes and an extravert at other
times?” In this chapter, we introduce four major perspectives on personality—
psychoanalysis, the cognitive social-learning approach, the humanistic approach, and
the trait approach—as well as personality testing and its clinical implications. It all
begins with Freud.
PSYCHOANALYSIS
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
Examine the contributions Freud, Jung, and Adler made to psychology and the
study of personality as we know it today.
Discuss the experiences that inspired Freud to formulate psychoanalysis.
Determine what dreams, jokes, and slips of the tongue have in common.
Compare Jung and Adler’s theories to Freud’s psychoanalysis.
Describe how projective tests are used.
Create an argument for Freud’s greatest legacy.
By his own admission, Freud was a driven young man who sorely wanted to make
his mark on the world. He enrolled at the University of Vienna at the age of 17,
received a medical degree eight years later, and became a practicing neurologist.
Freud’s future was bright. In 1884, however, his desire for fame took a downward
turn. He had heard about a “magic drug” with anesthetic powers, tried it, and enjoyed
the uplifting effects it had on his mood and work. Thinking he was on the verge of a
medical breakthrough, Freud prescribed the drug to a friend, who became hopelessly
addicted and died of an overdose. The drug was cocaine. Having lost a friend, a
patient, and a measure of respect in the medical community, Freud abandoned the
drug and pursued other interests—unconscious forces.
The Birth of Psychoanalysis
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In 1885, Freud moved to Paris to study with Jean Charcot, an eminent French
neurologist. Charcot was studying hysteria, a “conversion disorder” in which the
patient experiences symptoms such as paralysis of the limbs, blindness, deafness,
convulsions, and the like—without an organic basis. What is fascinating about
hysteria is that there appears to be nothing physically wrong with the patient, who is
not faking symptoms. Charcot found that hysterical disorders often started with a
traumatic event in the patient’s childhood and that he could make the symptoms
vanish by putting the patient under hypnosis. You can imagine how dazzled Freud
was by the sight of “paralyzed” patients suddenly able to walk and of those who were
“blind” suddenly able to see. Demonstrations like these filled Freud with a profound
regard for the power of unconscious forces.
Back in Vienna, Freud became intrigued by the case of Anna O., a patient who
suffered from hysterical paralysis of three limbs, impaired vision and speech, and a
nervous cough. With the help of her physician, Josef Breuer, Anna was able to recall
the events that precipitated her symptoms. As if a large block had been removed
from her mind, Anna’s symptoms slowly disappeared. Breuer had invented a talking
cure. But something else happened that would also prove significant. After many
sessions, Anna had become emotionally attached to Breuer. Freud was puzzled by
the intensity of Anna’s feelings, until one day when he had the same experience.
Without provocation, a female patient lovingly threw her arms around Freud’s neck.
Freud had not sought the patient’s affection, he said, and assumed he was not the
real target of her passion. He thought that this patient, without realizing it, must have
transferred her feelings for someone else (maybe her father) onto him, a
phenomenon Freud called transference.
Sigmund Freud and his daughter Anna—who went on to become a psychoanalyst
in her own right.
Chronicle / Alamy Stock Photo
Freud went into private practice but did not have much luck using hypnosis. He
realized that not everyone could be hypnotized and that the so-called cures produced
in hypnosis often did not last. To help patients recall and talk freely about their past,
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yp p p y p
Freud came up with his first technique of psychotherapy, free association. The
procedure is simple: The patient lies on a couch, relaxes, and says whatever comes
to mind, no matter how trivial, embarrassing, or illogical it may seem. After many
sessions, Freud noticed something curious. Although patients would produce streams
of ideas leading to the unconscious, many seemed unable to talk or even think about
painful and unpleasant memories. In fact, once on the brink of an important insight,
they would often stop, go blank, lose their train of thought, or change the subject.
Freud called this phenomenon resistance and concluded that it was part of an
unconscious defensive process designed to keep unwanted thoughts under lock and
key—and out of awareness.
Freud’s Theory of Personality
Freud’s clinical experiences laid a foundation for the theory he later developed. As
his work slowly progressed, Freud was convinced that the traumas and conflicts of
early childhood can have lasting effects, that we are ruled by unconscious forces, that
what’s unconscious can be brought out through free association, that we resist painful
self-insights, and that we often transfer our feelings for one object onto another. In
1896, Freud used the term psychoanalysis for the first time. Then in 1900, he
published The Interpretation of Dreams, the first of his 24 books and the one that
marked the birth of what would become one of the broadest, most influential theories
in modern history. The theory is summarized in Freud’s (1940) last book, An Outline
of Psychoanalysis, published one year after his death.
psychoanalysis. Freud’s theory of personality and method of psychotherapy,
both of which assume that our motives are largely unconscious.
The Unconscious
Underlying psychoanalysis is the assumption that personality is shaped largely by
forces that act within a person’s unconscious. To illustrate, Freud compared the
human mind to an iceberg. Like the small tip of the iceberg that can be seen above
the water, the conscious part of the mind consists of all that a person is aware of at a
given moment. Below the surface is the vast region of the unconscious, which
contains thoughts, feelings, and memories that are hidden from view. Part of this
region lies just beneath the surface, in an area Freud called the preconscious.
Preconscious material is not threatening, just temporarily out of awareness and easy
to bring to mind. The rest of the unconscious, however, is a deep, dark sea of secret
urges, wishes, and drives. According to Freud, the mind keeps these unacceptable
impulses out of awareness. Still, they rumble, make waves, and surface for air—in
our dreams, our slips of the tongue, the jokes we tell, the people we’re attracted to,
and the anxieties we feel. Only through psychoanalysis, Freud thought, can we
achieve meaningful insight into our personality.
Traditional psychoanalysis is a lengthy process focused on bringing unconscious
urges to awareness. This process can be psychologically uncomfortable for the client.
iStock.com/stefanamer
What’s in the unconscious? According to Freud, two major instincts motivate all of
human behavior. The first is collectively referred to as the life instincts, which include
the need for food, water, air, and sex. At the time of Freud’s writing, the sex part
raised eyebrows. But Freud felt it was critical because many of the childhood stories
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that his patients described were sexual in nature. Years later, after living through the
stark destruction of World War I, Freud also proposed that there is a second, darker
side of human nature—that buried in the unconscious is a death instinct, a need to
reduce all tensions by returning to a calm lifeless state. Because these selfdestructive impulses conflict with the more powerful life forces, reasoned Freud, they
are turned away from the self and directed instead toward others. The fated result of
the death instinct, then, is aggression—a problem that has plagued humans
throughout history.
The Structure of Personality
Have you ever had a burning urge to kiss or embrace someone you’re attracted to
or to hit someone who has angered you, only to be stopped by the haunting voice of
your conscience? If so, how do you resolve these dilemmas? Based on his clinical
experiences, Freud believed that people are perpetually driven by inner conflicts
(conscious vs. unconscious, free association vs. resistance, life vs. death)—and that
compromise is a necessary solution. Freud thus divided the human personality into
three interacting parts: the id, ego, and superego. These parts are not presumed to
be actual structures in the brain. Rather, they are concepts that Freud used to
represent the different aspects of personality.
The id is the most primitive part of personality. Present at birth, it is a reservoir of
instincts and biological drives that energize us. According to Freud, the id operates
according to the pleasure principle, motivating us to seek immediate and total
gratification of all desires. When a person is deprived of food, water, air, or sex, a
state of tension builds until the need is satisfied. Thus, the id is a blind, pleasureseeking part of us that aims for the reduction of all tension. If the impulsive, iddominated infant could speak, it would scream: “I want it, and I want it now!”
id. A primitive and unconscious part of personality that contains basic drives and
operates according to the pleasure principle.
pleasure principle. The id’s boundless drive for immediate gratification.
The superego is a socially developed aspect of personality that motivates us to
behave in ways that are moral, ideal, even perfect. Whereas the id pushes people to
seek immediate gratification, the superego is a prude, a moralist, a part of us that
shuns sex and other innate sources of pleasure. Where does the superego come
from? According to Freud, children learn society’s values from their parents. Through
repeated experiences with reward for good behavior and punishment for bad,
children eventually develop their own internal standards of what’s right and wrong.
superego. The part of personality that consists of one’s moral ideals and
conscience.
The superego has two components. One is the ego-ideal, an image of the ideals
we should strive for. The other is the conscience, a set of prohibitions that define how
we should not behave. Once the superego is developed, people reward themselves
internally for moral acts by feeling pride, and they punish themselves for immoral acts
by suffering pangs of guilt.
The third aspect of personality is the ego, which mediates the conflict between the
“wants” of the id and the “shoulds” of the superego. According to Freud, the ego is a
pragmatic offshoot of the id, the part of personality that helps us achieve realistic
forms of gratification. In contrast to the id (which strives for immediate gratification)
and the superego (which seeks to inhibit the same impulses), the ego operates
according to the reality principle—the goal being to reduce one’s tensions, but only
at the right time, in the right place, and in a socially appropriate manner. The ego is
thus a master of compromise, a part of us that tries to satisfy our needs without
offending our morals. The ego, said Freud, is the executive officer of the personality,
the part that controls our behavior. Freud’s model is illustrated in Figure 8.1.
ego. The part of personality that operates according to the reality principle and
mediates the conflict between the id and superego.
reality principle. The ego’s capacity to delay gratification.
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Description
Figure 8.1 The Structure of Personality According to Freud
Psychosexual Development
According to Freud, his clinical work led him to draw two conclusions about
human development: that personality is shaped in the first few years of life, and that
the resolution of “psychosexual” conflicts is the key contributor. He went on to
propose that all children pass through an odyssey of psychosexual stages of
development, with each stage defined by a different “erogenous zone,” a part of the
body that’s most sensitive to erotic stimulation, as illustrated in Figure 8.2.
psychosexual stages. Freud’s stages of personality development during which
pleasure is derived from different parts of the body (oral, anal, phallic, and genital).
First in this theory comes the oral stage, which occurs in the first year of life, a
time when the baby’s mouth is the pleasure-seeking center of attention. Oral activity
begins with the sucking of nipples, thumbs, and pacifiers, then moves on to biting,
chewing, cooing, and other oral activities. In this stage, the infant is totally dependent
on caregivers, feeding is a key activity, and weaning (the transition away from the
breast or bottle) is a major source of conflict. Next comes the anal stage, which
occurs during the second and third years of life, when the baby derives pleasure in
the sensation of holding in and letting go of feces. In this stage, there is a regular and
enjoyable cycle of tension buildup and release. However, toilet training brings the
parent (“Wait!”) and child (“I don’t want to!”) into sharp conflict. Between the ages of 4
and 6 years, the child then enters the phallic stage, a time when pleasure is felt in the
genital area. In this stage, children become fascinated with the body and can often be
seen playing with their own sex organs in public, a habit that once again brings them
into conflict with parents. To Freud, the single most dramatic conflict in psychosexual
development takes place at this point.
Ask a 4-year-old boy, “Who do you want to marry when you grow up?” The
chances are quite good that he will say, “Mommy!” Society tends to find this response
heartwarming, as it is demonstrative of the boy’s innocent love for his caregiver.
Freud and Greek mythology didn’t have the same sentiment.
A famous Greek tragedy features an abandoned infant, who goes on to become
King Oedipus. As a young man, he kills his father and marries his mother, without
realizing who they are. According to Freud, this legend exposes an unconscious
human wish he called the Oedipus complex—a tendency for children to become
sexually attracted to the parent of the opposite sex and to develop feelings of
jealousy and rage toward the rival parent of the same sex. Freud did not take nonheterosexual humans into account when creating this theory. Thus, Freud’s theory
focuses on heterosexual male development, and for this population the theory is
clear: The young boy wants his mother and hates his father for standing in the way.
Because the father is bigger and more powerful, however, the boy develops
castration anxiety, a fear that the father will retaliate by cutting off his son’s prized
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genitals. For defensive reasons, the boy represses his sexual urge for the mother and
tries to emulate the father, in a process known as identification. As a result, the boy
becomes less anxious, derives partial satisfaction from his repressed wish for his
mother, and adopts his father’s moral values.
Oedipus complex. A tendency for young children to become sexually attracted to
the parent of the opposite sex and hostile toward the parent of the same sex.
identification. The process by which children internalize their parents’ values and
form a superego.
If he grows up to be like his father, then he should be able to attract a woman
quite similar to his mother. A man who marries someone like his mother? Never! Well,
actually, it’s not that far-fetched, is it? Research by Geher (2000) says it isn’t farfetched at all. Geher asked heterosexual participants to describe their parents and
romantic partners across several personality traits. In addition, Geher had
participants’ parents and romantic partners describe themselves. Geher found that
out of eight personality traits, participants’ opposite-sex parents had scores similar to
those of their romantic partners. In addition, participants found their romantic partners
to be similar to their parents across all traits. Is this a bad thing? It depends.
Relationship satisfaction and parental similarity in romantic partners were positively
correlated for good traits—the higher the similarity for good traits, the higher the
relationship satisfaction. On the contrary, relationship satisfaction and parental
similarity in romantic partners were negatively correlated for bad traits—the higher
the similarity for bad traits, the lower the relationship satisfaction.
Do girls also fantasize about marrying their fathers? Freud admitted that his
theory of female development is less clear. At some point, he says, the girl notices
that her father has a penis but that she and her mother do not. Unconsciously, the girl
blames and resents her mother for this deficiency, develops penis envy, and seeks to
become daddy’s little girl. Eventually, realizing the futility of these feelings, she
represses her envy and identifies with her mother. For both boys and girls, then, the
identification part of the process means that the superego springs full blown from the
Oedipus complex.
Figure 8.2 Psychosexual Stages of Development
iStock.com/bradleyhebdon; iStock.com/CareyHope;
iStock.com/Yobro10; iStock.com/Sam Edwards
Once Oedipal conflicts are resolved, the child enters a long latency period, which
lasts roughly between the ages of 7 and 12. In these middle years of childhood,
sexual impulses lie dormant, as boys and girls concentrate on friends of the same
sex and schoolwork. This stage precedes the fourth and final stage of psychosexual
development—the genital stage. Starting at puberty, boys and girls emerge from their
latency shells and feel the stirring of adultlike sexual urges for the first time. Once
again, the ego must cope with an undeclared state of war between biological drives
and social prohibitions.
According to Freud, one must pass successfully through all psychosexual stages
in order to form a healthy personality and enjoy mature adult relationships. If children
receive too much or too little gratification at an earlier stage, they will become stuck
or “fixated” at that stage. Fixation is thus responsible for the development of the
following personality types:
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