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Our locus of control can influence our behavior, such as how tempting a cupcake
can be if we simply can’t resist.
iStock.com/PeopleImages
According to Julian Rotter (1966), reinforcement influences behavior only if we
perceive the two as causally connected. For students who believe that studying
increases their grades, for workers who think that hard work will be rewarded, and for
citizens who believe that they can influence government policy, reinforcement
strengthens behavior. But for students who see grades as arbitrarily determined, for
workers who think that getting ahead requires more luck than effort, and for citizens
who feel that they’re at the mercy of powerful leaders, reinforcement does not
strengthen behavior. Research shows that people differ in their “generalized
expectancies” for personal control and in their responsiveness to reinforcement.
Those who have a relatively internal locus of control tend to believe that they
determine their own destiny. Those with an external locus of control believe that luck,
fate, and powerful others determine their reinforcements. Compared to those with an
external locus of control, people with an internal locus of control tend to persist longer
at laboratory tasks, get higher grades in school, and play a more active role in
political and social affairs (Nowicki, 2016; Rotter, 1990). And as we’ll explore in
Chapter 13, behaviorists like Seligman also link our perceptions of control to
psychological disorders.
TRY THIS!
Locus of Control
Human behavior may be influenced not by reinforcements, but by our perceptions
of control. People who have an internal locus of control believe they are in charge of
their own destiny. People who have an external locus of control believe they are at
the mercy of luck, fate, and powerful others. To determine whether you are an internal
or an external, TRY THIS: For each item below, identify the letter (a or b) that you
agree with more. Give yourself one point for each of your responses that matches the
answers provided. Add up your total number of points (from 0 to 6). The higher your
score, the more external you are.
1. a. No matter how hard you try, some people just don’t like you.
1. People who can’t get others to like them don’t understand how to get
along with others.
2. a. One of the major reasons we have wars is because people don’t take
enough interest in politics.
1. There will always be wars, no matter how hard people try to prevent
them.
3. a. Sometimes I can’t understand how teachers arrive at the grades they give.
1. There is a direct connection between how hard I study and the grades I
get.
4. a. The average citizen can have an influence in government decisions.
1. This world is run by a few people in power, and there is not much the
little guy can do about it.
5. a. Becoming a success is a matter of hard work; luck has little or nothing to
do with it.
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1. Getting a good job depends mainly on being in the right place at the right
time.
6. a. Most people don’t realize the extent to which their lives are controlled by
accidental happenings.
1. There really is no such thing as “luck.”
Source: J. B. Rotter (1966). Generalized expectancies for internal
versus external control of reinforcement. Psychological Monographs, 80
(No. 609).
(Answers: 1. a; 2. b; 3. a; 4. b; 5. b; 6. a.)
Hidden Costs of Reward.
By focusing on how people interpret reinforcement, the cognitive perspective
raises a second issue. After someone is rewarded for an enjoyable task, what
happens to his or her interest and motivation once that reward is no longer available?
Does reinforcement enhance motivation or detract from it? To explore how
reinforcement can affect motivation, let’s consider the implications for education, a
topic close to Skinner’s heart.
In a classic study conducted at a preschool, Lepper, Greene, and Nisbett (1973)
gave children a chance to play with colorful felt-tipped markers—a chance most could
not resist. By observing how much time the children spent on the activity, the
researchers were able to measure their initial level of interest in it. Two weeks later,
the children were randomly divided into three groups. In one, they were simply asked
if they would draw some pictures with the markers. In the second, they were told that
if they used the markers they would receive a “Good Player Award,” a certificate with
a gold star and a red ribbon. In the third group, the children were not offered a reward
for drawing pictures, but then—like those in the second group—they received a
reward when they were finished.
About a week later, the teachers placed the markers and paper on a table in the
classroom while the experimenters hid behind a one-way mirror. The amount of free
time the children spent playing with the markers, this time without a hint of reward,
was once again recorded. Children who had previously drawn pictures for the
promise of a reward were now less interested in the markers. Yet children who were
not rewarded or had received a surprise reward (so they did not feel as if they had
played with the markers in order to get it) were not adversely affected. In follow-up
research, Teresa Amabile (1996) found that people who are offered payment for
drawing pictures, writing poems, making paper collages, and coming up with
solutions to business problems also tend to produce less creative work. This was also
observed in business settings, in which a monetary reward was attributed with
making people less motivated to be creative (Pink, 2011).
LEARNING CHECK
Boxed In
You are a laboratory rat in a Skinner box. To get your food pellet, you must match
each of the operant conditioning terms in the left column with its closest example in
the right.
(Answers: 1. f; 2. d; 3. g; 4. e; 5. a; 6. h; 7. c; 8. b.)
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This hidden cost of reward can have serious implications in the classroom. Take a
child who loves to read and a teacher who awards gold stars for books completed.
During the year, the child continues to read at a lively pace. But what will happen later
on, when there are no gold stars? Will the child then begin to wonder if it is still worth
the effort? And does this mean that reinforcement should never be used? No, not at
all. If a child does not engage in the wanted behavior to start with, offering a reward
can help. For the child who doesn’t normally read, gold stars provide a necessary
incentive in much the same way food pellets increase bar pressing in the Skinner
box. Also, rewards can be used to send different messages. When presented as a
bonus (for superior performance) rather than as a bribe (for just doing it), a reward
will enhance rather than diminish a child’s future motivation (Eisenberger & Cameron,
1996; Eisenberger & Rhoades, 2001). The same is true of praise, a form of verbal
reinforcement. When people are praised for their work, and see that praise as
sincere, they become increasingly motivated (Henderlong & Lepper, 2002).
To summarize, the lessons of a cognitive perspective are clear: People do not
mindlessly repeat behaviors that happen to be followed by reinforcement but instead
are influenced by their perceptions, beliefs, and expectations.
OBSERVATIONAL LEARNING
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
Summarize the process of observational learning and how this type of learning is
applied today.
Define observational learning.
Discuss whether learning by imitation is a uniquely human form of learning.
Identify the kinds of behaviors that are learned by observation, and explain
how the process works.
One way of learning is simply to observe others, that is, by watching and imitating
them. This form of learning occurs not only among humans but also in many types of
animals (Bandura, 2016; Heyes & Galef, 1996). In one classic experiment, for
example, golden hamster pups were put in a cage with their mothers. Some of the
mothers, but not others, had been specifically pretrained to use their teeth and front
paws to get sunflower seeds that dangled from a chain. The question was whether
the young hamster pups would learn to do the same just by watching—and the
answer was yes. Although fewer than 20 percent were able to retrieve seeds in the
presence of the untrained mother, that proportion was up to 73 percent in the trainedmother group (Previde & Poli, 1996). In a second experiment, naive pigeons watched
through a window other pigeons that were trained to get food from a feeder either by
stepping on a bar or by pecking at it. When later given access to the same bar and
feeder, the pigeons were more likely to use the technique they previously had seen
used (Zentall, Sutton, & Sherburne, 1996). There is even evidence to suggest that
“cultures” are transmitted through imitation in groups of whales and dolphins—as
when humpback whales off the coast of Maine devised “lobtail feeding,” a technique
in which they slam their tail flukes onto the water, then dive and exhale, forming
clouds of bubbles that envelope schools of prey fish. This behavior was first observed
in 1981; by 1989 it was adopted by 50 percent of the whale population in that area
(Rendell & Whitehead, 2001).
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We often learning from observing others, such as when children learn how to
brush their teeth by observing a parent or loved one.
iStock.com/CasarsaGuru
Human infants also exhibit rudimentary forms of imitation (Bremner, 2002).
Research shows that they copy adults who stick out their tongues (Anisfeld, 1991;
Meltzoff & Moore, 1983); use a certain hand to reach, point, wave, and make other
gestures (Harkins & Uzgiris, 1991); utter sounds such as meh and bee (Poulson,
Kymissis, Reeve, Andreatos, & Reeve, 1991); or imitate narrative cues in picture
books and from television (Simcock, Garrity, & Barr, 2011). Similarly, toddlers imitate
others of their own age grasping, pulling, pushing, and poking at various toys (Hanna
& Meltzoff, 1993). It is clear that imitation is adaptive: By observing their peers and
elders, young members of a species learn to interact and develop the skills of past
generations.
Studies of Modeling
According to Albert Bandura (1986), people learn by watching others. These
others are called models, and the process is known as observational learning. In a
classic experiment to demonstrate the point, preschool-age children were exposed to
a live adult model who behaved aggressively (Bandura, Ross, & Ross 1961). In a
typical session, the child would be sitting quietly, drawing a picture. From another part
of the room, an adult approached a Bobo doll, an inflatable clownlike toy that is
weighted on the bottom so that it pops back up whenever it is knocked down. For 10
minutes, the adult repeatedly abused the doll—sitting on it, pounding it with a
hammer, kicking it, throwing balls at it, and yelling, “Sock him in the nose! Kick him!”
observational learning. Learning that takes place when one observes and
models the behavior of others.
After the outburst, the child was taken to a room filled with attractive toys but told
that these toys were being saved “for the other children.” Frustrated, the child was
then taken to a third room containing additional toys, including—you guessed it—a
Bobo doll. At that point, the child was left alone and observed through a one-way
mirror. What happened? Compared to children exposed to a nonviolent model or to
no model at all, those who had witnessed the aggressive display were far more likely
to assault the doll. In fact, they often copied the model’s attack, action for action, and
repeated the same abusive remarks, word for word. The children had acquired a
whole new repertoire of aggressive behavior. More recent research confirms the
point: Among children and adolescents, exposure to aggressive models on TV, in
video games, and in movies can trigger aggression—not just in the laboratory but
also in the classroom, on the playground, and in other settings (Kimmig, Andringa, &
Derntl, 2018; Wood, Wong, & Chachere, 1991).
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Animals as well as humans learn by observation. In early morning, the English
titmouse breaks into containers of milk delivered to the porches of many homes in
England and skims the cream from the top. This clever behavior has been passed by
observation from one generation to the next.
Tucker / Stringer / Getty
Observational learning can also have beneficial effects. In one study, participants
with a phobia of snakes gained the courage to approach a live snake by first watching
someone else do so—which is why models are often used in the treatment of phobias
(Bandura, Blanchard, & Ritter, 1969). In a second study, bystanders were more likely
to help a stranded motorist or donate money to charity, two acts of generosity, if they
had earlier observed someone else do the same (Bryan & Test, 1967). In a third
study, young adolescents learned by watching others how to sharpen their
argumentative writing skills—particularly when they observed models who were
similarly strong or weak in their skill level (Braaksma, Rijlaarsdam, & van den Bergh,
2002).
The Process of Modeling
According to Bandura (1977, 1986), observational learning is not a simple,
automatic, reflexlike reaction to models. Rather, it consists of two stages: acquisition
and performance. You may recall that Edward Tolman had earlier made this
distinction by noting that a newly acquired response often remains “latent” until the
organism is motivated to perform it. Building on Tolman’s work, Bandura described
observational learning as a chain of events that involves four steps: attention,
retention, reproduction, and motivation:
Attention. To learn by observation, one must pay attention to the model’s
behavior and to the consequences of that behavior. Due to their ability to
command our attention, caregivers, teachers, political leaders, and TV celebrities
are potentially effective models.
Retention. To model someone else’s behavior minutes, days, weeks,
months, or even years later, one must recall what was observed. Accordingly,
modeling is likely to occur when the behavior is memorable or when the observer
thinks about or rehearses the behavior.
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Reproduction. Attention and memory are necessary conditions, but
observers must also have the motor ability to reproduce the modeled behavior.
As closely as we watch, and as hard as we try, most of us will never be able to
imitate LeBron James’s graceful flight to the basket.
Motivation. People may pay attention to a model, recall the behavior, and
have the ability to reproduce it—all laying a necessary foundation for modeling.
Whether an observer acts, however, is determined by his or her expectations for
reinforcement—expectations that are based not only on personal experience but
also on the experiences of others. This last point is important because it
illustrates “vicarious” reinforcement: that people are more likely to imitate models
who are rewarded for their behavior and less likely to imitate those who are
punished. Apparently, learning can occur without direct, firsthand experience.
LEARNING CHECK
Learning Curve
According to Bandura, observational learning has four steps: attention, retention,
reproduction, and motivation. Match each step to the behavior on the right that best
typifies it.
(Answers: 1. c; 2. b; 3. d; 4. a.)
Thinking Like a Psychologist About Learning
For about a century now, psychologists have studied with remarkable intensity the
basic laws of classical conditioning, operant conditioning, and observational learning.
To a large extent, the knowledge gained from this research has had far-reaching
implications for a wide range of animal and human behaviors. Inspired by Pavlov and
Skinner, the psychology of learning is grounded in hard-nosed S-R behaviorism.
Today, however, the vast majority of researchers recognize that biological
dispositions, cognitive processes, and other factors residing within the person play a
critical role. Thus, we now know that all organisms are genetically prepared to learn
some associations more easily than others, that beliefs about reinforcement can have
a greater impact on behavior than the reinforcement itself, and that learning is also
achieved by observing others.
In upcoming chapters, we’ll find that many psychologists today are systematically
exploring the inner workings of the human mind. Some are exploring the ways in
which we can bolster our body’s immune systems through classical conditioning
procedures (Ader, Felten, & Cohen, 1991; Tekampe et al., 2017). Others are focused
on how learning experiences can alter the neural connections in the brain
(Rosenzweig, 1996; Kolb & Whishaw, 1998; Lin & Honey, 2016). Clearly, there is
great interest in the “O” part of S-O-R psychology. Learning theorists are also
studying the acquisition of complex human skills—such as how we learn to read,
speak, understand stories, solve math problems, recognize music, play chess, use
computers, and drive cars (Holding, 1989; Northoff, 2016). And they’re interested in
the way people learn complex material without really trying—through the kinds of
unconscious or “implicit” processes described at the start of this chapter (Kihlstrom,
2013; Kirsner et al., 1998). Finally, as we’ll learn, there’s great interest in applications
of learning theory to child development, instructional issues, education, and the
acquisition of knowledge (Capuano et al., 2014; Glaser, 1990).
SUMMARY
Nonassociative Learning
As in the case of the stickleback, ethologists have found that many aspects of
animal behavior demonstrate nonassociative learning. Two types of nonassociative
learning are fixed action patterns and habituation.
Fixed Action Patterns
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Many aspects of animal behavior are programmed by inborn fixed action
patterns. In contrast, human beings adapt primarily through learning, a relatively
permanent change in knowledge or behavior that comes from experience.
Habituation
The simplest form of learning, found in lower organisms, is habituation, the
tendency for an organism to become familiar with a stimulus as a result of repeated
exposure.
Classical Conditioning
The key to learning is association, a tendency to connect events that occur
together in space or time.
Pavlov’s Discovery
Studying the digestive system in dogs, Pavlov stumbled upon classical
conditioning. In his experiments, the salivary reflex was the unconditioned
response (UR), and it was elicited by food, an unconditioned stimulus (US).
Through pairing of a bell with the food, the bell became a conditioned stimulus (CS)
that on its own could elicit salivation, a conditioned response (CR). This experiment
serves as a model of classical conditioning in humans.
Basic Principles
After Pavlov’s initial experiment, he and others discovered four basic principles of
learning: The acquisition of a CR is influenced by the order and timing of the CS-US
pairing; in extinction, repeated presentation of the CS without the US causes the CR
to lose its power, though there is an occasional rebound effect known as
spontaneous recovery; after an organism is conditioned to a CS, similar stimuli will
often evoke the CR through stimulus generalization; and discrimination is the
opposite process, one of learning to distinguish between stimuli.
Pavlov’s Legacy
As demonstrated by taste-aversion studies, research shows that animals are
biologically prepared to learn some associations more easily than others. The
process involves learning that one event (CS) predicts another event (US). There are
many applications of classical conditioning. For example, people can be conditioned
to develop fears or preferences and positive or negative social attitudes. Studies
show that the body’s immune cells can be classically conditioned as well.
Operant Conditioning
The learning of voluntary, complex, goal-directed behaviors is achieved by a
different form of learning, one that involves the link between an action and its
consequences.
The Law of Effect
Using animals, Thorndike studied the law of effect: that actions followed by a
positive outcome are repeated, whereas those followed by a negative outcome or no
outcome are not.
The Principles of Reinforcement
By testing animals in a controlled environment called a Skinner box, Skinner
systematically examined operant conditioning, the process by which we learn to
behave in ways that produce reinforcement. A reinforcement is any stimulus that
strengthens a prior response. There are two types of reinforcers: positive (the
presentation of a desirable stimulus) and negative (the withdrawal of an aversive
stimulus). In contrast, punishment has the opposite effect of weakening, not
strengthening, a prior response. Punishers may be positive (presentation of an
aversive stimulus) or negative (withdrawal of a desirable stimulus).
Skinner found that shaping occurs in the learning of complex new behaviors,
through reinforcement of successive responses that come closer and closer to the
target behavior. Skinner discovered the partial-reinforcement effect, that partial
reinforcement increases resistance to extinction. He and others went on to identify
four types of reinforcement schedules (fixed interval, variable interval, fixed ratio, and
variable ratio), each having different effects on learning and extinction. In addition,
animals can be trained to respond only in the presence of a discriminative stimulus
that signals the availability of reinforcement. Although punishment can often be used
to suppress unwanted behavior, it has unwanted side effects and should be used
cautiously. As in classical conditioning, generalization and discrimination are key
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aspects of operant learning. In addition, research shows that people tend to behave
in ways that maximize their reinforcements—but they often prefer small immediate
rewards over those that are larger but delayed, a problem of self-control.
Practical Applications of Operant Conditioning
Skinner was interested in practical applications. Following in his footsteps, many
behaviorists use the principles of operant conditioning to solve practical problems in
clinical settings, the workplace, and the classroom.
Developments in Operant Conditioning
Although operant conditioning is broadly applicable, animal studies have shown
that species-specific biological dispositions often interfere with the shaping of a new
behavior. And although Skinner refused to speculate about mental processes, others
have not. Thus, researchers have found that animals exhibit latent learning (learning
without reinforcement), that people are more influenced by the perception of control
over reinforcement than by objective contingencies, and that rewards sometimes
undermine our intrinsic motivation.
Observational Learning
Complex new behaviors are often learned not through direct experience but
through the observation and imitation of others.
Studies of Modeling
According to Bandura, we learn by watching others. These others are called
models, and the process is called observational learning. Studies indicate that both
desirable (helping) and undesirable (aggressive) behaviors may be learned in this
manner.
The Process of Modeling
Observational learning involves not simple, reflexlike imitation but a four-step
process that requires attention, retention, reproduction, and motivation. Through a
process of vicarious reinforcement, people are most likely to imitate models who are
rewarded for their behavior.
Critical Thinking
Thinking Critically About Learning
1. There has been some public discussion about lengthening jail sentences for
certain types of criminal offenses. Given the evidence on the effectiveness of
punishment as a means of behavior change, do you think this is a good idea?
Why or why not? Can you offer any alternative strategies that would reduce
criminal behavior?
2. In Anthony Burgess’s novel A Clockwork Orange, the main protagonist (Alex),
a sadistic young man, was classically conditioned to become horribly ill at the
sight of violence. During the conditioning sessions, a chemical substance that
induced severe nausea was injected into his bloodstream as he was forced to
view violent films. Identify the conditioned and unconditioned stimuli and
responses involved in these conditioning sessions. Following the conditioning,
Alex also became sick whenever he heard classical music, which had
accompanied the films. What learning principle can explain this outcome?
Classical music had previously been Alex’s favorite. If you wanted to restore
Alex’s ability to enjoy his favorite music, how would you go about it?
3. A child has developed a fear of dogs. Suggest three different strategies—one
based on classical conditioning, one based on operant conditioning, and one
based on observational learning—that could help eliminate this fear. Which
strategy do you think would be most effective and long lasting? Why?
4. Would you expect there to be cultural differences with respect to locus of
control? If so, what factors might contribute to such differences?
5. We have often heard caregivers tell their children, “Do as I say, not as I do.”
How likely are children to heed such advice? Why?
Career Connection: Education
Career Counselor
A job as a career counselor involves helping people select a career, assisting
those in the process of changing careers, or providing vocational training to
individuals returning to the workforce. They may guide clients both on finding a new
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career path, often through self-assessments and one-on-one discussions, and in
developing the job search, application, and interview skills needed to actually get a
job on that path.
Some career counselors work with disabled adults who may need skills training,
job search help, on-the-job training, or regular workplace supervision. Their goal is to
help career-oriented students and job seekers discover their potential and match that
potential to a career. Psychology graduates, with their understanding of human
behavior and the routes to self-awareness and self-discovery, are uniquely qualified
to help individuals in this discovery process.
A career counselor may be employed by a college or university or a specialized
consulting firm, or may be self-employed. Others flip the role and work as recruiters
or headhunters, trying to find the right person for a specific job.
Key skills for this role that psychology students learn to develop:
Interpersonal relationship development
Incorporation of sociocultural factors in scientific inquiry
Application of scientific reasoning to interpret psychological phenomena
Key Terms
acquisition (p. 180)
classical conditioning (p. 179)
conditioned response (CR) (p. 179)
conditioned stimulus (CS) (p. 179)
discrimination (p. 182)
discriminative stimulus (p. 196)
ethologists (p. 175)
extinction (p. 181)
fixed action patterns (p. 175)
habituation (p. 177)
latent learning (p. 200)
law of effect (p. 190)
learning (p. 176)
observational learning (p. 205)
operant conditioning (p. 191)
partial-reinforcement effect (p. 194)
punishment (p. 191)
reinforcement (p. 191)
shaping (p. 192)
Skinner box (p. 190)
spontaneous recovery (p. 181)
stimulus generalization (p. 182)
unconditioned response (UR) (p. 179)
unconditioned stimulus (US) (p. 179)
Descriptions of Images and Figures
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. Research shows that various red-bellied
objects trigger male attack, yet a replica of another male stickleback without a red
belly does not. The red belly is the stimulus that releases this fixed action pattern.
The diagram shows 5 examples of stickleback models as follows.
1. A replica of a male stickleback. The model has no red belly coloring.
2. Diamond shape with a red belly.
3. Wide oval shape with a red belly.
4. Narrow oval shape with a red belly.
5. Elongated diamond shape with a red belly.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. Rats were exposed to a cat collar that
contained or did not contain a cat’s odor, causing them to run and hide. After several
presentations, the odor-exposed rats hid for less and less time, eventually resembling
the odorless control rats.
The 5 trials are plotted on the X-axis. The hiding time in seconds is plotted on the
Y-axis with a range from zero to 1200 seconds, at intervals of 200. Two data lines are
plotted on the graph, one for odorless control rats, and one for odor-exposed rats.
The estimated data points for each group are presented in the following table.
Back to Figure
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An author introduction reads as follows. Strapped into an apparatus like the one
shown here, Pavlov’s dogs were conditioned to salivate. Through a tube surgically
inserted into each dog’s cheek, salivation was recorded by a rising and falling pen
attached to a slowly rotating cylinder of paper.
The illustration shows the dog standing on a table on the left-hand side. The dog
is harnessed, and tubes are inserted into its cheek and lead to a series of tubes that
measure the amount of saliva produced. A man sits at a table on the right-hand side.
3 wires lead from in front of the man and are connected to the dog. A barrier is set up
between the dog and man so that they cannot see each other. A bowl of food is
placed on a moveable arm, out of sight of the dog.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. Note the sequence of events before,
during, and after Pavlov’s study. At first, only the unconditioned stimulus, meat, elicits
an unconditioned response, salivation. After a neutral stimulus, a bell, repeatedly
precedes the unconditioned stimulus, however, it becomes a conditioned stimulus
and can elicit a conditioned response, salivation, on its own.
The 5 flowcharts develop from left to right and are divided into 3 groupings as
follows.
Group 1. Before Conditioning.
A left to right arrow leads from a box labeled unconditioned stimulus, meat
powder, to a box labeled, unconditioned response, salivation.
A left to right arrow leads from a box labeled Neutral stimulus, bell, to a box
labeled non unconditional response, no salivation.
Group 2. During Conditioning.
A left to right arrow leads from a box labeled Neutral stimulus, bell, and
unconditioned stimulus, meat powder, to a box labeled unconditioned response,
salivation.
Group 3. After Conditioning.
A left to right arrow leads from a box labeled, Conditioned Stimulus, bell, to a box
labeled, Conditioned Response, salivation.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. In classical conditioning, the conditioned
stimulus does not evoke a conditioned response on the first trial, but over time the
conditioned response increases rapidly until leveling off, known as acquisition. During
extinction, the conditioned response declines gradually. After a brief delay, however,
there is usually a spontaneous recovery, or rebounding, of the conditioned response,
until it is extinguished completely.
The trials are plotted against the X-axis. The first day of trials lasts for a period of
zero to 22 hours. A 24-hour rest period is then observed. The second day of trials
lasts for zero to 8 hours. Another 24-hour rest period is observed. A final 8 hour trial
period completes the investigation. The drops in saliva elicited by conditioned stimuli
are recorded against the Y-axis.
The estimated data points are presented in the following table.
Back to Figure
An author introduction reads as follows. After Pavlov trained a dog to salivate,
conditioned response, to a bell, conditioned stimulus 1, he preceded the bell with
another neutral stimulus, a black square, conditioned stimulus 2. After repeated
pairings, the dog would salivate to the square itself. In effect, one conditioned
stimulus was used to create another conditioned stimulus.
The diagram is split into upper and lower sections. The upper diagram features a
box that contains an illustration of a bell. The bell is the conditioned stimulus 1. The
bell plus a neutral stimulus of a black square leads to a conditioned response of
salivation in the dog The lower diagram features only the conditioned stimulus 2, the
black square. Again, the stimulus leads to a conditioned response of salivation in the
dog, but this time no bell is needed, only the conditioned response 2, the black
square.
Back to Figure
Stage One, part A, is labeled, Before Conditioning.
An unconditioned stimulus, or U, C, S, is represented by a loud noise. A horizontal
arrow leads to the right to the unconditioned response. The unconditioned response,
or U, C, R, is represented by a crying baby. A statement reads as follows, Little Albert
hears a loud sound, the U, C, S, and cries with fear, the U, C, R.
Stage One, part B, is labeled, Before Conditioning.
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