Terekhova_E_Dvustoronniy_perevod_obshchestvenn

переселенцев из Таджикистана, 388 — из Казахстана. Больше всего приехало из Узбекистана — 424 человека. Количество вынужденных переселенцев из Закавказья меньше почти на порядок. К примеру, из Грузии приехали 59 человек. Пересе ленцев из республик Прибалтики — единицы, из Литвы, на пример, 5 человек.

What about Slavic ‘brother nations’?

Любопытно, но не зарегистрировано ни одного вынуж денного переселенца из славянских республик — Украины и Белоруссии. Жители этих государств предпочитают приез жать на заработки, но оседать на Дальнем Востоке не соби раются.

What is the national composition of new arrivals?

Конечно, это в основном русские. Они составляют больше 80% всех вынужденных переселенцев. (1316 человек за 1992–96 гг.) На втором месте — корейцы, высланные в свое время в Казахстан и Узбекистан и вновь приезжающие в Рос сию иммигрантами (177 человек) Дальше идут украинцы (103), татары (65) и другие. Замыкает список кумык, приехав ший в Приморье в единственном числе.

Do federal and local authorities render financial and material assistance to refugee arrivals and displaced people?

Конечно, по закону беженцам и вынужденным переселен цам должны помогать на новом месте. И нельзя сказать, что помощь не оказывается. В этом году выдано 29 возвратных беспроцентных ссуд на приобретение жилья на сумму 932 млн рублей. В этом году активно осуществляется программа помо щи детям из семей беженцев и вынужденных переселенцев. Под эту программу уже получено 100 млн 557 тыс. рублей, ко торые пойдут на покупку одежды, учебников, бесплатного пи тания этих детей.

The settling of the Far East was always a great concern of the Russian emperors, then of the first Soviet government. Nowadays it is taken over by the Russian government.

Сегодня у России появилась потенциальная возможность форсировать заселение Дальнего Востока. Причем потенци

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альные переселенцы — русские, оказавшиеся разбросанными по всем обломкам Советской империи — могут стать идеаль ными колонистами.

Ñan’t they stay in the republics where they lived before the disintegration of the Soviet empire?

Жизнь в ином этническом окружении, когда априори предпочтение отдавалось титульной нации, ее традициям, привычкам, языку, привела к тому, что после падения СССР

произошел резкий подъем национального самосознания, со провождавшийся далеко не всегда терпимым отношением к русским. Это побудило многих сорваться с обжитых мест. С другой стороны, предпочтение, отдававшееся представителям титульной нации в союзных республиках, обусловило то, что большинство из них отличаются высокой активностью, трудо любием и отличным знанием своего дела.

Do you believe this might work? Do you really think those who have lived, say, in the Baltic States, would like to give up their comfortable lives for the remote areas in the Russian Far East?

Поживем — увидим. Может, российскому правительству стоит вспомнить о приоритетах своих предшественников и подумать о федеральной программе, стимулирующей пересе ление на Дальний Восток.

По материалам статьи Вадима Губаря

«ЗР», ¹ 86 (398), 14 ноября 1997

УПРАЖНЕНИЕ 51

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Тексты для самостоятельного анализа и перевода

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PRADES, THAI (THAILAND), RAJANAJAK THAI (THAI KINGDOM), or SAYAM (SIAM), by name MUANG THAI (LAND OF THE FREE), Thailand: FLAG country located in the center of mainland Southeast Asia. Its area of 198,115 square miles (513,115 square kilometers) consists of two broad geographic areas: a larger section in the north and a smaller peninsular section in the south. The main body of the country is surrounded by Myanmar (Burma) to the west, Laos to the north and east, Cambodia to the southeast, and the Gulf of Thailand (Gulf of Siam) to the south. Peninsular

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Thailand stretches southward from the southwestern corner down the Malay Peninsula; Myanmar extends along the western portion of the peninsula as far as the Isthmus of Kra, after which Thailand occupies the entire peninsula until reaching its southern border with Malaysia at roughly latitude 6° N. Bangkok, Thailand’s capi tal and chief port, is in the main portion at the head of the Gulf of Thailand.

Siam until 1939 and again briefly in 1945–48. The several eth nic and religious groups represented among Thailand’s people are characteristic of the cultural diversity that for centuries has spread southward from China and eastward from India. Indeed, the name “Thai” to describe the country’s people came into use only in the 20th century.

The economy. Thailand’s investment oriented economy is among the most rapidly growing in Asia. Despite this success, economic development has been highly uneven, especially in agriculture. Although much of Thailand’s export revenues and a majority of the labor force depends on agriculture, its contribu tions to economic growth have declined consistently since 1950. Aiming at diversification, the government has encouraged invest ment in small industry. To encourage exports, duties are low, except on rice, to which a premium is attached to prevent domes tic shortages. Unions are prohibited and strikes not allowed unless management fails to agree with employees and govern ment mediators.

Resources. tin, mined mostly in the peninsula, long has been among Thailand’s most valuable mineral resources, and the country has become one of the world’s largest producers. The construction of a smelter made it possible to process most of the ore domestically. Fluctuations in the world tin market, however, have caused production to be reduced. Other important mining and quarrying operations produce coal (lignite), zinc, gypsum, fluorite, tungsten, limestone, and marble. Rubies and sapphires are mined along the east coast of the peninsula. Thailand is one of the world’s largest exporters of gems and jewelry, and these are among the country’s top sources of foreign exchange.

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УПРАЖНЕНИЕ 52

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üНайдите и выпишите русские эквиваленты следующим английским словам:

tin — coal — zinc — gypsum — fluorite —

tungsten — limestone — rubies — sapphires — marble — gems —

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ASEAN LOSES CHANCE TO SHAPE REGION’S POLITICAL FUTURE

üСделайте письменный перевод текста.

Vejai Bala

Even as the 20th century comes to a close, the struggle for self determination and independent statehood continues to fire the imagination of man, making nationalism one of the most — if not the most — active forces in politics.

Nearly everywhere it rears its head it is also accompanied by bloodletting. Yet, political elites appear to forget this fact. This is

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particularly evident when the carnage following the decision of the majority of East Timorese to vote for independence from Indonesia is considered.

The Asian financial crisis of 1997 appears to have contributed to amnesia in Southeast Asia, overwhelming the countries with econom ic concerns. This has led, among other things, to their inability to keep abreast of events in the region and the strengthening of the role of the United Nations and the powers that play a critical role in it.

In the case of the earlier struggles for independence, historical connection between people and land gave legitimacy to the cam paign. But history, more often than not, presents insufficient grounds for present day nationalists.

Where the campaign for independent nationhood is waged in a multicultural state, legitimacy may be secured from the politically dominant nation, which can sponsor the aspiration. This may lead to either outright independence or changes in the political structure of the state, taking into consideration national aspirations. The lat ter is the case with the Quebecois in Canada.

In situations where recognition is denied, sponsorship from without the state is necessary. The success or failure of a nationalist movement in such cases depends on the recognition it secures from member countries of the United Nations.

Following the hurried departure of Portugal from East Timor and the subsequent invasion of the territory by the Indonesian mili tary in 1975 — ostensibly to thwart a communist takeover — Lisbon brought its influence to bear on the European Union and the United Nations.

Thus the Indonesian annexation of East Timor, although tacit ly supported by the United States, was not recognized. This lent legitimacy to the East Timor independence movement.

But, as Indonesia formed part of the anti communist bloc dur ing the Cold War, the demand for independence took a back seat, surfacing only in the early 1990s.

During the Cold War, economic growth was seen as the way to ensure political stability. This view was also shared by the then mem bers of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations: Thailand,

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Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines. Following a summit in Bali in 1976, Economic and Trade Ministers of these countries started to play an important role.

The pro capitalist policies adopted by countries in the region aimed at modernizing their economies had arguably helped trans form it (the region) into the most dynamic part of the world by the 1980s.

This was also the period when champions of liberal democracy in the advanced nations worked closely with authoritarian regimes around the world. Thus, Australia stands out among the nations of the North, which had recognized the annexation of East Timor.

With the end of the Cold War, market capitalism and its politi cal representative, liberal democracy, emerged as victors in the ide ological struggle against socialism. Among other things, Governments in South East Asia found themselves having to come to terms with the political and economic demands of ideologues in the advanced industrial nations as politicians there came increasing ly to champion the environment and human rights.

Economically, Governments in the region came under pressure to meet the costs of environment friendly policies and politically, to adopt institutional reforms to advance liberal democracy. Hence, alongside explanations to justify deforestation in the name of devel opment they went to great lengths to show their commitment to reforestation.

At the same time, nations in the region which perceived them selves as symbols of the democratic ideal took a “forward position”. In this respect, Thailand and the Philippines stand out.

In 1997, they called for reconsideration of ASEAN’s non inter ference policy, seeking the right to comment on the political situa tion in member countries. The issue proved contentious, raised as it was by the Foreign Ministers of Thailand and the Philippines dur ing talks on Myanmar’s membership.

The generals in that country had taken over the reins of power after failing to honor the results of the election in which Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy had won. However, they (Thailand and the Philippines) lacked the quorum, which gave cre

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dence to the argument that posited economic modernization as the key to political tolerance.

Yet, the leadership displayed by the two countries during the genocide following the UN supervised East Timor referendum on Sept 1 was singularly lacking. Members of ASEAN who were res olute in accepting Myanmar’s membership too displayed similar indifference.

Jakarta’s policy in the 22 years since the annexation was aimed at assimilating East Timorese into the Indonesian mainstream. Among other things, this led to the diversion of precious resources to the region.

East Timor on the eve of the referendum had in place infra structure such as hospitals, schools, roads and a telecommunica tions network which far outweighed Portugal’s contribution during its 200 year rule of the territory. It is not surprising that the decision of close to 80 per cent of East Timorese to vote for independence was perceived as a show of ingratitude by sections of the population which were pro Indonesia.

In the Malay world, reaction to ungratefulness is usually emo tional, manifesting in destruction. Thus when brothers fight, it is usually books or bicycles, for example, which fall victim. Likewise pro Indonesia East Timorese went on to destroy properties in Dili and in the process many lives were lost.

What happened in East Timor was predictable by anyone who had an anthropological sense. But sadly this proved not to be the case.

ASEAN countries left it to the UN, that august body which many in the developing world consider as skewed to the rich North, to organize and supervise the referendum. Clearly, they could have played a critical role, anticipating steps to be taken in the post ref erendum stage in the interest of Jakarta and East Timor.

Much has been written about Australia’s leading role in the UN peacekeeping mission to East Timor (Unifet). By and large, they have been critical, seeing it as smacking of neo colonialism and designed to gain control of purported oil reserves in the terri tory.

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Singularly absent in these comments are why and how Australia got to play a leading politico military role in the region. In arguing that this stems from the failure of the countries in the region to take a proactive role, it is also important to view it (Australia’s role) in the context of politics in the post Cold War era and her position as an ideologue of liberal democracy.

It is also reflective of the narrow nationalist concerns of the countries in ASEAN that have caused them to ignore the new reali ties in the region.

The East Timor incident had provided ASEAN an excellent opportunity to play an active role in shaping politics in the region. Yet, concern with economic issues led them to be overly inward looking. The price they have to pay is that the destiny of the region will continue to be determined by outside forces for some time.

Much therefore depends on how fast ASEAN can learn from the lesson of East Timor as well as take cognizance of Australia’s position and ambitions. They should recognize the fact that there is now greater correlation between public opinion and state policy in that country.

In the past two decades, Australians have in the main been critical of their Government’s policy vis a vis Indonesia partic ularly with respect to East Timor. Realization of this fact is essential if Southeast Asians want to play a leading role in the region.

The window of opportunity provided by the East Timor cri sis is now shut but as a well known German philosopher once said — notwithstanding its sexist undertones — in the 19th cen tury, “it is not history that makes men, but men who make histo ry”.

УПРАЖНЕНИЕ 54

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УПРАЖНЕНИЕ 55

üСгруппируйте следующие слова и выражения в зависимости от переводческих приемов, использованных вами при переводе выражений.

The window of opportunity; sexist undertones; vis-a-vis; to fire the imagination; to take cognizance of; in shaping politics in/of; the destiny of the region will continue to be determined by; to take/to play an active (a proactive) role; smacking of neo colo nialism; the UN peacekeeping mission; singularly absent in these comments are why and how Australia got to play a leading politi co military role in the region; the UN, that august body skewed to the rich North; the policy was aimed at assimilating East Timorese into the Indonesian mainstream; the leadership was singularly lacking; the generals in that country had taken over the reins of power after failing to honor the results of the election; economi cally, Governments in the region came under pressure to meet the costs of environment friendly policies and politically, to adopt institutional reforms to advance liberal democracy; the demand for independence took a back seat; the Asian financial crisis of 1997 appears to have contributed to amnesia in Southeast Asia; to be tacitly supported by; nearly everywhere it (nationalism) rears its head it is also accompanied by bloodletting.

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«Я ВСЕГДА ВИЖУ СТАКАН НАПОЛОВИНУ ПОЛНЫМ»

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üЧто вы можете определить по заголовку текста? (Этот при¸м называется экстраполяция текста.)

üЧто стоит, по-вашему, за этим заголовком? Интерпретацией чего он является?

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