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264 Chapter 14 Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
Increasing heritability
Genetic Factor Environmental Factor
That said, twin studies, family studies, and adoption studies provide overwhelming evidence of a moderate­to-high inherited vulnerability. Genetic influence varies depending on age (with increasing influence over the course of adolescence) and appears related to both initiation and continued use or dependence (Rose et al., 2019; Vitaro et al., 2018).
The role of genetics in alcohol use and abuse has been extensively researched. The Stockholm Adoption Study is one example of a large-scale longitudinal investigation providing valuable data (Cloninger et al., 1981; Sigvardsson et al., 1996). Multiple alcohol problems are genetically influenced, including motivation to drink, alcohol sensitivity, the amount of alcohol consumed, steady drinking, and eventual dependence (Dick, 2011). The age of the first drink is also influenced by genes, but environmental factors and gene-by-environment-by­time interactions are even more influential (Rose et al., 2019; Vitaro et al., 2018). The genetic and environmental interplay over time is presented in Figure 14.6. Similar and overlapping genetic effects are also observed for substance use and behavioral addictive disorders (Kotyuk et al., 2020; Vidal & Meshi, 2022).
Physiological Factors
Both animal and human studies illustrate many of the potential mechanisms of drug use and abuse, with different brain pathways underlying drug reinforcement, tolerance, dependence, and addiction. The adolescent brain, in and of itself, is a risk factor, with age-related changes in sensitivity to the effects of alcohol and drugs (Spear, 2013). The initial stages of drug use and drug liking are associated with the brain’s reward centers, which are embedded in the mesolimbic system. Activation of the mesolimbic pathway, particularly the dopamine receptors, depends on the particular substance; the most addictive drugs have the
most rapid effects (Bart et al., 2021; Kosten et al., 2005). Individual differences in sensitivity to these immediate effects and the ability to digest or metabolize substances (likely attributable to genetic influences) may relate to individual differences in the levels of pleasure or aversion that accompany drug experimentation.
Chronic use leads to neurobiological changes that may underlie tolerance (Kosten et al., 2005; Rose et al., 2019). Further, “repeated exposure to escalating dosages of most drugs alters the brain, so that it functions more or less normally when the drugs are present and abnormally when they are not” (Kosten et al., 2005, p. 7). With tolerance, transitions to dependence may occur, with cravings, compulsive drug seeking and urgent attempts to escape withdrawal (Kosten et al., 2005; Schulenberg et al., 2014).
Going beyond the hedonic view that emphasizes the pleasure associated with drug use (i.e., drug liking) and the need to avoid withdrawal symptoms, the incentive-
sensitization theory is a multistage explanation of
addiction (Berridge, 2007). First, various substances alter brain organization and function. Second, these altered brain systems affect behavior in situations involving motivation and reward. The dopamine system that usually signals that certain stimuli will lead to positive reinforcement becomes hypersensitized to drugs and drug stimuli. This is referred to as incentive salience. At this stage, drug cues are increasingly difficult to ignore, and craving may become a more important factor in continued drug use than the pleasurable effects. To understand craving as an essential aspect of drug use, researchers must address both physiological and psychological factors (Berridge, 2007; Harden & Mann, 2015; Khurana et al., 2015). Taken together, these neurophysiological and neurocognitive processes reflect the continuity between typical and atypical development predicted by the dual systems model at the start of this chapter (McClure & Bickel, 2014).
Figure 14.6 Genetic and environmental interplay in adolescent substance use disorders
Opportunity
Initiation of Use
Regular/heavy Use
Abuse/dependence
Source: Hines, Morley, Mackie, & Lynskey (2015). Genetic and environmental interplay in adolescent substance use disorders.
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Genes associated with novelty seeking and risk taking
Genes associated with subjective effects of use
Genes associated with drug metabolism
Parental monitoring
X
Substance availability
X
Peer substance use
X
Childhood sexual abuse
Assessment and Diagnosis 265
Psychological Factors
A history of childhood psychopathology is one important influence on the development of substance abuse disorders in adolescence. As noted, both internalizing and externalizing disorders increase the likelihood of substance use and abuse. Child maltreatment is another powerful risk factor (Rose etal., 2019; Schulenberg et al., 2014).
Many of the associations between childhood disorders and adolescent substance use and/or behavioral addictive disorders are likely mediated by individual variables such as deficits in executive function, high levels of negative emotion and emotional dysregulation, and poor self­control. Disinhibition and/or impulsivity are key constructs underlying increased risk (Rose et al., 2019; Schulenberg etal., 2014). Integrating physiological and cognitive factors, the cognitive-deficits model of addiction is based on the idea that repeat, chronic drug use results in abnormalities in the prefrontal cortex, impairing judgment, decision making, and impulse control (Kosten et al., 2005).
Motivations, expectancies, and attitudes are cognitive variables associated with drug use and other problem behaviors. Perceptions of risk (such as relatively low risk versus higher risk) as well as positive expectations related to substance use vary with age. Individual differences are also observed (Lansford et al., 2021; Rose et al., 2019). There appears to be a balance between adolescent perceptions of risk and benefits, on one hand, and personal and peer experiences of substance use, on the other hand. Several studies describe personality profiles that are linked to substance use and behavioral addictions. These studies highlight the role of sensation seeking (Reardon et al., 2019; Schulenberg et al., 2014).
Parents, Peers, and Sociocultural Factors
Parents influence adolescent substance use and abuse in a variety of ways. The first way is through exposure. Many children a re exposed to alcohol abuse or dependence in family settings. Parental use increases adolescent use; parental nonuse moderates adolescent use, even when peer use is taken into account (Li et al., 2002; Maggs & Staff, 2018). In addition, parental gambling problems predict adolescent gambling problems (Slutske & Richmond-Rakerd, 2014). Marijuana use and abuse appear especially influenced by parent and family factors (Epstein et al., 2016). Siblings also have an important role to play, legitimizing, promoting, or discouraging various forms of substance use (Schulenberg et al., 2014). Parenting expectations and parenting practices also influence substance use and abuse. Although parents differ in their perceptions of their ability to prevent drug use, parents who convey expectations that drug use will not occur and who monitor their adolescents’ activities do provide protective benefits (Schulenberg et al., 2014).
Whether friends drink, smoke, or use drugs influences adolescent beliefs and behaviors, although there are gender
and cultural variations (Gersh et al., 2019; Schulenberg etal., 2014). The transition to high school appears to be a turning point. At this time, peers who support deviance and rule breaking lead to increases in adolescent substance use (Albert et al., 2013; Dishion, 2014). Researchers describe a pattern of reciprocal influence, from peers to substance use, to more exclusive selection of deviant peer groups, and then to more frequent and more serious substance use and abuse (McDonough et al., 2015). Adolescents who are disconnected from peers and peer networks are also at increased risk for substance use and abuse (Hussong et al. 2018). The results of one study provided evidence that “brains of a feather flock together,” with heightened peer influence, peer affiliation with other substance-using adolescents, and less cognitive control leading to increases in substance use over time (Kim-Spoon et al., 2019).
The school setting is also extremely important. School policies that involve more monitoring of students reduce substance use (Schulenberg et al., 2014). The norms of the student and staff population, as well as the social image of smokers, are also influential factors. Other environmental variables i nclude the ava ilability and att ractiveness of substanc es, such as flavored e-cigarettes that are perceived as less harmful and deliver higher levels of nicotine. Peer and media messaging related to the effectiveness of vaping as a coping strategy is also linked with greater use (Less et al., 2021). Neighborhood and community norms, poverty, and accumulation of adversity all increase risk (Rose et al., 2019; Schulenberg et al., 2014). High-SES backgrounds involve risks related to easy access to money and substances coupled with peer expectations and reinforcement for using drugs (Luthar et al., 2013; 2019).
Assessment and Diagnosis
As with every other form of psychopathology, comprehensive assessment of substance abuse disorders is critical. And given physiological complications such as tolerance or withdrawal, medical evaluations are an important component of complete assessments. With respect to the substance abuse itself, patterns of use (whether episodic or continuous), availability and accessibility of drugs, perceived importance of drugs, the effects of drugs, and family histories of alcohol and drug abuse are key criteria.
The multifactorial etiology of substance abuse requires a full assessment of psychological functioning, including deficits or maladjustment related to cognition, emotion, or behavior. Cognitive assessments include neuropsychological testing and tests of skills frequently impaired by drug use, such as abstract thinking and memory. Cognitive difficulties related to attributiona l style, perceptions of risk, and mi staken beliefs must also be considered. The emotionality and emotional flare-ups observed in adolescents with substance abuse disorders must also be carefully assessed. Clinicians must collect information about behavioral maladjustment in personal, family, peer, school, and employment domains. The extent to which an adolescent has access to social
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266 Chapter 14 Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
support from family or friends (or is connected to deviant or delinquent groups) is another important piece of data.
In addition, an adolescent’s underlying personality and other comorbid psychopathologies require review and appreciation. Even though many adolescents do not see connections between substance abuse and other problems or disorders, mental health professionals need to encourage disclosure. Another critical component of assessment involves the appraisal of the adolescent’s strengths. Given that few adolescents seek treatment for substance abuse on their own, acknowledgment of these strengths may lay the foundation for initial rapport and allow for discussions about readiness for intervention.

Intervention

Prevention
Avoidance of drugs is a developmental challenge, with theoretical and practical issues complicating prevention research, design, program delivery, and evaluation (Sussman & Arnett, 2014). Even with multiple viewpoints and assorted difficulties, prevention efforts aimed at reducing substance use and abuse can be successful (Schulenberg et al, 2014). Universal prevention programs cast a very wide net and often promote healthy lifestyles and healthy choices to adolescent populations. Many mental health and public health professionals point out that declines in drug use parallel the widespread use of prevention efforts in early and middle adolescence (SAMHSA, 2014). Even so, there is ample evidence of their ineffectiveness, as well as data that prevention programs actually increase interest in drug use for certain adolescents (Hogue et al., 2021). One of the important aspects of prevention efforts, and one of the more controversial, is whether to acknowledge that most adolescents will, at some time, use mood-altering substances, and whether and how to include harm reduction (i.e., non-abstinence-based) approaches as well as abstinence messages.
One example of harm reduction for older adolescents involves emphasizing safe or sensible drinking (Bagot & Kaminer, 2020). This approach is focused on identifying and clarifying adolescents’ goals for substance use, reinforcing healthy behaviors, and improving self-regulation. Harm reduction is also part of many programs designed to reduce binge drinking and other substance use in college students (Richards et al., 2021). It is also important to consider substance use prevention programs that take place in non­college settings to better address the distress and dysfunction experienced by young adults with, perhaps, different sets of risks and protective factors (Davis et al., 2017).
Selective prevention efforts are more focused. Several effective programs converge on developmental transitions that are associated with increased risk (Cadigan et al.,
2019). For example, family-centered programs that begin in middle school can delay the initiation of substance use for
both typical and at-risk adolescents (Stormshak et al., 2011). School-based programs that focus on adolescent resilience have been implemented with some success (Hodder et al.,
2017). Parent training and collaborative, community-based efforts can also be effective (Allen et al., 2016; Ladis et al., 2019; Moreland et al., 2020).
Targeted prevention is even more specifically directed and is based on the idea that risk and vulnerability can be reliably measured in individuals and subgroups of adolescents. Although there are many risk factors and individual differences in vulnerability to those factors, it is imperative to design programs that will reach those most in need. For example, embedding prevention programs in early, related services such as Head Start might involve fostering the personality characteristics that are associated with later drug avoidance (Kaminski et al., 2002). Paying attention to children’s sex/gender, personalities, social challenges, and environmental contexts maximizes prevention outcomes (Brown et al., 2011). Prevention efforts frequently target at-risk youth, including indigenous youth (Ivanich et al., 2020; Snijder et al., 2020). Cultural and ethnic differences related to exposure, norms, risk, and vulnerability must be taken into account. Other targeted groups include youth who have already been diagnosed with other psychopathologies, such as externalizing disorders or youth with experiences of trauma that increase risk for substance use (Shin, 2021).
Treatment
The treatment of substance abuse disorders involves outpatient therapies, inpatient programs, day treatment placements, special school environments, and, for some, the juvenile justice system. Treatments vary widely across settings, and outcome statistics are mixed. Although adolescent treatments are less effective than adult treatments, treatment is superior to no treatment. Reviews of outcome studies suggest that relapse is common and multiple therapeutic attempts are likely (Hogue et al., 2018; Silvers etal., 2019). Meta-analytic reviews also suggest that treatments for adolescents who use cannabis are less effective than treatments focused on other substance use (Meisel et al.,
2022). In addition, reviews of treatment outcome research emphasize the positive impact of culturally-relevant and culturally-sensitive approaches (Steinka-Fry et al., 2017).
There are many adolescent variables that cut across types of problems and therapies (Meisel et al., 2022). Adolescent motivation for substance abuse treatment is a primary concern because most adolescents enter treatment due to external pressure. Incentive to change in adolescents abusing substances is modest. The strongest predictors of incentive are the negative consequences attributed to drug use. Adolescents who recognize that change is necessary do better in treatment than those who do not (Feldstein Ewing et al., 2022).
Therapeutic alliances are essential to establish. Many adolescents come into therapy with various negative beliefs and concerns related to authority, autonomy, and
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self-efficacy (Karver et al., 2018; Yeager et al., 2018). These beliefs and concerns must be identified and addressed. Parents, too, may enter therapy with erroneous beliefs related to confidentiality and process. Because alliances with adolescents and their parents are both related to treatment success, ongoing attention to trust and rapport is needed. Paying close attention to ethnic and culturally relevant factors may enhance alliances for some adolescents (Steinka-Fry et al., 2017). Retention and premature dropout are constant concerns; addressing these concerns early and often is important.
One of the first treatment decisions for adolescents involves the level of care (e.g., outpatient versus inpatient). Specialty care is often needed for those who have previously relapsed after outpatient programs, those with comorbid psychopathologies, those experiencing suicidality, those in need of medical supervision for withdrawal, and those requiring isolation from family, friends, or communities. Crisis situations require immediate placements. For some adolescents, drug courts are more effective than family courts in reducing substance use and externalizing behaviors (Belenko & Dembo, 2003; Henggeler et al., 2006).
Individual Approaches
Individual treatment is a common intervention paradigm. Variations include behavior therapy, cognitive-behavioral therapy, 12-step programs, and pharmacotherapy. Positive outcomes associated with 12-step programs are often dependent on adolescent motivation and severity of disorder (Kelly et al., 2018). Among the most well-defined, well­studied, and well-supported treatments for substance abuse are cognitive-behavioral approaches (Hogue et al., 2018; Silvers et al., 2019). Working with adolescent beliefs is core to the cognitive model of psychotherapy. Beliefs about self (such as negative beliefs about worth, self-efficacy, and vulnerability), beliefs about life experiences, and substance­related beliefs are all important. The process by which change occurs involves the identification of automatic thoughts and the eventual understanding by the adolescent that these thoughts are not completely accurate or valid. Modification of these thoughts must take place at both surface and deep levels for sustained improvement.
Motivational interviewing is another individual therapy that shows potential. Motivational interviewing is a brief intervention incorporating aspects of motivational psychology, client-centered therapy, and stages-of­change theory. One unique contribution of motivational approaches is their attempt to capitalize on some of the most developmentally-salient adolescent challenges related to autonomy and self-regulation (Feldstein Ewing et al., 2022; Richards et al., 2021). A meta-analytic review found that motivational interviewing was more effective for adolescents using alcohol compared to adolescents using cannabis (Steele et al., 2020).
Individual psychotherapies that account for age, sex/ gender, neurocognitive and emotional dysregulation, and
Intervention 267
iStock.com/SDI Productions
Group interventions are common treatments for substance use disorders in adolescents.
social contexts are likely to produce better results (Bachrach & Chung, 2021; McClure & Bickel., 2014; Rose et al.,
2019). Psychotherapy for adolescents with substance abuse disorders must, in many cases, include treatment for additional disorders (Hogue et al., 2017). Pharmacotherapy, as well as combinations of individual, family, and milieu therapies, may be beneficial for some adolescents.
Family and Group Approaches
Given the role of parents and families in the development and maintenance of substance abuse disorders, it makes sense that family approaches would be an important source of therapeutic impact (Allen et al., 2016). Greater parental monitoring and involvement, for example, increase the likelihood of positive treatment outcomes. Youth-focused components of family treatments, such as emphasizing positive relationships and a positive future orientation, increase the effectiveness of interventions (Meisel et al., 2022; Van Ryzin et al., 2016). Mental health professionals working with diverse families need to account for variables such as race/ethnicity, level of acculturation, and access to evidence-based interventions to provide culturally competent treatments (Steinka-Fry et al., 2017).
Because most interventions for adolescent substance use take place in group settings, it is especially important to understand the benefits and risks of group treatments (Hogue et al., 2021). Group approaches can be effective, particularly those based on cognitive-behavioral principles (D’Amico & Ewing, 2018). And peer recovery support is often very helpful (Bergman et al., 2018). In addition to positive impacts, peers may also increase risk and worsen outcomes. As with treatments for conduct disorder and eating disorders, group treatment for substance use is related to both improvement and deterioration because peers often provide deviancy training, as well as support and modeling of varieties of substance abuse (Dishion, 2014; Hogue et al., 2021). Managing the peer environment in group therapy is critical to treatment success (Dishion, 2014; Hogue et al., 2021).
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268 Chapter 14 Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
School-based quitting programs and sober high schools are also treatment options (Finch et al., 2014; 2018). Students who display higher motivation to change, who have previously attempted to quit, and who experience fewer stressors are more likely to benefit from school­based interventions. As with group treatments, peer-related risks must be considered. Residential treatments often report the most marked improvement, but meaningful reductions in drug use must be understood in the context of the more distressed and dysfunctional adolescents who enter residential programs and who frequently relapse when discharged (Lichvar et al., 2018).
Given that relapse is a fairly common occurrence, relapse prevention must be incorporated and emphasized in individual, family, and group treatments. Research has identified the variables most associated with relapse. These include comorbid psychopathology, negative emotion and dysregulation, withdrawal symptoms, and peer pressure. The likelihood of drug exposure and renewed drug use must be addressed. It is essential to learn to manage cravings and urges, to deal with high-risk situations, to make necessary lifestyle changes, and to reach out for help to support recovery.

Personality Disorders in Adolescence and Young Adulthood

Personality disorders have a long and complicated history
in clinical psychology as well as in various editions of the DSM, including the DSM-5-TR. For our purposes, we want to consider how best to think about personality and personality disorders in youth so that patterns of distress and dysfunction are identified early, and child and adolescent well-being is enhanced in current and future circumstances.
There are a number of ways to think about typical personality development in children and adolescents, and several approaches were presented in the section on temperament in Chapter 5. One influential approach described temperament characteristics such as surgency, negative affectivity, and effortful control as early contributors to basic personality characteristics (Shiner,
2015). Over time, as summarized in the opening section of this chapter, temperament and personality traits become increasingly differentiated and organized, and patterns of emotion, cognition, and behavior become associated with a particular child or adolescent. The constructs of personality and personality disorder are discussed in various ways. The terms that are used most often are provided in Table 14.1.
Dimensional models describe two core components of personality. One is concerned with the self, including identity, esteem, and regulation. The other is concerned with relationships, including capacities for connection, empathy, and intimacy (Shiner & Tackett, 2014). In the dimensional models, personality disorders are descriptions of ways in which children and adolescents display atypical experiences of self and/or relationships that are associated with significant distress or dysfunction. Factor-analytic models of adolescent personality disorder focus on three pattern clusters: an internalizing cluster, an externalizing cluster, and a borderline­dysregulated cluster (Westen et al., 2014; Westen & Kegley,
2021). Developmental models, embedded in the developmental psychopathology framework, provide multiple perspectives to explain the emergence and course of personality difficulties (Altschuler & Krueger, 2021; refer to Table 14.2).
In addition to these models and approaches, there has been considerable focus on the promise of the DSM-5-TR Alternative Model of Personality Disorders (AMPD) for understanding the development and nature of personality disorders in general and as a way of thinking about this domain of psychopathology in terms of adolescent development (Sharp, 2020; Shiner, 2022).
Table 14.1 Terms Used for Describing Personality Pathology
Term Definition
Personality Individual differences in cognition, affect, behavior, and interpersonal functioning
Normative personality Less extreme or adaptive variants of personality
Pathological personality More extreme or maladaptive variants of personality
Personality disorder Psychiatric constructs of maladaptive personality delineated by the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders and similar authoritative classification systems, such as the International Classification of Disease
Personality pathology An overarching term that encompasses both personality disorders and the range of
configurations across dimensional maladaptive personality traits
Source: Altschuler & Krueger (2021). Towards a contemporary approach for understanding personality pathology in developmental context: An integrative model.
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Personality Disorders in Adolescence and Young Adulthood 269
Table 14.2 Developmental Perspectives on Personality Disorders
Title
Spectrum/Continuity Psychopathology is an extreme manifestation of personality traits.
Vulnerability Personality traits may predispose an individual to be more likely to develop
Resilience Personality may act as a protective factor against the development of
Pathoplasty Personality traits may influence the course and manifestation of
Scar/Complication The experience of psychopathology may leave lasting impressions on children
Source: Altschuler & Krueger (2021). Towards a contemporary approach for understanding personality pathology in developmental context: An integrative model.
Description
psychopathology.
psychopathology.
psychopathology.
in ways that alter their personality functioning.
The AMPD is grounded in dimensional ratings of personality functioning and a set of pathological personality trait domains (Krueger & Hobbs, 2020). The dimensional foundation of the AMPD is especially well suited to the task of understanding personality disorders in light of the important adolescent and young adult tasks of consolidation of identity and personality organization.
Categorical models emphasize pathological personality traits and impaired personality functioning. Among the current DSM-5-TR categorical syndromes are antisocial personality disorder, avoidant personality disorder, borderline personality disorder, obsessive-compulsive personality disorder, narcissistic personality disorder, and schizotypal personality disorder. Although many believe that their age precludes youth from being diagnosed with a personality disorder, children and adolescents can be diagnosed if they meet the set of criteria for a particular personality disorder. Caution is necessary, however, as the diagnosis of a personality disorder is often accompanied by beliefs about a chronic course, poor response to treatment, and negative stigma (Shiner & Tackett, 2014).
Even with compelling information about the dimensionality of personality disorders, DSM-5-TR diagnoses of personality disorder are increasingly identified. Personality disorders are diagnosed much more frequently in youth when another form of disorder is also present (Shiner & Tackett, 2014). Overall, diagnoses of personality disorders in youth are less stable in adolescents than adults, but there is considerable variability in diagnosis stability across specific disorders (d’Huart et al., 2022). For example, diagnoses of antisocial personality disorder are much more stable than diagnoses of narcissistic personality disorder. Personality disorders are associated with a variety of short- and long-term problematic outcomes, including lower levels of education, problems in relationships, less success in work, and worse overall health and well-being (Shiner & Tackett, 2014).
Much of the research and clinical attention focused on personality disorders in children, adolescents, and adults involves antisocial personality disorder and borderline personality disorder. Developmental pathways from oppositional defiant disorder to conduct disorder to antisocial personality disorder were described in Chapter 9, with particular emphasis on children and adolescents who displayed callous-unemotional characteristics.
Borderline personality disorder is a disorder characterized by identity disturbance, affective instability, relationship difficulties, and impulsivity. The disorder can be reliably diagnosed in adolescence (Videler et al., 2019). Developmental pathways to borderline personality disorder have been proposed that include early forms of emotion dysregulation and impulsivity, disrupted attachment, and the experience of trauma or maltreatment. Dialectical behavior therapy (DBT), an evidence-based form of cognitive behavioral therapy, has been found to be an especially effective intervention for treating the dysregulation of emotion and behavior, including self-harm and suicidal behavior, common to psychopathologies of adolescence and young adulthood such as borderline personality disorder (Brueger et al., 2019; Tebbett-Mock et al., 2020).
Personality disorders, regardless of how exactly they are defined, represent maladaptive patterns of experiencing one’s self and one’s relationships. While it may make us uncomfortable to think about an enduring pattern of psychopathology such as personality disorders in the context of adolescence, we must recognize adolescence as a sensitive period for their development if we are to achieve an understanding of these disorders and potential interventions (Sharp et al., 2018). Indeed, as research and clinical experience with personality disorders in adolescence has increased, our understanding of how to identify and treat these disorders has led to a broader array of interventions
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270 Chapter 14 Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
Box 14.1 Emerging Science
The Transition to Psychosis
The North American Prodrome Longitudinal Study (NAPLS), begun in 2008, is an ongoing and compelling example of how a developmental psychopathology perspective can help us better understand not only major psychiatric disorders, such as schizophrenia, but the developmental course leading to such disorders. There have been three distinct but related projects as part of the NAPLS consortium (Addington et al., 2015; Addington et al., 2022; Cannon et al., 2008). Together, they are advancing the understanding of the predictors and mechanisms of conversion to psychosis, as well as other outcomes, for adolescents at high risk for developing a psychotic disorder. This dynamic understanding allows us to ask important questions concerning risk, prevention, and the developmental course of disorders that are central to a lifespan understanding of psychopathology.
NAPLS represents a national consortium of sites focused on understanding the psychosis prodrome, subsequent developmental trajectories, and specific mechanisms that lead to psychotic disorders. The term psychosis prodrome refers to the group of symptoms linked to the onset of psychotic disorders. These include, for example, unusual and idiosyncratic thinking, atypical social functioning characterized by suspiciousness, and communication problems. In and of themselves, these types of symptoms do not represent a psychotic process. However, while concerning in their own right, they also indicate a heightened risk for the development of psychotic disorders. It is the early identification and prospective assessment of individuals at risk for prodromal syndromes, schizophrenia, and other psychotic disorders that allows for the study of the specific mechanisms that lead to major psychopathology. The initial phase of the NAPLS focused on finding those variables that might allow for more accurate prediction of later psychotic disorders. To do this, they first recruited adolescents at risk for major psychopathology based on a number of potential factors.
The initial study results established the viability of this research model (Cannon et al., 2008). The rate of conversion to psychosis of the initial sample of over 300 high-risk adolescents was 35% over a 2½-year follow-up period. In addition, of the 76 potential predictors of psychosis, five were found to have highly significant predictive value in identifying individuals likely to develop a psychotic disorder. These factors included genetic risk for psychosis (with a decline in functioning), unusual thought content, suspiciousness or paranoia, impaired social functioning, and a history of drug abuse. The NAPLS researchers found that by combining certain variables, they could markedly increase the predictive power of their algorithms. For example, the combination of genetic risk (with decline in functioning) + unusual thought content + lower social functioning identified those who converted to psychotic disorders with 81% accuracy.
While approximately one-third of the original NAPLS sample went on to develop a psychotic illness, two other roughly equivalent clusters were identified as well. A second cluster of the high-risk sample had their original symptoms remit and went on to show no signs of thought disorder, while a third cluster continued to show a relatively stable pattern of attenuated psychotic symptoms (Addington et al., 2015). This last finding has important implications for broadening our understanding of the domain of thought disorders as representing a spectrum of psychopathology. This spectrum seems to include some individuals who become asymptomatic over time, some who progress to a full psychotic disorder, and some who continue to present with the partial expression of thought disorder symptoms. The continued study of this final group may bolster the case for including a version of attenuated psychosis syndrome in future editions of the DSM classification system (Yung et al., 2012; refer to Table 14.3).
and improved outcomes across development (Chanen et al., 2018; Hagan & Choi-Khan, 2021). Ongoing research and clinical attention is necessary so that adolescents and those who care about them can look to the future with realistic and positive expectations for health and well-being.

Psychotic Disorders in Adolescence and Young Adulthood

Adolescence, particularly late adolescence, is a critical period for the onset of psychosis and especially severe forms of psychopathology, such as bipolar disorders and schizophrenia. Given the voluminous literature available, we will not provide a comprehensive overview of the clinical presentation, the developmental course, etiology, and interventions for these disorders. Instead, we will
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focus on contemporary research and clinical investigations of the transition to psychosis that are grounded in the developmental psychopathology framework (refer to Box14.1). The case of Finn provides additional perspective.
The Case of Finn
As a 16-year-old high school student in the 11th grade, Finn was first referred to a community psychologist for a diagnostic evaluation by his therapist, who was growing concerned about Finn’s increasing social isolation at school and reports of conflict with his parents. Although Finn has a history of moderate emotional and learning problems, his therapist, who has worked with him for several years to address both anxiety and mood symptoms, hoped that he would thrive in high school, where his intelligence, sociability, and varied interests would be valued and supported. Unfortunately, after a modestly successful first
Psychotic Disorders in Adolescence and Young Adulthood 271
Table 14.3 DSM-5-TR Conditions for Further Study
Attenuated Psychosis Syndrome: Summary ofDSM-5-TR Diagnostic Criteria
A. At least one of the following symptoms
is present and is of sufficient severity or frequency to warrant clinical attention:
Attenuated delusions
Attenuated hallucinations
Attenuated disorganized speech
B. Symptoms present at least once per week for
the past month.
C. Symptoms begun or worsened over the past
year.
Source: American Psychiatric Association
Findings from the NAPLS initiative have also shown significant neurodevelopmental differences involving both gray matter (functional) and white matter (connectivity) in high-risk individuals who develop psychotic disorders compared to typically developing adolescents (Cannon, 2015; Chung et al., 2015). For example, in typically developing adolescents, gray matter changes include the progression from a high proliferation of neuronal synapses to the orderly pruning of up to 40% of these synapses as functional specialization occurs. In contrast, adolescents who go on to develop schizophrenia show a decrease in synaptic density and a disrupted process of neuronal pruning. There appears to be a
similar pattern of differences regarding white matter development. Specifically, in typically developing adolescents, white matter tracts increase (enhancing brain connectivity), while both the volume and quality of white matter tracts are compromised in adolescents who go on to develop psychotic disorders.
As the NAPLS consortium increases the number of individuals being followed and expands the research questions being investigated, it is deepening our understanding of key pathophysiological and developmental mechanisms inf luencing the progression from prodromal psychotic symptoms to psychotic disorders. For example, although evidence for increased exposure to stress among the NAPLS sample is inconsistent, the prodromal group that went on to develop psychotic disorders was found to have heightened sensitivity and reactivity to the stress they did experience (Trotman et al.,
2014). In addition, NAPLS findings suggest that early traumatic experiences are associated with a heightened risk for the onset of psychosis later in life (Stowkoly, 2016). NAPLS findings are now informing investigations and validating predictive measures utilizing similar risk populations from around the world (Koutsouleris et al., 2021; Zhang et al., 2019).
Research projects such as the NAPLS reflect an understanding that the clinical prodrome represents a critical period for studying changes associated with the onset of psychosis. This approach minimizes the confounding influences associated with studying individuals at the time of their first psychotic episode. In addition, the prodromal approach allows for the possibility of developing predictive heuristics, including predictive biomarkers, that may lead to earlier identification of individuals at risk for psychotic disorders as well as the development of preventive and early interventions.
year, a pattern of difficulties began early in his sophomore year, leading to a gradual deterioration in academic and social functioning and an increase in concern on the part of Finn’s parents and teachers. Over the course of that school year, Finn was described as increasingly vigilant and suspicious. He developed an extreme sensitivity to light and noise, and this became a source of stress to him each day, leading to an increasing level of social withdrawal. Although Finn’s grades in math and science dropped compared to ninth grade, he continued to do well, despite his problems, in his English and social studies courses, where his love of reading, strong verbal skills, and engaging writing style served him well.
Following the end of the school year, Finn was excited about finding a summer job at a fast-food restaurant. However, after several weeks, he found it stressful to interact with coworkers and the public, began arguing with the manager, and frequently skipped shifts, complaining that he was too tired to work. Finn was eventually let
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go, and he spent the majority of the summer on his own playing video games.
As Finn began his junior year, his parents reported that “everything began to fall apart.” His social and academic problems at school, as well as conflict at home, intensified. He was briefly hospitalized after endorsing significant suicidal ideation as part of the psychological evaluation. Finn’s treatment team tried a variety of medications and psychosocial interventions, but none seemed to slow the acceleration of symptoms or deterioration in functioning.
As the school year progressed, Finn was described as becoming even more mistrustful. His sensitivity to light and noise intensified. Partly in response to these sensitivities, Finn began to develop increasingly rigid behavioral routines to minimize his exposure to light and sound. For example, he insisted on wearing sunglasses indoors and stuffing his ears with cotton—behaviors that often led to being teased by classmates. In situations
272 Chapter 14 Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
that would have previously made Finn uncomfortable, he now tended to quickly escalate to outbursts of anger and frustration. This was an especially common response to what he perceived as classmates deliberately slamming lockers and talking loudly in an effort to annoy him.
Finn’s explanations for his frustration became increasingly complex and idiosyncratic and reflected extreme suspicion of the motives and intent of his teachers and parents. He sent a long, rambling letter to all the members of the school board accusing the principal of installing more intense lighting throughout the school as part of a plot to affect student behavior by forcing them to walk through the halls with their eyes shielded. Finn also insisted that his father was pretending not to understand his struggles as a way to mock and torment him.
Late in Finn’s junior year, the police were called to his house when he threatened his family with a hammer, insisting that they were plotting to poison him. When questioned, Finn said that his parents were introducing toxins into the air by chemically altering food through the process of cooking it. Finn’s school attendance became erratic, and he ended the year with several course incompletions. That following summer, he became reluctant to travel outside the house during daylight for fear that radiation from the sun would instantly and irreparably damage his DNA. His personal hygiene deteriorated as well, due in part to his refusal to shower. His explanation for why he wouldn’t shower was his belief that dangerous gases were released when water was converted to steam.
Throughout this shift into more frankly delusional beliefs, Finn insisted that he was being entirely reasonable and that his family was trying to make him feel like an irrational, unstable person in an attempt to drive him from his home. Shortly after reporting this to his therapist, he became preoccupied with the belief that he had been switched at birth and that his family was perpetrating an elaborate hoax on him.
Finn’s isolation and erratic behavior continued through the summer and into his senior year. Eventually, he refused to attend school or leave his home. He spent much of his time in the bathroom to protect himself from light, sound, toxins, and radiation. Attempts by Finn’s parents to get him to leave the bathroom led to an escalation of his threats to the family, claiming that he had the ability to stop their hearts with his mind. The police were once again called to the home, this time leading to an emergency psychiatric hospitalization.
Finn was diagnosed with a psychotic disorder, possibly schizophrenia, and a medication regimen was found that helped reduce the most disturbing psychotic symptoms. Eventually, he made the transition from the hospital to a residential treatment program, where the combination of medication, individual, and group therapy helped him to develop more effective coping strategies. Finn rediscovered his love of reading and writing fiction and
gradually reengaged in productive academic work. He continues to struggle with symptoms of confusion and agitation when feeling stressed. However, following his return home, Finn successfully completed high school in an alternative learning center and hopes to continue his education through a local two-year community college program.
The case of Finn provides an example of the prodrome, the period of time before the first episode of psychosis, and the transition to the early phase of psychosis. The prodrome phase can last for months or years, with a gradual decline in functioning across adolescence and young adulthood (Ferrarelli & Mathalon, 2020; Walker et al., 2013). During the prodromal phase, impaired functioning is common in various domains, including academic, social, and occupational domains. Along with declines in functioning, there are increases in prepsychotic symptoms such as unusual ideas, suspiciousness, and atypical perceptual experiences.
While other adult-onset disorders may be linked to symptom patterns that precede a formal diagnosis, the symptoms identified as prodromal to psychotic disorders have been found to be distinctive in kind and predictive power (Salvatore & Baldessarini, 2021). By focusing on these characteristics of prodromal psychosis, researchers hope to identify more precisely both risk and protective factors. Clinicians hope to develop more targeted and effective assessment tools and interventions (Taylor & Huque, 2021; Zheng et al., 2022).
Individuals like Finn often manifest early signs of an evolving thought disorder in the unusual ways in which they interpret the unremarkable and common stimuli of everyday life. This process of making atypical attributions of significance to objectively benign aspects of their environment is known as aberrant salience (Chun et al.,
2020). Finn’s progression from being sensitive to light and sound to believing others were intentionally manipulating these stimuli to cause him distress are examples of aberrant salience, as are his beliefs that sunlight would damage his DNA and that steam from a shower constituted a dangerous gas. Research has shown aberrant salience to be a frequent prodromal symptom linked to later symptoms of psychosis, such as disorganized thinking, paranoia, and impaired social functioning. Consequently, aberrant salience is increasingly recognized as a meaningful prodromal symptom. Research is being conducted to develop valid and reliable measures to assess aberrant salience before the formal onset of major psychopathology (Ballerini et al., 2022).
Investigations, like the North American Prodrome Longitudinal Study described in Box 14.1, are focused on ways to identify individuals at the highest levels of clinical risk and to intervene to delay or prevent the development of severe forms of psychopathology. So far, this research has carefully examined atypical brain development, gene­by-environment-by-time processes, epigenetic processes,
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Psychotic Disorders in Adolescence and Young Adulthood 273
the role of stress and trauma, prodromal neurocognitive profiles, and the activation of brain-behavioral stress systems in high-risk adolescents (Velthorst et al., 2019; Walker et al.,
2013). With respect to developmental pathways, several
general trajectories have been described for high-risk adolescents. These include stable-good trajectories (with relatively good functioning maintained over time), stable­intermediate trajectories (with some functional impairment and some prepsychotic symptoms displayed over time), and deteriorating trajectories (with increases in impairment and psychotic symptoms over time) (Beck et al., 2022; Cannon et al., 2015).
With respect to etiology, complex, multifactorial models
are emphasized (Walker et al., 2013; refer to Figure 14.7). Questions that are currently being addressed include: What are the early genetic variants that contribute to high-risk status? How do the genetic load differences map onto observed cognitive vulnerabilities or impairments or onto increased sensitivity to stressful experiences? Atypical brain structures and development have been documented, including reduced volume in multiple brain regions, atypical connectivity, and neurotransmitter dysfunction. A number of researchers have hypothesized that pubertal hormones
may inf luence atypical brain development. Other researchers have focused on atypical activation of the HPA axis by both external stressors and internal neurophysiological processes. Still others have investigated whether immune system factors increase the risk in vulnerable individuals. (Cullen etal., 2020; Trotman et al., 2014; Walker et al., 2013).
The experience of stress and trauma may influence whether high-risk individuals transition from the prodrome phase to the development of a psychotic disorder. There is some evidence that high-risk adolescents who convert to psychosis are more likely to have histories of maltreatment and peer bullying. These histories are often coupled with greater sensitivity to stress and trauma (Braun et al., 2022; Walker et al., 2013). A lack of social support and residential instability are also linked to conversion to psychosis for at-risk youth (Ku et al., 2021). Social maladjustment appears to be more predictive of conversion to schizophrenia (compared to other psychotic disorders) than academic maladjustment (Tarbox et al., 2014). Marijuana use is also associated with conversion to psychosis for those in the high-risk group and those with certain genetic dispositions for schizophrenia (Lebowitz et al., 2021; Walker et al., 2013).
Adolescence is increasingly recognized as an important time to identify individuals at a clinical high risk for
Figure 14.7 Developmental factors in prodrome models of psychosis
Prenatal Environment Postnatal Environment
Maternal stress
Maternal infection
Genetic:
• Inherited risk alleles
• Mutations
Epigenetic:
• Parentally transmitted
• Prenatally acquired
Prenatal Complications:
• Hypoxia and other complications
• Inflammatory processes
Origins of congenital
brain vulnerability
Childhood trauma
Increased stress sensitivity
Hormonal Changes:
Gonadal hormones HPA activity
Immune System:
Thymus function and immune protection
Brain Maturation:
Gray matter Synaptic pruning
• Formation of neural circuitry
Adolescent neuromaturation:
Prodromal phase
HPA Activation:
• Heightened cortisol release
• Augmented inflammatory processes
• Neurotoxicity
• Compromised neuroplasticity
• Increased striatal DA activity
Inflammatory processes:
• Activation of dormant neuroinflammatory processes
• Augmented HPA activity
Epigenetic changes: Aberrant Structural Brain Changes:
• Accelerated gray matter decline
• Accelerated pruning
• Abnormal connectivity
• Abnormal frontal-striatal neurocircuitry
Neuropathological processes:
Substance abuse
Infectious agents
Psychosis
Source: Walker et al. (2013). Developmental mechanisms in the prodrome to psychosis.
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