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14
Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
Chapter Outline
Developmental Tasks and Challenges Related to Brain Development, Self-Regulation, and Personality 255
Substance-Related and Addictive Disorders 259
The Case of James The Case of Luna
Developmental Course 262
The Gateway Hypothesis, Common Liability to Addiction Model, and Developmental Cascade Models
Etiology 263
Genes and Heredity Physiological Factors Psychological Factors Parents, Peers, and Sociocultural Factors
Learning Objectives
1. Describe the adolescent developmental tasks and challenges related to brain development, self-regulation, and identity and personality.
2. Summarize the core processes involved in substance use disorders, including physical dependence, withdrawal, psychological dependence, and addiction.
3. Describe multiple pathways for youth diagnosed with substance use disorders and behavioral addictive disorders.
4. Explain how combinations of risk factors lead to the emergence and maintenance of substance use disorders and behavioral addictive disorders.
Assessment and Diagnosis 265 Intervention 266
Prevention Treatment Individual Approaches Family and Group Approaches
Personality Disorders in Adolescence and Young Adulthood 268
Box 14.1 Emerging Science: The Transition to Psychosis
Psychotic Disorders in Adolescence and Young Adulthood 270
The Case of Finn
Closing Comments 274
5. Summarize the important components of a comprehensive assessment for substance use disorders and behavioral addictive disorders.
6. Provide a critical analysis of the treatments for substance use disorders in adolescence.
7. Provide a critical analysis of personality pathology and personality disorder in adolescence.
8. Summarize the important developmental processes related to the emergence of psychotic disorders in late adolescence.
254
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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Developmental Tasks and Challenges Related to Brain Development, Self-Regulation, and Personality 255
Along with the emerging capacities and abilities of adolescence come new domains of risk. Compared to their younger selves, adolescents get into trouble in any number of new and more dangerous ways. Driving recklessly, becoming sexually active, gambling, and using drugs and alcohol are common forms of risk taking that are frequently observed as adolescents explore adult behaviors and adult roles. Some of these behaviors are associated with mortality in adolescents: accidental death (including car accidents), homicide, and suicide. Given this increased vulnerability, it is important to think intentionally about how to provide the best mix of direction, support, and safety nets for the adolescents we care so much about. Additional concern is also warranted because some patterns of distress and dysfunction observed in adolescence are increasingly likely to be associated with adult disorder and chronic impairment. We consider developmental pathways to two types of adult disorder in the latter half of this chapter.

Developmental Tasks and Challenges Related to Brain Development, Self-Regulation, and Personality

Critical changes in brain structure and function and in brain–behavior relationships take place across adolescence and early adulthood. To provide context for thinking about these changes, we carefully consider several familiar beliefs about teenage brains. The first belief is that adolescents are incapable of making good decisions. This belief, of course, is an overgeneralization. Adolescents are indeed capable of good decision making, but they make better decisions in low-emotion situations than they do in high-emotion situations. The second belief is that still­developing prefrontal cortex structures and functions means that adolescents do not display meaningful self­regulation. This is another overgeneralization. While brain maturation is complex and incomplete, many self­regulatory processes that depend on prefrontal cortex functioning are actually in place from birth (and have been discussed in previous chapters). The third belief is that every adolescent experiences years of “storm and stress.” This is, again, an overgeneralization. Although many personal, social, academic, and other changes accompany adolescence, most adolescents display good adjustment in these everyday challenging circumstances (Casey & Caudle, 2013).
With this context in place, we ca n examine severa l changes in brain structure and function that are important for understanding self-regulation and risk taking in adolescence. Many brain regions and circuits display changes reflecting growth, pruning, and increased efficiency. A great deal of research and clinical attention is focused on the ongoing maturation of the prefrontal cortex (PFC). The PFC is
involved in multiple psychological processes, including the regulation of cognition, emotion, and behavior. The PFC has connections to brain regions that are involved with executive functions such as planning, inhibitory control, and working memory. The PFC also has connections to the limbic and striatal regions that are involved with reward processing and reward-based decision making (Casey & Caudle, 2013; Luciana, 2013). Individual differences in brain development and maturation are observed along with these general trends (Foulkes & Blakemore, 2018).
Changes in reward-related neural circuitry in adolescence are associated with increased sensitivity to rewards and incentive motivation (Galván, 2013; Luciana, 2016).
Incentive motivation is observed when adolescents seek out
experiences in pursuit of reward or positive reinforcement (refer to Figure 14.1). With a less mature executive control system, adolescents are more likely to engage in reward­seeking behaviors that are risky or impulsive. The dual
systems model helps explain the impact of brain structure
and function on adolescent decision making (Shulman et al., 2016). According to the dual systems model, the regions of the brain that are involved with reward mature early in adolescence. The regions of the brain that are involved with cognitive control and response inhibition take longer to develop, with a timeline extending into early adulthood. These brain changes correlate to behavioral changes. Behaviors related to reward sensitivity and reward seeking increase at the start of preadolescence, peak in later adolescence, and then decline. Self-regulation develops gradually over the course of adolescence, levelling off in one’s mid-20s (Shulman et al., 2016; Steinberg et al., 2018; refer to Figure 14.2). So, for example, “in situations where adolescents perceive peers as being supportive of a particular behavior, the perceived rewards in terms of peer acceptance and fun may outweigh adolescents’ abilities to prioritize the costs and risks” and choose an alternative, less reckless behavior (Lansford et al., 2020, p. 76). The imbalance between reward seeking and self-regulation is more apparent in high-emotion situations and in social situations (Nigg, 2017; Rudolph et al., 2017).
In addition to these changes in the PFC, reward­related circuitry, and incentive motivation, there are other important developments related to brain structure and function, brain–behavior relationships, and physiological functioning. Connections within and between brain regions exhibit increased organization and efficiency over time. Atypical variations in connectivity, or disrupted connectivity development, may be a risk factor for late-adolescent onset disorders such as schizophrenia (van den Heuvel & Fornito, 2014; Whitaker et al., 2016). The role of sleep in promoting brain development and function is very important. Sleep loss and sleep deprivation are associated with decreases in adjustment and well-being (Galván, 2019).
Stress-sensitive brain regions and circuits are also influenced by shifts in hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis reactivity. Recalibration of stress reactivity and
Copyright 2024 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
256 Chapter 14 Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
Figure 14.1 Biological and contextual influences on incentive motivation in adolescence
Biological Influence
Trait level of effortful control;
Trait level of incentive motivation
Puberty
• Gonadal hormones
• Tonic dopamine activity
• Tonic-phasic dopamine activity
• Phasic DA activity Integrity of frontolimbic connections
• Effective prefrontal function; successful management of executive load
Source: Luciana (2013). Adolescent brain development in normality and psychopathology.
Development of
Incentive Motivation
Adolescent increase in
incentive motivation
Seeking of high
reward stimulation
Reward learning
increases in efficiency
Success in social,
academic, and
vocational roles
Incentive motivation
declines
Young adulthood
Sociodemographic Influence
Family background; history
of attachment relations
• Peer presence; peer characteristics
• Family/parental monitoring
• Nature of reward contexts; substance use, car, etc.
• Socioeconomic status
• Range of available options
regulation is possible, with cascading effects on brain– behavior processes (DePasquale et al., 2021; also discussed in Chapter 8). Changes in the socioemotional circuitry are correlated with the increased salience of peers, the increased reward value of peers, and increased sensitivity to social evaluation (Giletta et al., 2021; Lansford et al., 2020; Steinberg et al., 2018). These brain-behavior associations reflect ongoing emotional and social development across adolescence and young adulthood (Bos et al., 2020; Ross et al., 2019).
Risk taking and self-regulation must also be situated in the context of adolescent identity formation and personality (Nigg, 2017; Sussman & Arnett, 2014). The construction of self and identity was discussed in Chapter 12. There, we noted that adolescent identity formation and consolidation lead to an integrated sense of self, including constructs such as sex and gender, race and ethnicity, values and goals, and domains of competence. This process can serve as a powerful source of resilience, but it may also be associated with new sources of risk.
Two theories provide additional perspective on identity, identity pathology, and identity disorder (Kaufman & Crowell, 2018). Biosocial theories focus on the biological and physiological processes that influence identity, including brain structures and functions related to emotion regulation/dysregulation, the processing of self­relevant information, and cognitive and behavioral control.
Contextual-behavioral theories focus on the relationships and environments in which individuals are embedded. Both theories strive to answer important questions: Do individuals experience and display consistent, stable, coherent patterns over time? What peer factors and wider cultural processes influence individual identity? Answers to these questions help us understand the complexity of different typical and atypical identity pathways (Kaufman & Crowell, 2018).
In addition to identity pathways, personality pathways provide meaningful information about adaptation and maladaptation. Theory and research on personality in youth, for example, reveal important similarities as well as some key differences in comparison to personality in adults (Soto, 2016; Soto & Tackett, 2015). One important comparison involves the number of dimensions that comprise personality. In adults, the Big Five model includes extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, emotional stability, and openness to experience. In youth, the Little Six include extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, emotional stability, openness to experience, plus activity. The Little Six dimensions are a bridge between the temperament traits observed early in development and later adult personality characteristics (refer back to Chapter 5). In childhood, the temperament/personality characteristic of activity involves physical energy and motor activity. By adolescence, these aspects of activity
Copyright 2024 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Developmental Tasks and Challenges Related to Brain Development, Self-Regulation, and Personality 257
Sensation-seeking composite*100Self-regulation composite*100
20
Age
Figure 14.2 Sensation Seeking vs. Self-Regulation: Age trends across adolescence andyoungadulthood
Age differences in scores for sensation seeking and self-regulation. Grey shading indicates a plateau/peak. Dashed lines depict 95% confidence bands.
15
10
5
0
–5
–10
–15
–20
10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30
Age
55
45
35
25
Source: Steinberg et al. (2018). Around the world, adolescence is a time of heightened sensation seeking and immature self-regulation.
decrease, and activity expands to include motivation and competitive drive. By late adolescence, the importance of physical and motor activity further decreases (Soto, 2016; Soto & Tackett, 2015).
Measures of personality in youth display both stability and change (Soto & Tackett, 2015). According to the cumulative- continuity principle, measures of personality dimensions provide evidence that individuals maintain rank order over time. For example, youth with high levels of extraversion or conscientiousness at time 1 continue to display high levels of extraversion or conscientiousness at time 2. According to the maturity principle, most individuals become more agreeable, conscientious, and emotionally stable as they get older. Although there is evidence to suggest that youth do display increasing maturity over time, there is also evidence that suggests that maturity is not an incremental positive
15
5 0
–5
10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30
trajectory. Instead, research supports the disruption hypothesis. The disruption hypothesis states that biopsychosocial transitions across childhood and adolescence are associated with “temporary dips in some aspects of personality maturity” (such as conscientiousness or agreeableness), with later-occurring increases and consolidation in personality dimensions that reflect maturity (Soto & Tackett, 2015, p. 360; refer to Figure 14.3).
It is important to keep in mind the distinction between personality characteristics and skills (Soto et al., 2021). Personality is what an individual tends to do. It is focused on predispositions related to patterns of thinking, feeling, and behaving. Skills are what an individual is capable of doing. Across development, the number and variety of skills increase. Skills include social-engagement skills (used to engage with others), cooperation skills
Copyright 2024 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
258 Chapter 14 Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
Mean T scoreMean T score
Female Male Female Male Female Male
18
(a) (b) (c)
Figure 14.3 Mean levels of the Little Six by age and sex/gender
Conscientiousness
58
56
54
52
50
48
46
44
42
(d)
60
58
56
54
52
50
789
345
6
Female Male Female Male Female Male
11
10
12
Age
Extraversion
1314151617
18
(e)
Mean T score
Mean T score
58
56
54
52
50
48
46
44
42
58
56
54
52
50
48
34567
Agreeableness
9
8
11
10
12
Age
Activity
1314151617
Openness to experience
58
56
54
52
50
48
Mean T score
46
44
42
18
3456789
(f)
58
56
54
52
50
Mean T score
48
11
10
12
Age
Neuroticism
1314151617
48
46
44
3
4
567
8
9
11
10
Source: Soto (2016). The Little Six personality dimensions from early childhood to early adulthood: Mean-level age and gender differences in parents’ reports.
Age
14
17
18
15
16
12
13
(used to maintain positive social relationships), self­management skills (used to pursue goals and complete tasks), emotional-resilience skills (used to regulate emotions and mood), and innovation skills (used to engage with new ideas and experiences). An example of the distinction between personality and skills might be the introverted adolescent who loudly intervenes to support a student being bullied in the school hallway. The introverted adolescent might prefer to go quietly from one class to another but has the necessary skills to empathize with a peer and de-escalate a conflict.
As adolescents navigate multiple developmental tasks and challenges, many display resilience. Structural brain correlates of adolescent resilience have been noted, with
46
44
42
3
456
7
8
9
11
10
14
12
151617
Age
13
18
increased grey matter volume in right prefrontal structures (involved with regulatory processes) associated with better functioning in youth with histories of adversity (Burt et al.,
2016). The presence of a prospective self, a construct including future-oriented attitudes and behaviors, contributes to adaptation and resilience (Zinn et al., 2020). Additional protective factors that improve outcomes involve a positive racial/ethnic identity, relationships with adults, and prosocial involvement (Luthar et al., 2021; Zimmerman et al., 2013). A cross-cultural investigation of adolescent well-being in 14 countries identified individual skills, educational goals, peer support, and community support as protective factors. Caregiver support was the most important factor for adolescent resilience (Höltge et al., 2021).
46
44
42
3
456
789
11
10
Age
12
1314151617
18
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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
Substance-Related and Addictive Disorders 259

Substance-Related and Addictive Disorders

The Case of James
James is a 15-year-old high school sophomore in the largest town in a rural area. James moved to this community as a ninth grader when his father started a new job. He was an average student through junior high school, although his impulsivity and sporadic oppositional behavior created conflict with his teachers. James left behind a large network of friends and family when he moved, and he found himself somewhat isolated in his new school. There were fewer peers who appreciated his quirky sense of humor and fewer opportunities to share his appetite for ethnic foods and music. Toward the end of ninth grade, James began working at a local movie theater and met several boys who were about to graduate from high school. Over the summer, he hung out with these friends after work and drank beer with them. When school started in the fall, James quit his job but continued to get together with these friends for parties that included drinking and, occasionally, other drug use. Although he did not try these other drugs, which he viewed as dangerous, he did drink heavily. During the first semester of school, James slept through several morning classes and two exams after late-night parties.
Although they were uncomfortable that James was spending time with these older teens and concerned by his poor school performance, James’s parents hesitated to limit his contact because these seemed to be the only friends he had. When they first suspected that James was drinking with this group, James’s mother was quite upset, but his father saw the behavior as “normal teenage stuff.” However, when they began to notice liquor missing from their home, they agreed that James’s drinking was a problem. They told James that he could not get his driver’s license until he agreed to see a counselor and stop drinking.
The Case of Luna
Luna is an 18-year-old senior attending an alternative high school for students who have struggled in traditional school environments. She began high school at a large, very competitive suburban high school. Both of her parents are successful professionals; her older brother was class valedictorian and currently attends a prestigious university.
Luna was a bright and engaging child and also very strong­willed and stubborn. She began smoking cigarettes with her friends in seventh grade and was caught drinking with these same friends several times in eighth grade. Upset by these discoveries and Luna’s insistence that nothing was wrong, Luna’s parents sought mental health counseling several times (with individual sessions for Luna as well as family sessions), but a pattern emerged in which either Luna or her parents came to view the therapists as either unhelpful or incompetent. Multiple therapies were ended without much positive change.
By the time Luna started high school, she was smoking marijuana as well as drinking. By the end of ninth grade, however, many of her friends decreased their drug use as they became more involved in academics and cocurricular activities. Luna’s drug use, in contrast, increased in both severity and variety. Although unaware of her escalating drug use, Luna’s parents became increasingly concerned as her grades dropped and the school administrator contacted them about repeated truancy.
Luna was skipping school and driving to the apartment of friends who attended a local college. In addition to alcohol and marijuana, Luna was beginning to experiment with synthetic psychoactive drugs such as Ecstasy and prescription narcotics such as Oxycontin. Midway through her junior year, she was failing almost all her classes and her health was deteriorating. With the combined insistence of her parents and a therapist, Luna again began—but never completed—several outpatient drug treatments. Typically, she would initially cooperate, but she found staying sober physically and psychologically intolerable; she would quickly fall back into a pattern of drug and alcohol use. Late one night, returning from a dance club, Luna was driving erratically and had a minor accident. She had been drinking before going to the club and had later taken Ecstasy. The police were called. In addition to determining that she was driving while intoxicated, they found other drugs in her car and filed further charges. Luna agreed to enter an inpatient drug treatment program for adolescents. She started at the alternative high school when she was discharged. She likes the school, attends regularly, and feels understood and supported by the staff. Luna is actively attempting to avoid another relapse, but she acknowledges that it is extremely difficult because she still feels that “the only time I am really happy and alive is when I’m high.”
The cases of James and Luna illustrate just two of the many clinical presentations of adolescent substance abuse and dependency that depend on definitions of use, abuse,tolerance, dependence, and addiction. Use is defined as the ingestion of a substance. Experimental substance use involves trying a drug once or a few times, often related to curiosity or peer influence. Social substance use occurs during social events with one or more peers. Parties, concerts, dances, and athletic events are common settings for this type of use. Abuse is defined as excessive use of or dependence on an addictive substance. Individual differences in theprogression from use to abuse are noteworthy, with some adolescents transitioning slowly, others rapidly, and still others not at all.
Tolerance occurs when the central nervous system
(CNS) gradually becomes less responsive to stimulation by particular drugs. Individuals then need to ingest higher and higher doses to achieve the same CNS effects. Physical
dependence involves susceptibility to withdrawal symptoms;
it occurs only in combination with tolerance. Withdrawal
symptoms are noxious physical and psychological effects
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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
260 Chapter 14 Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
U.S. Students Reporting Any Past-Year Illicit Drug Use
100 %
2011 2013 2015 2017 2019 2021
11.7%
caused by the reduction or cessation of substance intake (e.g., sleep disturbances, headaches, nausea and vomiting, tremors, restlessness, anxiety, and depression); these symptoms can range from relatively mild to life-threatening. Psychological
dependence involves a craving or compulsion to use despite
the likelihood of significant negative consequences, and it is not always accompanied by withdrawal symptoms. Distinctions between abuse and dependence are often tied to specific substances and their CNS effects. Impairment provides another key diagnostic criterion, with the presence of immediate negative consequences (missed classes or work, failed relationships). Addiction is defined as a chronic disorder characterized by compulsive drug seeking and abuse, physiological effects, loss of control over the urges to use drugs, and impairment.
DSM-5-TR describes many categories of substance use and addictive disorders. They include alcohol-related disorders, cannabis-related disorders, hallucinogen-related disorders, inhalant-related disorders, opioid-related disorders, stimulant­related disorders, and tobacco-related disorders. Depending on the specific substance, there are subtypes related to use, intoxication, and withdrawal. Gambling disorder is another category in this group of disorders. Additional research is recommended for the provisional category of Internet use disorder.
There are multiple ongoing surveys of adolescent alcohol and drug use in the United States. The National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA; www.nida.nih.gov) and the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA; www.samhsa.gov) provide ongoing data on the prevalence of drug use. Prevalence trends for illicit drug use over a 10-year period (2011–2021) show relatively stable and/ or declining overall rates for 8th, 10th, and 12th grade students (NIDA, 2022; refer to Figure 14.4). These trends are similar to those observed in European countries as well as those in many low- and middle-income countries in varied regions of the world (Kraus et al., 2018; Leung etal., 2019).
Adolescent boys are more likely to use almost every substance compared to adolescent girls and to use those
Multiple risk factors contribute to substance use and abuse in adolescence.
Figure 14.4 Illicit drug use among youth between 2011 and 2021
80%
60%
12th Grade
40%
10th Grade
20%
8th Grade
Source: National Institute on Drug Abuse. https://nida.nih.gov/research
-topics/trends-statistics/infographics/monitoring-future-2021-survey-results
substances more frequently (Leung et al., 2019; Schulenberg et al., 2014). This sex/gender difference is less noticeable in the early years of high school and increases over time. Younger adolescents from low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds use most substances more often than younger adolescents from higher-SES backgrounds. By the end of high school, however, higher-SES youth catch up and exceed their peers in alcohol use (Schulenberg et al., 2014). Higher rates of substance use are observed in sexual and gender minority youth (Eisenberg et al., 2022; Fish et al., 2021).
Rates of heavy drinking vary by age: less than 1% for youth between 12 and 15, 2.7% for youth between 16 and 17, 8.5% for youth between 18 and 19, and 13.1% for young adults between 20 and 25. Rates of binge drinking also vary: less than 1% for youth between 12 and 13, 4.5% for youth between 14 and 15, 13.1% for youth between 16 and 17, 29.1% for youth between 18 and 19, and 43% for young adults between 20 and 25. Rates of heavy drinking are similar for adolescent boys and girls. Binge drinking is more common in adolescent boys. Frequent use of alcohol is associated with the use of other drugs (SAMHSA, 2014). The transition to young adulthood does not signal a lessening of alcohol misuse. Drinking in college students, for example, is widespread and problematic. Numerous public safety and college initiatives focus on decreasing consumption and preventing some of the most tragic personal and interpersonal consequences of alcohol abuse by college students.
In contrast to rates of alcohol use, marijuana use has increased (Keyes et al., 2022; National Institute of Drug Abuse, 2022). More adolescents report high-frequency marijuana use (compared to alcohol or tobacco), with more noticeable increases in use for males and minority youth (Terry-McElrath et al., 2020). With legalization in more states, rates are likely to continue to rise. The active chemical
iStock.com/KatarzynaBialasiewicz
in marijuana is delta-9-tetrahydro-cannabinol (THC), and the amount of THC in marijuana has risen dramatically
4.8%
2020–2021
2020–2021
5.4%
2020–2021
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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
over recent decades. THC attaches to cannabinoid receptors in many brain areas. Its use is associated with both short­and long-term physical impairments. E-cigarette use is also
th
increasing, with almost 30% of 8
graders reporting that they had used e-cigarettes. The highest rates are observed for White males. The use of e-cigarettes is also associated with the use of other substances (Westerling et al., 2017; Wong & Fan, 2018).
There are a number of other commonly used illicit substances that may lead to a diagnosis of a substance use disorder. These include inhalants, cocaine, methamphetamine, hallucinogens, heroin, and prescription drugs. Inhalant use peaks between seventh and ninth grades, with sustained use more frequent in boys. Indeed, the most serious inhalant abuse is exhibited by children and adolescents who have little access to alcohol or other drugs. Cocaine is a powerfully addictive drug; tolerance and craving are frequently observed. Single or repeated use may result in cardiovascular, respiratory, and neurological complications. Methamphetamine is a potent stimulant drug that has become increasingly widespread and extraordinarily problematic. It has a similar drug structure to amphetamines but more dramatic and more toxic effects on the central nervous system. Dissociative drugs such as phencyclidine (PCP) affect the neurotransmitters glutamate and dopamine, also with unpredictable effects. With characteristics and effects overlapping stimulant and psychedelic drugs, 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA or Ecstasy) is another abused substance, often used in combination with alcohol or marijuana. Its use i s associated with increases in feelings of well-being, increases in emotional and sensory perception, and decreases in anxiety. Ecstasy’s effects occur via neurotransmitter systems, with immediate life-threatening consequences for some individuals and long-term complications for others (such as damage to serotonin-containing neurons).
iStock.com/AleksandrYu
Vaping is increasing across adolescence and is associated with the use of other substances.
Substance-Related and Addictive Disorders 261
iStock.com/fstop123
Prescription drugs, relatively easy to obtain, are increasingly abused by adolescents.
Heroin is another highly addictive substance; it is the most rapidly acting and among the most abused of the opiate class of drugs.
Prescription drugs are also abused by adolescents. Increased initiation rates for nonmedical use of prescription drugs are second only to initiation rates for marijuana (SAMHSA,
2014). The most commonly abused prescription drugs are pain medications such as Oxycodone, medications that depress the central nervous system, such as those prescribed for anxiety and sleep disorders, and stimulants, such as those prescribed for attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Approximately 5% to 10% of high school seniors used prescription drugs for nonmedical reasons in 2011 (SAMHSA, 2014).
As noted, youth who use one substance often use others (e.g., alcohol 1 marijuana or alcohol 1 prescription drugs). Patterns vary by race/ethnicity and sex/gender (Banks et al., 2017; Lee et al., 2022; Zukermann et al., 2020). Substance use disorders also frequently co-occur with other psychological disorders. Externalizing disorders, depression, and histories of maltreatment are common in both adolescent boys and girls. Anxiety disorders and suicidality are more frequent in girls, with current research emphasizing especially vulnerable groups of adolescents at risk for multiple psychopathologies (Schulenberg et al.,
2014). Histories of both internalizing and externalizing disorders are observed for sexual and gender minority youth with substance use problems (Eisenberg et al., 2022; Fish etal., 2021). Comorbidity and overlap of substance use and behavioral addictions is also common (Kotyuk et al., 2020; Vidal & Meshi, 2022).
Behavioral addictive disorders include problematic
gambling, gaming, and internet use. Similar to the clinical presentation of substance use disorder, behavioral addictions involve the loss of behavioral control (Vidal & Meshi,
2022). With increases in everyday internet use, gaming, and gambling by youth, the identification of problematic internet
Copyright 2024 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s).
Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
262 Chapter 14 Substance-Related Disorders, Personality Disorders, and PsychoticDisorders
use, gaming, and gambling in youth is complicated but necessary (Simmons et al., 2016). Using almost any definition, problematic internet use, gaming, and gambling has increased dramatically. Gaming and gambling is much more prevalent in boys. Problematic internet use, gaming, and gambling are each associated with other psychosocial difficulties and impairment (Kuss & Gainsbury, 2021; Restrepo et al., 2020).

Developmental Course

Substance-related disorders rarely resolve on their own (Schulenberg et al., 2014). It is necessary, then, to understand the developmental context of use and abuse: How and why do adolescents begin to use drugs, and what factors underlie continued use? There are multiple distinct trajectories for alcohol, marijuana, and tobacco, including early-onset, rapid-onset, and escalating pathways that increase the risk for poor adolescent and adult outcomes (Nelson et al., 2015). There are also trajectories in which individuals who initiate substance use do not escalate and use at low or moderate levels for decades (Rose et al., 2019).
With respect to initial use, there are two periods of highest vulnerability: during early adolescence and during the transition to young adulthood. Early users are at higher risk for poor outcomes. Substance use in early adolescence often involves a number of immediate negative consequences, including academic struggles, social problems, and the less successful resolution of typical developmental challenges related to self and identity. Early substance use also predicts substance abuse in later adolescence and adulthood as well as a range of negative personal and social long-term outcomes. Substance abuse is also associated with suicidality, with increases in risk observed in both clinical and community samples of adolescents (Schulenberg et al., 2014).
The transition to adulthood, between the ages of 18 and 25, is a period marked by uncertainty, multiple life decisions, and a high degree of instability (Sussman & Arnett, 2014). Beyond these developmental stage characteristics, there are a number of factors that specifically increase the risk for the emergence of problematic substance use. Drugs are readily accessible, and involvement in risky behavior is tolerated (or encouraged or rewarded). Reinforcing events such as drug use, or drug use with friends, are experienced as especially pleasurable (Sussman & Arnett, 2014). For individuals making this transition who have other risk factors associated with substance-related disorders, additional concern is warranted.
For pathways involving alcohol, the general trend involves a gradual increase in use throughout adolescence, a peak in early adulthood, and then a decrease (Brown etal., 2011; Schulenberg et al., 2014). Focusing on the years of adolescence, however, provides a somewhat different perspective. Trajectory groups include abstainers/light
drinkers (with stable low use or nonuse); stable moderate drinkers (with stable moderate use and limited heavy use);
binge drinkers (with time-limited periods of heavy use); decreasers (early onset, but declining use); chronic heavy drinkers (early onset and stable heavy drinking); and late- onset heavy drinkers (late onset, rapid escalation, heavy use)
(Brown et al., 2011).
The immediate, short-term, and long-term effects of drinking depend, in part, on age and developmental status (Brown et al., 2011). Early drinking results in a variety of negative consequences. Age at first use is the key variable. Early drinking is also associated with higher rates of binge drinking, risky sexual activity, aggression and violence, and poor adult outcomes. Early onset alcohol abuse is also associated with suicidality. Hypotheses focused on increased risk suggest links among impulsivity, disinhibition, and comorbid psychopathology, especially mood disorders (Rose et al., 2019).
Important differences in alcohol use emerge in middle school and become more distinct in high school. Frequent and heavy drinking that continues through adolescence is accompanied by increasingly serious problems, including poor academic functioning, family and peer difficulties, and various problematic behaviors (Lee et al., 2022). Frequent and heavy drinking is also linked to damage in alcohol-susceptible brain regions (Brown et al., 2011). Solitary drinking is particularly important to note, as it is unusual and predicts continued drinking problems in adulthood (Creswell et al., 2014). Transitional life events (e.g., changes in education setting or employment) may provide opportunities for some adolescents to grow out of alcohol use and abuse (Patrick et al., 2020).
For pathways involving marijuana, three adolescent trajectories of nonescalating use have been identified: low users, medium users, and high users. One trajectory of escalating use has been described: escalating users. A mix of distinctive risk and protective factors are associated with each trajectory (Hill et al., 2017; Passarotti et al., 2015). Descriptions of trajectories that extend into adulthood differ somewhat. They include nonusers (27%), an adolescence-limited pathway (21%), a late-onset pathway (20%), and a chronic pathway (32%). Chronic trajectories were associated with the worst outcomes in terms of mental health outcomes, economic outcomes, and overall functioning (Epstein et al., 2015; Lee et al., 2022). Pathways involving both tobacco and cannabis are common, with multiple possible trajectories, from non-use, decreasing use over adolescence, increasing use, and chronic use (Lanza et al., 2021).
Pathways involving behavioral addictive disorders are similar to those observed for substance use disorders. Common onset periods are in adolescence and early adulthood. Onset is frequently linked to decreases in healthy behaviors between early adolescence and early adulthood and increases in risk-taking behaviors. Internalizing and externalizing disorders increase risk. Behavioral addictions are often chronic, with patterns of recovery and relapse (Richard et al., 2022; Vidal & Meshi, 2022).
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Etiology 263
The Gateway Hypothesis, Common Liability to Addiction Model, and Developmental Cascade Models
The gateway hypothesis is an inclusive stage theory of drug involvement that proposes that the use of alcohol or marijuana acts as a gateway to the use of harder drugs, such as cocaine, heroin, or methamphetamines (Kandel, 2002; Kandel & Yamaguchi, 2002). Additional data suggest that nicotine may also be a gateway drug that leads to marijuana use (Kandel & Kandel, 2015).
There are alternatives to the gateway hypothesis. The
common liability to addiction model assumes that there
is a nonspecific propensity to use drugs. This propensity is correlated with both opportunities to use various drugs and the actual use of drugs given an opportunity (Vanyukov et al., 2012). Shared individual and social factors, then, contribute to the use and abuse of multiple substances. More complex explanations suggest that shared factors (such as social norms) increase an adolescent’s overall risk to use any drug, and personality factors influence decisions about use of particular drugs. The pharmacological effects of particular drugs (such as marijuana) may then lead an adolescent to use other drugs. Current theoretical and empirical research lends considerable support to the common liability model (Vanyukov et al., 2012).
Developmental cascade models of substance use and abuse have also been described. In a dynamic cascade model of the initiation of substance use, various indices of problematic functioning at particular points in time predict later problematic functioning (Otten et al., 2018; Rose etal.,
2019). The indices include biological factors, parenting factors, peer factors, and environmental factors. Findings related to this model include multiple small effects of various factors, the importance of early development, continuity over time, ongoing transactions among domains of functioning, and opportunities for change at various time points in various domains. One model is focused on early childhood stressors combined with problematic parenting that leads first to self­regulation difficulties, then to distress and dysfunction in later childhood, and then to early adolescent substance use (Otten et al., 2018; refer to Figure 14.5). Another developmental
cascade model of substance use is focused on incentive motivation (Luciana, 2013). In this model, adolescents who are not monitored and who engage in substance use may experience a cascade in which brain and behavior processes are “derailed, overly taxing the developing prefrontal system, and leading to allostatic changes that are detrimental...to future neurobehavioral organization and function” (p. 1338).
Other cascade models of substance use and abuse highlight individual and interpersonal risk factors that influence high-risk trajectories, specific experiences such as maltreatment that lead to internalizing and/or externalizing disorders that increase the risk for substance abuse, and the ways in which changes in school, family, and/or work roles may precipitate changes in substance use during the transition to adulthood. Internalizing and externalizing pathways to substance use have been examined in multiple cultural groups, with evidence that externalizing behaviors at age 10 predict later substance use. Behavioral inhibition plus depressive symptoms between ages 8 and 12 also predict later substance use. Combined internalizing and externalizing symptoms at age 10 also predict later substance use. Cultures with greater opportunities for substance use in early adolescence had higher rates of frequent use in later adolescence (Rothenberg et al., 2020).

Etiology

Models of etiology need to explain initial experimentation and substance use, substance abuse, and substance addiction, with various factors coming into play at different points along the trajectory of use. For most adolescents, combinations of risk factors (such as maturational factors, emotional and cognitive development, and family, peer, and social variables) lead to disorder. For others, a single risk may be enough to set psychopathology in motion (Rose et al., 2019; Schulenberg et al., 2014).
Genes and Heredity
Genetic contributions to substance abuse disorders must be understood in the context of clear environmental impact.
Figure 14.5 A developmental cascade model for the emergence of substance use
Early stressful
life events
Childhood
inhibitory
Negative
parent/child
interaction
Source: Otten et al. (2018). A developmental cascade model for early adolescent-onset substance abuse: The role of early childhood stress. Used with permission of John Wiley & Sons ©2019 permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.
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Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.
control
Late
childhood
deviance
Early
adolescent
substance
use