Добавил:
ivanov666
Опубликованный материал нарушает ваши авторские права? Сообщите нам.
Вуз:
Предмет:
Файл:Управление миграционными процессами в трудовой сфере. Учебно-методическое пособие
.pdf
origin at some point. Several decades of empirical evidence in traditional
immigrant destinations such as Germany and France have led to the
acceptance of the fact that fluctuations in the demand for labour do not
influence either the return of immigrants to their country of origin or the
numbers of immigrants entering the host country. Thus, even when there is a
recession such as in 1973-1974, and jobs become scarcer, immigrants do not
leave, but rather continue to enter Europe either legally or illegally. This
phenomenon can be attributed to the existence of migration networks rather
than the push-pull theory. Attempts have been made to tackle the situation
by introducing entry quotas in line with the requirements of certain sectors
of the economy. For example, rules may be introduced according to which
immigrants wishing to enter economically developed countries may be
required to possess IT qualifications or have other specialist skills in order to
obtain a work permit, as happened in Germany in the spring of 2001. These
quotas are accompanied by measures to limit the numbers of immigrants
entering the country overall, leading to an increase in irregular workers. In
other cases, such as France, at the end of the 1990s measures of this type
were complemented by joint development programmes which offered
immigrants incentives to return to their country of origin and invest in its
financial and human resources.
When immigrants are joined in the host society by their families, this
has major consequences in terms of housing needs and conditions, the
ghettoisation of districts inhabited by large numbers of immigrants, and
healthcare and education requirements. In the medium term, this leads to the
problem of competition between locals and immigrants for the resources of
the welfare state, as well as problems relating to spatial, linguistic, cultural
and social integration. This has led to a number of housing schemes in the
bigger cities in the UK, France and the Netherlands. In the UK, where the
majority of immigrants come from the Commonwealth, integration is not a
question of legalising their status but rather of adding cultural and symbolic
meaning to their citizenship. Among the measures introduced in the UK are
Urban Programmes which are aimed at inner-city dwellers and which have
had an indirect effect on the spatial integration of immigrants and on the
development of social policies targeting immigrant children of school age
and large families (Mahnig and Wimmer 2000: 66). In France, integration
policy has concentrated on housing and the social and urban development of
local neighbourhoods, and a policy of social housing dispersal has been
61
implemented to combat the proliferation of deprived districts with a mainly
immigrant population. In both France and Germany, special grants are
provided for school catchment areas where the average performance of all
students is brought down because of immigrant students' lack of familiarity
with the language and because the curriculum's design fails to take into
account the long-term presence of these children at local schools.
Fear of the emergence of urban ghettos and the gradual acceptance
during the 1990s that Germany is a multicultural society and immigrant
destination led to the simultaneous introduction of legal restrictions on
asylum and measures to make it easier for resident immigrants to obtain
German citizenship. Unlike in France, where the republican tradition places
the individual above the collective, in the Netherlands independent
immigrant organisations played a major role in the development of policies
aimed at combating social discrimination against ethnic minorities. This led
to an improvement in the legal position of immigrants - they were allowed to
become civil servants, the rules governing access to citizenship were made
more flexible, and they were granted the right to vote in local elections if
they had lived in the country for more than five years. After this integration
policy was implemented during the 1980s, the high level of unemployment
among immigrants and the lack of incentives for them to try and improve
their situation by themselves led to it being amended to create a new policy
which concentrates on education and vocational training for ethnic
minorities (Mahnig and Wimmer 2000: 70-82).
As far as basic rights are concerned (in the fields of employment,
healthcare and education), immigrants enjoy the same rights as locals or
nationals in Germany, France, the UK and Sweden. They also enjoy political
rights such as the right of association, the right of assembly, the right to
demonstrate, etc in both Germany and Sweden. The right to vote in local and
national elections is only enjoyed by immigrants from other EU countries,
except in Sweden where since 1975 foreigners who have been resident in the
country for a minimum of three years have the right to vote and stand as
candidates in municipal and provincial elections, although not in general
elections. In the UK, associations providing protection and assistance to
immigrants are their most important form of participation.
In more recent immigrant destinations such as Greece, Italy and Spain,
immigration control policies have played a more important role than
integration policies. During the 1990s, the government approach
62
concentrated on controlling illegal immigration and promoting the
integration of immigrants who were living and working legally in these
countries. Just like their northern European neighbours, their aim was to
allow in enough legal immigrants to meet the needs of the labour market
while coordinating integration policies in order to take into account the
cultural diversity of both the European host societies and the countries of
origin of non-EU immigrants. The same basic rights as the local population
are available to immigrants in southern Europe in the fields of employment,
healthcare and education, but only if they are legal immigrants. Illegal
immigrants, on the other hand, only have discretionary access to these rights
cither in emergencies or as a favour from people working in the social
services.
The cultural diversity arising from the different histories and traditions
of the societies of northern and southern Europe is manifested in the field of
immigration in the different approaches to tackling the political integration
of immigrants through citizenship. The legal principles of ius soli and ius
sanguinis and, in the case of some of Europe's former colonial powers, the
principle of whether or not an immigrant comes from a former colony, are
currently being applied less strictly and often in combination with each
other. Thus, in Germany, where the principle of ius sanguinis was
traditionally used as the basis for granting citizenship, new legislation came
into force in 2000 which combines this principle with the principle of ius
soli. In the UK, the distinction between Commonwealth citizens and other
non-national foreigners is disappearing and measures are being adopted
which apply to all foreign residents. In other countries such as Sweden, the
ius soli principle is used as the basis for granting citizenship, while
recognition of the ethnic and cultural diversity of immigrants and their
readiness to accept the host society's way of doing things both socially and
politically are also taken into account. Thus, some Scandinavian countries
have granted immigrants the right to vote in municipal elections (Sweden
since 1975, Norway, Denmark and also the Netherlands since the end of the
1980s) (Pajares 2001). One aspect common to the majority of EU countries
is that second generation immigrants have the right to citizenship while at
the same time the conditions that have to be met by first generation
immigrants are being made less stringent (Aubarell 2001: 45).
As far as the transnational aspect of immigration is concerned, there are
two main ways in which migrants stay in touch with the people and
63
institutions in their countries of origin: sending money (or occasionally
goods) from the host society to their country of origin, and family and
community ties as well as ties with the traditions of places outside the nation
state to which they have migrated. Permanent links in time and space are
created, something which has been made easier since the 1990s thanks to the
development of new communications technologies and as a result of the
changing economic and political situation in recent years in both countries
that export immigrants and the countries that receive them. Among the
consequences of this are repercussions for a) the ability of (im)migrants to
organise politically, b) the positive perception of emigration in the countries
of origin, c) the real impact that sending money has on the local economies
and labour markets (Vertovec 2001: 574).
As far as this last aspect is concerned, we know that the subsistence of
families in many developing countries is heavily dependent on the money
and goods sent by their emigrant populations. In the medium term, this
economic effect of migration could result in a restructuring of gender
relations, a demand for more vocational training and education, the
improvement of healthcare systems, etc. In addition to this purely economic
kind of transnational link, it is also important to take into account
sociocultural links which mainly concentrate on maintaining immigrants'
original identity and building a collective identity (which is very often ethnic
in nature) in the host country. The political impact of transnationalism is
particularly relevant to the issue of belonging to a group and citizenship. The
reality of global migration flows and networks that transcend the borders of
the host countries is calling into question the role of the nation state as a
closed unit or space within which economic, social and political processes
take place (see Pries, in this issue). In the age of globalisation, immigrants
are undermining the foundations of the nation state as a political unit (Beck
1999). This suggests the need to redefine citizenship as having multiple
levels, i.e. belonging to several superimposed compatible political
communities (Baubòck 2002), both in terms of the rights and duties of
immigrants as citizens or permanent residents and with regard to the
relationship between citizenship and collective identity, or as a tool that can
be used to achieve the sociocultural integration of immigrants into a given
society (Solé 2002). The key issue continues to be the connection between
the existence of transnational migrants and the concept of citizenship that
has existed until the present day as meaning belonging to a nation state - in
64
other words the connection between multiple levels of belonging and the
strategies of immigrants (and their families) to achieve integration in a
specific geopolitical space.
Translation from the Spanish by Joaquin Blasco
References
Aubarell, G. (2001) 'Polítiques d'integració a Europa: Tendències i
plantejaments', Ambits de Política i Societat, 18.
Baganha, M. and E. Reyneri (2001) 'La inmigración en los países del
sur de Europa y su inserción en la economia informal, in C. Solé (coord.) El
impacto de la inmigración en la economia y en la Sociedad receptora,
Barcelona: Ed. Anthropos.
Bauböck, R. (2002) 'Political community beyond the sovereign state:
supranational federalism and transnational minorities', in R. Cohen and S.
Vertovec (eds.) Conceiving Cosmopolitanism: Theory, Context and Practice,
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Beck, U. (1999) ¿Qué es la globalización?', Barcelona: Ed. Paidos.
Cachón, L. (1995) 'Marco institucional de la discriminación y tipos de
inmigrantcs en el mercado de trabajo en Espana', Revista Espahola de
Investigaciones Sociológicas, 69.
Castells, M. (1997) La era de la información, vol.1: La sociedad red,
Madrid: Alianza Ed.
Cohen, R. and S. Vertovec (eds.) (2002) Conceiving Cosmopolitanism:
Theory, Context and Practice, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Criado, Ma. J. (2001) La linea quebrada. Historias de vida de
migrantes, Madrid: Consejo Económico y Social.
Esping-Andersen, G. (1990) The Three Worlds of Welfare State,
Cambridge: Polity Press and New Jersey: Princeton University Press.
Geddes, A. (2000) Immigration and European integration. Towards
fortress Europe?, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press.
Gual, J. (2001) 'Demografia, mercat de treball i immigració a Europa:
després de l'Euro, què?', Jornada dels Economistes, Col.legi dels
Economistes de Catalunya,Barcelona.
Hammar, T. (1990) Democracy and the Nation-State: Aliens, Denizens
and Citizens in a World of International Migration, Avebury: Aldershot.
65
Mahning, H. and A. Wimmer (2000) '¿Especificidad o convergència?
Una tipologia de políticas de inmigración en Europa Occidental',
Migraciones, 8.
Oswald, G. (2000) Race and Ethnic Relations in Today's America,
Aldershot: Ashgate.
Pajares, M. (2001) Inmigración y ciudadanía en Europa, Madrid:
Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs.
Pries, R. (1999) Migration and Transnational Social Spaces,
Brookfield, USA, Singapore, Sydney: Ashgate.
Reyneri, E. (1994) 'A comparative analysis of the unemployment
patterns in European countries' in E. Gallie (ed.) Process of detachment from
the labour market. Final report of the unemployment network, Oxford:
Nuffield College.
Rodríguez Cabrero, G. (2002) 'Exclusion social y desigualdad. Debates
y políticas en el contexto de la UE’, in J. F. Tezanos (ed.) Clase, estatus y
poder en las sociedades emeigentes, Madrid: Editorial Sistema.
Sagarra, E. (2003) 'Entrada en vigor del Tratado de Niza', Dret i
Societat.
Sassen, S. (1999) Guests and Aliens, New York: The New Press.
Solé. C. (1981) La integration sociocultural de los inmigrantes en
Cataluna, Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas
Solé, C. (2001) 'Ciudadanía y racismo' in VVAA. Estructura y cambio
social, Madrid: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas.
Solé, C. (ed.) (2001) El impacto de la inmigración en la economia y en
la Sociedad receptora, Barcelona: Ed. Anthropos.
Solé, C. and S. Parella (2001) 'La inserción de los inmigrantes en el
mercado de trabajo. El caso espanol' in C. Solé (coord.) (2001) El impacto
de la inmigración en la economia y en la sociedad receptora, Barcelona: Ed.
Anthropos.
Sole, C. et al. (2002) 'El concepto de integracion en la sociologia de las
migraciones', Migraciones, 12, Madrid.
Tezanos, J. F. (cd.) (2002) Clase, estatus y poder en las sociedades
emergentes, Madrid: Editorial Sistema.
VVAA. (2001) Estructura y cambio social, Madrid: Centro de
Investigaciones Sociológicas.
Vertovec, S. (2001) Transnationalism and identity, Journal of Ethnic
and Migration Studies, 27 (4).
66
Book reviews. Irregular Migration. The Dilemmas of Transnational
Mobility
Antonio Martín Artiles
(Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 2005 11: 275, DOI:
10.1177/102425890501100219. The full version of this article can be found at:
http://trs.sagepub.com/content/11/2/275.citation)
The events of 11 September 2001 have reopened the debate on
immigration controls in Europe. While many commentators have
exaggerated this issue in the extreme, insinuating a connection between
immigration and global terrorism, Jordan and Düvell’s book proposes a more
sober critical examination of the whole dimension of illegal immigration,
motivated whether by economic considerations or by a concern for political
freedom and justice. The book also contains a critical assessment of the
control policies conducted by the European Union in the framework of
globalisation, highlighting the contradictions between such policies and the
tenets of democracy and the liberal economy.
Key concepts: mobility and citizenship
The arguments developed in Jordan and Düvell’s thought-provoking
book are underpinned by two concepts: mobility and citizenship. The
presence of irregular immigrants from countries of the third world in the
countries of the first world represents a problem for economic theory and for
the exercise of political justice. The globalised economy has no frontiers,
and yet the redistribution of welfare, in accordance with the Rawlsian
principle of justice, is restricted to a fixed number of members of that
community. In other words, welfare has a territorial basis whereas the
economy is global. This reality serves to highlight a limitation of the theory
of political justice, which conceives of the roles of the actors and the
resources of a society on the basis of a system of economic cooperation. The
theory of rational choice seeks to deal with this problem by putting forward
the idea of consumer sovereignty and freedom of choice. The invisible hand
of the market moves labour market actors in search of optimum efficiency,
one aspect of this movement being migration.
The findings presented are the product of interviews, discussion groups
and documentary analysis, a qualitative method that has enabled the
researchers to capture the meaning of the strategies devised by illegal
immigrants and the institutions involved with them. The bulk of the research
was conducted between 1996 and 2001 and the groups of irregular
67
immigrants interviewed included Brazilians, Poles and Turks. The book also
contains findings of another parallel study conducted in Germany, Italy and
Greece. The originality, and the specific interest, of this book is that it offers
us a theoretical framework based on a conceptualization of mobility,
citizenship and John Rawls’ notion of social justice, offering a fruitful
approach for the analysis of transnational migration policies in the United
Kingdom and the European Union at large.
The problem of control policy
The question of immigration control is a complex theme on which
adequate consensus has not yet been reached in the European Union. Control
policies remain national in character and are organised in highly different
ways. The rules on immigration reflect political conflicts among social
groups, between those who derive benefits from mobility and those to whom
no such benefits accrue. When it comes to transnational mobility some
individuals and social groups are winners, but others lose out.
The significance of mobility
The model of the free movement of capital has been transferred to the
social sphere to explain the mobility of persons, as if they could be regarded
as goods and services. The authors warn us that this comparison with capital
movements is misguided, for in the real world persons do not move with the
ease of capital. Persons are unequal in terms of the wealth, possessions and
vocational qualifications that affect the predisposition to mobility.
Individuals and social groups respond in different ways to the challenges of
globalisation, and irregular immigration is one facet of the emergence of
new transnational communities whose existence is a new social phenomenon
specific to globalisation, whereby persons move between one community
and another, seeking not only an improvement in their economic situation
but also greater political justice, and this movement leads to the creation of
new associations and new social networks. Irregular immigration is,
according to Jordan and Düvell (and paraphrasing Scott), the ‘weapon of the
weak’, a means of evading the legal barriers constituted by the fact that their
particular skin colour or country of origin has not been deemed suitable for
official labour recruitment purposes.
Mobility and citizenship
Jordan and Düvell’s analysis starts out from the idea that mobility is
fundamental to the microeconomic orientation on which the system is based.
Rational choice theory posits that mobility promotes consumer sovereignty,
68
individuals being able to transfer their resources to regions and localities
where returns on capital are higher. To some extent, this constitutes a
response to the State as Leviathan, to official controls and public expenditure
gone awry. Nowadays, in the framework of globalised markets, informed
citizens, who are responsible for their own welfare, have less need for the
social protection of the state. The provision of welfare is the responsibility of
the individuals themselves. Political discourse along these lines, which is
dominant in the UK and USA, has contributed to a polarisation within
society and to increased competition between territories. On the one hand are
the rich localities, regions and states, able to attract capital and trained
workforces; on the other hand are found the poor localities, regions and
countries, incapable of attracting investment and offering social protection.
In this context dominated by the ideological discourse of rational
choice theory, immigration stands for a tension that is inherent within the
economic and social system of the western countries. Immigration sets up
obstacles to participation in public goods, such as welfare and justice, on
which the system of advanced capitalism was itself based. One cause of this
tension and social exclusion of immigrants lies in the lesser capacity of
nation states to implement redistributive social policies, at a time when the
savings and investment of business are being transferred to those
geographical areas that offer the best economic yield. While states, regions
and geographical areas seek to attract investment and qualified labour in
order to improve their competitive position, unskilled labour is forced to
seek alternative options, and these include illegal immigration, precarious
forms of employment, work in the underground economy, etc.
Economic emigration
Immigration is generally assumed to be motivated by economic factors,
by the search for higher earnings and access to collective welfare services.
Yet immigration motivated by such economic factors is illegal when it
violates border controls, for the existence of these border controls is also
justified by economic factors. Though in general the EU Member States
adopt a restrictive official discourse on immigration, some relaxation is
observed in practice with regard to the recruitment of certain types of labour
that may be required for a country’s own development. This is true of skilled
labour (for example computer specialists) and is also applicable to the case
of female immigrants seeking work in the domestic sphere and caring for the
elderly, thereby fulfilling a policy need that relieves professional middle-
69
class women of the necessity to perform household labour, enabling them to
devote their time and energy to their careers, as has been shown, in relation
to the countries of southern Europe, by Sonia Parella (Mujer, inmigrante y
trabajadora: la triple discriminación, Barcelona: Anthropos, 2003).
The international activity of capitalist corporations and setting up of
transnational networks offer opportunities and incentives to irregular
migrants. The demand for unskilled and low-paid work in agriculture and
domestic services in the first world countries constitutes a powerful pull
factor for illegal immigration.
The empirical study conducted by Jordan and Düvell with
undocumented workers in London, as well as in investigating the response of
the receiving society, reveals the differences in the immigrant recruitment
networks of countries such as Brazil, Poland and Turkey. In some cases the
networks capture labour back in the country of origin, while in others the
social networks linking up labour supply and demand operate within the UK.
In other words, the existence of such labour recruitment networks reveals the
existence of a well organised informal labour market and underground
economy.
The demand for irregular workers prepared to work for low pay
functions in accordance with the search for efficiency of economic systems
in the countries of the first world. Accordingly, the book shows how asylum
can come to play a role in the complex transnational structure of business
activities, or of informal economic activities and the underground economy
within the receiving countries.
The arguments and questions explored in this book are as follows:
1. Mobility is a key factor for efficiency and allocation of resources on
the labour market. From the standpoint of the global economy, immigration
is simply one form of mobility.
2. Political units are territorial in character and their purpose is to
develop the efficiency of their productive capacity so as to improve their
competitive position on the international or even national scoreboard. Can
political justice and welfare be offered on any basis other than the territorial?
3. Freedom of choice concerning the community in which to live and
work are key arguments for currently dominant theories such as those
offered by neoclassical economics, liberal theory, the theory of justice and
rational choice. But are these principles compatible with border controls?
70
Соседние файлы в предмете [НЕСОРТИРОВАННОЕ]