Добавил:
ivanov666
Опубликованный материал нарушает ваши авторские права? Сообщите нам.
Вуз:
Предмет:
Файл:Управление миграционными процессами в трудовой сфере. Учебно-методическое пособие
.pdf
According to the official statistics, in both Spain and Italy migrant
domestic workers are mainly women, although the percentage of men has
increased in recent years particularly among immigrants from the Philippines
and Latin America (Dominicans, Peruvians, etc) and from non-EU European
countries. In Spain, almost 90% of foreign domestic workers are women,
whereas in Italy the figure is lower overall (77.8%) with the highest
percentage in the case of Latin American women (87.9%) and the lowest
percentage in the case of domestic workers from the Philippines (73.17c)
(Caritas di Roma 2002).
A breakdown of the country of origin of non-EU workers registered as
domestic workers with the Italian Department of Social Security shows that
in 1999, 43.1% were from Asia, with the main country of origin being the
Philippines (32.1%). Another Asian country that deserves a mention is Sri
Lanka, which accounted for 8.6% of the total. Workers from Latin America
made up almost 20%, with 10.4% from Peru, 2.6% from the Dominican
Republic and 2.5% from Ecuador. Africa was also a significant source of
workers, accounting for 17.2% of the total, the most important countries in
percentage terms being Morocco, Ethiopia, Somalia and Cape Verde. Finally
a significant number of migrant domestic workers also came from eastern
Europe (16.7%), the main countries being Romania (4.9%), Poland (4.0%)
and Albania (4.0%) (Caritas di Roma 2002).
In Spain, the breakdown by country of origin for migrant domestic
workers registered with the Department of Social Security's Special Regime
for Domestic Workers in 1999 shows that more than half come from Latin
America (54.4%). The most important countries are the Dominican Republic
(16.7%) and Peru (16.5%), followed by Ecuador (8.5%) and Colombia
(4.7%). In contrast to Italy, the country providing the largest number of
workers is Morocco, which accounts for 16.8% of the total, although this
figure is very similar to the percentages for the Dominican Republic and
Peru. Moroccan domestic workers are almost exclusively women who for
cultural reasons avoid working as live-in domestic workers8. Workers from
the Philippines are the fourth largest group, accounting for 12% of the total,
although their presence is not as significant as in Italy where they are the
largest group. Finally, the numbers of domestic workers from Eastern
8
It is important to note that although Moroccan women are the most numerous group in absolute terms in
Spain (accounting for 15.2% of all women with a residence permit), the percentage of women among
Moroccan immigrants as a whole is actually low, standing at 32.2% according to Minstry of the Interior
figures for 31 December 2001.
41
Europe are rising steadily, although they still account for a much lower
percentage (5.3%) than in Italy (Colectivo IOÉ 2001).
Immigration policy in Spain and Italy also contributes to promoting the
concentration of immigrant women in the domestic service sector. In Spain,
the policy of immigration quotas, whereby an annual limit is set on the
number of migrant workers in order to regulate the flow of non-EU migrant
workers into Spain, has repeatedly confirmed this assertion since it was
established in 1993. An analysis by sector of the annual quotas reveals that
female migrant domestic workers are at the very core of this policy, since
about 50% of the annual quota are filled by domestic workers. This points to
the fact that there is an insufficient supply of labour within Spain to meet the
demand for this type of work. It also has clear social and professional
implications for immigrant women, since it means that domestic work is
virtually the only legal means that is available to them for entering the labour
market. Consequently, the quotas policy represents the acceptance at
institutional level of the existence of a demand for domestic workers which
will be met mainly by women (Oso 1998). This situation has an effect on the
composition of migration flows and on migration strategies, acting as a pull
factor which encourages women to migrate to Spain on their own.
Andall (2000) describes how, after the 1990 Immigration Act was
passed in Italy with the main aim of controlling the number of immigrants
entering the country, special arrangements were introduced in order to
ensure that immigrant women could still be recruited as domestic workers.
Furthermore, when the government introduced an amnesty allowing illegal
immigrant workers to register with the Department of Social Security in
1996, housekeeping was the sector in which most workers came forward,
accounting for 40% of all new registrations (Reyneri 2001). According to
Ambrosini (1999), female migrant domestic workers are the group of illegal
immigrants that enjoys the easiest access to government amnesties and
therefore they do not conform to the typical stereotype of illegal immigrants
in Italy who are seen as dangerous individuals involved in illegal activities.
At the same time, both Italy and Spain are witnessing a segmentation
of domestic work along ethnic lines, since it is the least secure, least
regulated form of domestic work with the lowest social status and the worst
working conditions, as well as the strongest associations with servitude,
which have become the preserve of foreign workers (Parella 2003). Indeed,
to quote the sociologists Christine Catarino and Laura Oso, we are
42
witnessing'(...) the gradual ethnification of childcare services' (2000: 2). In
both countries, live-in domestic work is currently almost exclusively carried
out by immigrant women.
Local domestic workers are not prepared to do a job that means they
are unable to return to their homes every day and have their own family life,
and they therefore work mostly as live out domestic workers. In Spain,
according to the results of the above-mentioned survey carried out by
Colectivo IOE (2001:306), some 60.6% of domestic workers from Ecuador,
55.3% of those from the Philippines, 47.6% of Dominicans and 42% of
Peruvians work on a live-in basis. Many of these workers are married
women who have emigrated on their own as part of their family unit's
strategy to ensure the economic subsistence of the whole family group. They
are the main income providers for their family, which usually remains in
their country of origin, with the children being looked after by other women
in the family – as such, they can be described as transnational households.
Being employed as live-in domestic workers enables even those immigrant
women who are working illegally to maximise the amount of money they
save and to send money home on a regular basis, since they do not have to
pay for their own food and accommodation. The Colectivo IOÉ (2001)
points out that live-in domestic work better enables them to meet the
economic aims of migration, although at the cost of having almost no life at
all outside paid employment.
In terms of occupational mobility, an immigrant woman's prospects of
changing to a job in another sector depend on a whole range of factors, the
most important of which are her education, the aims of her migration and the
amount of time that she has spent in the host society, family networks, how
well she speaks the language, and her position within the family structure.
Nevertheless, for many foreign live-in domestic workers, particularly
African women who emigrated to Italy during the 1960s and 1970s,
domestic work ends up becoming their only profession (Andall 2003).
Andall (2000) suggests that it is precisely the huge demand in this sector
which makes it difficult for immigrant women to find work in other sectors.
The most they can aspire to is to change from live-in domestic work to liveout work. It is only in recent years that the first signs have begun to emerge
of mobility towards other sectors such as hotels and catering and retail. In
many cases, the only way of leaving live-in domestic service in the less-
43
developed southern regions of Italy is to move to the more economically
developed regions where the economy is more diversified.
As far as Spain is concerned, the highest levels of live-in domestic
workers are found among women who have only recently arrived in the
country. The longer a woman has lived in the host society, the greater her
chances of being employed in other types of domestic work which offer her
more independence (e.g. as a full-time live-out domestic worker, working on
an hourly basis, or working for a domestic services agency). Occupational
mobility is very limited for immigrant women9. The results of a survey
carried out by the University Institute for Migration Studies suggest that
slightly fewer immigrant women are employed as domestic workers later on
in their careers than at the beginning, which may be an indication of the first
signs of mobility towards other forms of employment (Anguiano 2001).
However, the only two alternative kinds of work to appear with any
frequency are the hotel and catering industry and, to a lesser extent, the retail
trade. The lack of 'alternative' job prospects for immigrant women has
encouraged many of them, particularly those who wish to settle permanently
in the host society, to consider self-employment as a means of achieving
occupational mobility in the medium term, once they have got enough
money together to start their own business (Solé and Parella 2001).
Conclusion
This contribution has shown that in Italy and Spain, paid domestic
work is the main source of employment for immigrant women from outside
the European Union. As far as the structure of this sector is concerned,
immigrant women do different kinds of work to that done by local domestic
workers. In an internally segmented sector, immigrant women are usually
employed as live-in domestic workers, a form of work for which there is a
huge demand and where there is a particularly high risk of exploitation and
invisibility. This can mainly be put down to the entrenched nature of
patriarchal relationships in the countries of southern Europe and the lack of
state welfare services allowing people to balance the needs of their family
life with those of their work.
The ineffectiveness of the welfare state has meant that the growth in
paid domestic work has come about through the creation of 'poor-quality'
9
According to the survey carried out by the Colectivo IOÉ (2001), nearly 82% of female migrant
domestic workers had never changed their occupation
44
jobs, often in the informal economy. The drastic improvement in the
education of local women and the corresponding increase in what they
expect from their job has caused them to leave this sector, creating a demand
for labour which has been met by immigrant women whose 'job tolerance
threshold' is lower and who are therefore prepared to work for less money,
make fewer demands on their employers, and accept working conditions
which would be unacceptable to local women. It is thus possible to talk of a
transfer of class and race inequalities from one group of women to another.
A widening gulf is emerging between educated middle-class local women
and a majority of working-class women from non-EU countries who belong
to a different social class and have different ethnic origins, and are currently
performing the function of a 'service caste' (Andall 2003).
Translation from the Spanish by Joaquin Blasco
References
Ambrosini, M. (1999) Utili Invasori. L'inserimento degli immigranti
nel mercato del lavoro italiano, Milan: FrancoAngeli.
Andall, J. (2000) Gender, Migration and Domestic Service, Aldershot:
Ashgate.
Andall, J. (2003) 'Hierarchy and Interdependence: The Emergence of a
Service Caste in Europe', in J. Andall (ed.) Gender and Ethnicity in
Contemporary Europe, London: Berg.
Anderson, B. (2000) Doing the dirty work? The global politics of
domestic labour, London: Zed Books.
Anguiano, M.E. (2001) ‘Inmigración laboral extracomunitaria en
Espana: explorando perfiles y trayectorias laborales', Migraciones, 10, 111-
134.
Anthias, F. (2000) 'Metaphors of Home: Gendering New Migrations to
southern Europe', in F. Anthias and G. Lazaridis (eds.) Gender and
Migration in Southern Europe, Oxford: Berg.
Caritas di Roma (1999) Immigrazione, Dossier statistico 1999, Rome:
Anterem.
Caritas di Roma (2002) Immigrazione. Dossier statistico 2002, Rome:
Anterem
Catarino, C. and L. Oso (2000) 'La inmigración femenina en Madrid y
Lisboa: hacia una etnización del servicio domestico y de las empresas de
limpieza', PAPERS. Revista de Sociologia, 60, 187-207.
45
Colectivo IOÉ (2001) Mujer, inmigración y trabajo, Madrid:
Ministerio de Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales.
Esping-Andersen, G. (1990) The three worlds of welfare capitalism,
Cambridge: Cambridge Polity Press.
Ferrera, M. (1996) 'The 'Southern Model' of Welfare in Social Europe',
Journal of European Social Policy, 6 (1), 17-37.
Fougeyrollas-Schwebel, D. (1995) 'Le travail domestique: économie
des servitudes et partage', in H. Hirata and D. Senotier (eds.) Femmes et
partage du travail, Paris: Syros.
Garrido, L. (1992) Las dos biografías de la mujer en Espana, Madrid:
IMU
Gonzalez, Ma J., T. Jurado and M. Naldini (eds.) (2000) Gender
Inequalities in Southern Europe. Women, Work and Welfare in the 1990s,
London: Frank Cass.
Gregson, N. and M. Lowe (1994) Servicing the middle classes,
London: Routledge.
Heyzer, N. and V. Wee (1994) 'Domestic Workers in Transient
Overseas Employment: Who Benefits, Who Profits?', in N. Heyzer, G.
Lycklama and N. Weerakoon (eds.) The Trade in Domestic Workers,
London: Zed Books Ltd.
Kofman, E. (1999) 'Female 'Birds of Passage' a Decade Later: Gender
and Immigration in the European Union', International Migration Review,
33 (2), 269-289.
Lazaridis, G. (2000) 'Filipino and Albanian Women Migrant Workers
in Greece', in F. Anthias and G. Lazaridis (eds.) Gender and Migration in
Southern Europe, Oxford: Berg.
Leibfried, S. (1993) 'Towards a European welfare state", in C. Jones
(ed.) New Perspectives on the welfare state in Europe, London: Routledge.
Ministerio de Interior. Anuario Estadítico de Extranjeria 2001.
[available online]. <http:// www.mir.es/dgei/indcx.html>.
Ministerio Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales. Trabajadores extranjeros
afiliados en alta laboral. [available online], <http://www.mtas.es/
Estadisticas/anuarioOO/ AEX/Index.html>.
Ministerio Trabajo y Asuntos Sociales. Afiliación de trabajadores al
sistema de la Seguridad Social [available online], <http://www.mtas.es/
Estadisticas/ anuarioOO/ AFI/Index.html>.
46
Momsen, J. H. (1999) Gender, Migration and Domestic Service,
London: Routledge.
Moreno, L. (2001) "Supermujeres' y bienestar en las sociedades
mediterraneas', Claves de razónpractica, 111, 49-53.
Oso, L. (1998) La migración hacia Espana de las mujeres jefas de
hogar, Madrid: IMU.
Parella, S. (2003) Mujer, inmigrante y trabajadora: la triple
discriminación, Barcelona: Anthropos.
Parrenas, R. (2001) The Global Servants: Migrant Filipinas Domestic
Workers in Rome and Los Angeles, Palo Alto: Stanford University Press.
Pessar, P.R. (1999) 'The Role of Gender, Households, and Social
Networks in the Migration Process: A Review and Appraisal', in Ch.
Hirschman et al. (eds.) The Handbook on International Migration. The
American Experience, New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Phizacklea, A. (1999) 'Gender and Transnational Labour Migration", in
R. Barot, H. Bradley and S. Fenton (eds.), Ethnicity, Gender and Social
Change, London: Macmillan.
Reyneri, E. (2001) 'Migrants in Irregular Employment in the
Mediterranean Countries of the European Union', International Migration
Papers, 41, Geneva: International Labour Office.
Saraceno, C. (1995) 'Familismo categórico en el Estado del bienestar
italiano', in S. Sarasa and L. Moreno (eds.) El Estado del bienestar en la
Europa del sur, Madrid: CSIC.
Solé, C. and S. Parella, S. (2001) 'La inserción de los inmigrantes en el
mercado de trabajo', in C. Solé (ed.) El impacto de la inmigración en la
economia y en la sociedad receptora, Barcelona: Anthropos.
Stasiulis, D. and A. B. Bakan (1994) 'Negotiating Citizenship: The case
of foreign domestic workers in Canada', Feminist Review, 57, 12-135.
Trifiletti, R. (1999) 'Family Obligations in Italy', in J. Millar and A.
Warman (eds.) Defining Family Obligations in Europe, Bath Social Policy
Papers, University of Bath.
Vaiou, D. (1996) 'Women's Work and Everyday Life in Southern
Europe in the context of European Integration', in Ma D. García-Ramón and
J. Monk (eds.) Women of the European Union, London: Routledge.
Villa, P. (1990) La estructuración de los mercados de trabajo, Madrid:
MTSS.
47
European policy on immigration
Carlota Solé
Professor of Sociology, Department of Sociology, Autonomous
University of Barcelona
(Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 2003 9: 401-415. DOI:
10.1177/102425890300900304. The full version of this article can be found at:
http://trs.sagepub.com/content/9/3/401)
Summary
This article deals with European immigration control and integration
policies as public policies. Control and integration are the two main drivers
of immigration policy. From a comparative perspective, the distinction
between economic and political migration is made and the occupational and
labour situation for northern and southern European countries is presented.
Some of the differences between European countries in the interplay of
control and integration policies are analysed in relation to transnationalism
and the construction of a European identity.
Introduction
In Spain, immigration policies considered as public policies, in other
words as government action programmes together with the actions and
measures that are implemented in society as a consequence of them, follow
two clear directions: the control of immigrants on the one hand, and their
integration on the other. This article concentrates on economic immigrants
from countries outside the European Union rather than non-economic
immigrants from within the EU (people retiring abroad or moving abroad for
lifestyle reasons, etc). The article also adopts the distinction drawn by
Reyneri (1994) between legal and illegal immigrants on the basis of whether
or not they have entered the country legally and are legal residents, and
between regular and irregular immigrants on the basis of whether or not they
work in the formal sector of the economy.
Policies aimed at controlling immigration are understood to be
preventive and repressive public actions at state, regional or municipal level.
Policies aimed at integration are social policies which in western European
societies are closely linked to the welfare state. These involve sectoral
actions (labour policy, public health, social welfare, housing, etc) and their
ultimate goal is to integrate the human and cultural elements of immigration
48
with those of the host society in order to maintain social cohesion and
prevent conflict from the ethnocentric and insiderist perspective of the host
society (Solé 1981: 14-16).
Policies aimed at control can be divided into two main types: policing
policies, i.e. border control policy, and policies aimed at legalising or
controlling illegal and/or irregular immigrants. Integration policies are much
less developed in the countries of the European Union, including Spain.
They are geared towards helping immigrants find work in the host country's
labour market and within its occupational structure, and they use grass-roots
organizations as an intermediate system for representing immigrants'
interests in order to promote and, up to a point, ensure their inclusion in
participative and political institutions. Social immigration policies aimed at
integration are designed to avoid the exclusion of particular social groups.
Immigration in Europe
Migration is a historical phenomenon, and throughout history
population movements have been driven by the desire of human beings to
have a good or better life. Nevertheless, in today's world such movements
are more transnational and global than ever before (Pries 1999). Networks
comprising several different countries form units of production and
redistribution on a worldwide scale and in real time (Castells 1997). At the
same time this causes suspicion, uncertainty and indeed outright rejection on
the part of the people living in these countries. The phenomenon, which is
linked with conflict, and, in public opinion, with crime, both globally and
nationally, is causing concern among the governments of many Western
countries. The 'negative' impact of immigration on the host societies is
magnified by its coverage in the media, and this, together with the
institutional framework and actual circumstances in these countries,
reinforces the subordination of immigrants in the labour market and their
social exclusion (Sole et al. 2001).
It is possible to draw a distinction between European countries which
are traditional destinations for immigrants and countries where the
phenomenon is more recent. This distinction is based not only on differences
in the point or period in history at which immigration flows have taken
place, but also on the different patterns with regard to the numbers, type and
country of origin of the immigrants, the way in which they settle in the host
country, their sociocultural integration and the extent of their political
49
participation. In general, the traditional immigrant destinations are the
countries of northern Europe where workers and refugees from southern
Europe and from war zones have been arriving for more than 50 years. The
more recent immigrant destinations are the countries of southern Europe
which 50 years ago were exporters of labour but have recently turned into a
destination for economic migrants.
Keeping in mind the semantic and conceptual distinction made by both
scholars and public opinion between immigrants (defined in terms of their
ethnic group and country of origin, invisible to the local population, and
equated with people who are poor and not from the West) and foreigners
(who share the same race and culture as the local population and are equated
with Westerners), both the traditional and the more recent forms of
immigration are opposed for two connected but distinct social reasons: the
economic and the political (Criado 2001: 16). As far as the economic
rationale is concerned, the scarcity of resources, especially jobs and welfare
benefits, means that people are anxious to keep down the demand for these
resources. The more competition there is with immigrants for jobs or social
services, the more this is the case. It is for this reason that the social groups
most vehemently opposed to immigration are the groups which are most
directly affected by it in a polarized and segmented labour market (Solé and
Parella 2001: 43) and the groups which are least integrated in sociocultural
terms. As for the political rationale, in addition to the economic threat posed
by immigration, it is important to take into account what it means to be an
alien and not to be a citizen of the host country at a symbolic level and in
terms of identity (Criado 2001:19).
Migration flows began to increase after World War II. In the 1950s and
1960s, there was a rise both in the flows within European countries and in
immigration from former colonies (Algerians migrating to France,
Indonesians to the Netherlands and Indians and Pakistanis to Britain, etc).
Since the 1980s we have also increasingly seen immigration into the
European Union from non-EU countries. In this context, a distinction can be
drawn between countries which have received a constant flow of economic
and political migrants from southern Europe and war zones since the end of
World War II (Germany, France, the UK, Scandinavia and the Netherlands)
and southern European countries such as Spain, Italy and Greece, which
have gone from being exporters of labour to destinations for immigrants.
Portugal is a special case, since it is both a source of immigrants to northern
50
Соседние файлы в предмете [НЕСОРТИРОВАННОЕ]