прагматика и медиа дискурс / Teun A van Dijk - Ideology

1986). Douglas (1986) specifically also focuses on organizations or institutions as 'thinking' and hence as instances that develop ideologies, just as they make decisions.

2 The ideological functions of the family have been investigated more generally in much primary socialization research, but also more specifically, for instance with respect to the acquisition of gender roles, the acquisition of prejudices, and so on. See, for example, Aboud (1988); Gittins (1993); Kraut and Lewis (1975); Todd (1985); Walsh (1983).

3 The ideological functions of schooling and formal education have been among the beststudied institutional aspects of ideology. See, among many other publications, the following studies: Apple (1979, 1982); Apple and Weiss (1983); Ekehammar et al. (1987); Giroux (1981); Karabel and Halsey (1977); Rothstein (1991); Sarup (1991); Sharp (1980); Stevens and Wood (1992); Tiemey (1991); Watt (1994); Willis (1977); Young (1971). More specifically, Baer and Lambert (1990) found that students of business and the professions tend to support dominant ideologies, and those who studied social sciences tend consequently to support counter-ideologies.

4 The ideological influence of the mass media has been discussed within the broader framework of the power, effects and influence of the media, and has alternatively been emphasized or mitigated, depending on theory and empirical findings. See Barrett et al. (1979); Cormell (1978); Downing (1984); Fletcher (1991); Fowler (1991); Golding and Murdock (1979); Hachten (1981); Hall (1982); Hartley and Montgomery (1985); Rothman and Lichter (1985); Schiller (1973); Schiller and Alexandre (1992); Thompson (1990). For the relations between news values and ideologies, see Westerstahl and Johansson (1994).

5 For the role of political panties and organizations in the reproduction of racist ideologies, see, for example, Ben-Tovim et al. (1986); Browning et al. (1990); Feldman (1992); Fitzgerald (1996); Kinder and Sears (1981); Lauren (1988); Layton-Henry (1992); Miles and Phizacklea (1979); Reeves (1983); Sniderman et al. (1993); Solomos (1986, 1993); van Dijk (1993a).

6 For the role of science and scholarship in the reproduction of racism, see, for example, Barkan (1992); Benedict (1982); Chase (1975); Essed (1987); Haghighat (1988); Joseph et al. (1990); Shipman (1994); Tucker (1994); Unesco (1993); van Dijk (1993a).

Chapter 20

1 This does not mean, of course, that diere is no earlier work on discourse and ideology. See the references given in Note 4. The problem is that much work on discourse and ideology does not discuss discourse structures in any detall at all, or vaguely identifies discourse with ideology. Though critical of such identification, Purvis and Hunt (1993) simply continue the reduction of discourse to some kind of overall'order of discourse' without actually analysing it, thus continuing the (usually Marxist or Foucauldian) tradition they criticize. See, for example, Fairclough (1992) for a discourse analytical critique of Foucault.

2 This is the approach especially advocated, in various degrees of orthodoxy, by discursive psychologists in the UK, an approach we have commented on before. See, for example, Potter and Wetherell (1987, 1989); Billig (1991b). For discussion of this approach, see also Augoustinos and Walker (1995).

3 Although crucially relevant for many forms of communication and interaction, we must unfortunately ignore this broader 'seiniotic' approach to discourse in this book. For ideological implications of various types of visual communication, see, for example, Austin (1977); Barker (1989); Hall et al. (1980); Hodge and Kress (1988); Kress and Van Leeuwen (1990); Pauly (1993); Reis (1993); Shohat and Stam (1994).

4 Implicitly, many studies of the acquisition or expression of ideology deal with language, discourse or communication. Focused interest in the role of discourse in the acquisition and change of ideologies can be found in the following studies, among many others: Aronowitz (1988); Barley and Kunda (1992); Billig (1991b); Boylan and Foley (1992); Burton and Carlen (1979); Dant (1991); Fairclough (1989, 1995); Fowler (1991); Hodge and Kress (1993); Mumby (1988); Pecheux (1982); Reis (1993); Rossi-Landi (1978); Strassner (1987); van Dijk (1995); Wenden and Schaffner (1994); Wodak (1989, 1996); Wuthnow (1989). However, very

few of these studies provide a detailed and systematic study of the relations between ideological structures and discourse structures.

5 See, for example, Foucault (1981).

6 For this critical approach, critical discourse analysis (CDA), see for instance, van Dijk (1993b). Of course, diereis much other work in discourse analysis on ideology (see Note 3), and other directions of CDA. However most of diese only bridge the gap between (linguistic and other) approaches to discourse structures on the one hand, and social interaction or social structure, on the other, and neglect the important cognitive 'interface'. Similarly, important work on the cognitive psychology of discourse production and comprehension, usually neglects the social basis of discourse and understanding. One of the few approaches in critical discourse analysis that integrates these different dimensions is the work of Ruth Wodak and her associates (see, e.g., Wodak, 1987, 1989, 1991, 1996). Finally, much of the tradition of critical linguistics in the UK and Australia (such as the work, cited in Note 3, by Fowler, Kress, Van Leeuwen and others), has been formulated in the broader framework of functional, systemic linguistics and semiotics as initiated by Halliday (1973, 1985, 1987).

7 For other approaches to discourse, see the following introductions: Renkema (1993); Schiffrin (1993); van Dijk (1985, 1997).

8 We shall not engage in this debate here, nor detall the many differences between our framework and the more philosophical or postmodem approaches to discourse. For discussion, see, for example, Agger (1990, 1992,1993); Rojek and Turner (1993); Simons and Billig (1994); see also Fairclough' s assessment of the relevance of Foucault for discourse analysis (Fairclough, 1992).

9 See the references given in Note 2.

10 A typical example of more contemporary 'social' semiotic analysis that integrates modem linguistics and discourse analysis, is the work by Hodge and Kress (1988) and Kress and Van Leeuwen (1990).

Chapter 21

1 For analyses of graphical or visual properties of discourse, see, for example, Hodge and Kress (1988); Kress and Van Leeuwen (1990); Mitchell (1994); Rutter (1984); Solso (1994); Saint-Martin (1990).

2 The ideological implications of visual communication have been studied by, for example, Austin (1977); Bristor et al. (1995); Davis and Walton (1983); Doise (1978); Ellsworth and Whatley (1990); ElWarfally (1988); Mitchell (1986); Pauly (1989); Sinclair (1987).

3 For the study of sound structures in discourse, and especially of intonation, see Brazil (1983); Gibbon and Richter (1984); Selting (1995).

4 Of the few studies that relate phonological variables with social or political functions, see Moosmüller (1989); Van Leeuwen (1992). In conversation analysis, special attention is paid to the nature and functions of applause. A politically oriented study of applause is given by Atkinson (1984).

5 An early study of die role of syntax in the expression of ideologically based meanings is Fowler et al. (1979).

6 For the ideologically based expression of agency and responsibility, see, for example, Fowler (1991); Fowler et al. (1979); Sykes (1985); van Dijk (1991); van Leeuwen (1995).

7 For social, political and ideological studies of pronouns, see for instance Brown and Gilman (1960); Carbó (1987); Duranti (1984); Jacquemet (1994); Maitland and Wilson (1987); Urban (1988); van Dijk (1987); Wilson (1990). For experimental evidence about the persuasiva role of the use of 'Us' and 'Thern' in social categorization, sea Perdue et al. (1990).

8 For ideological studies of discourse meanings, see, for example, Luke (1989); Pecheux (1982); van Dijk (1995).

9 For news schemata and their ideological implications, see van Dijk (1988a, 1998b).

10 The ideological implications of the use of rhetorical figures (and especially metaphor) have been studied in much work, such as in Billig (1991b, 1995); Billig and Sabucedo (1994); Chilton (1995); Gale (1994); Kenshur (1993); Lakoff (1987, 1995); Medhurst (1990); Miller and Fredericks (1990); Montgomery et al. (1989); Mumby and Spitzack (1983); Roeh and Nir (1990); van Dijk (1991); Wander (1984).

11 Ideological analysis of conversational structures and strategies is a direction of research that until recently was anathema in most conversation analysis. However, there are now several studies of conversation that focus on social relations that may have an ideological basis, such as those of gender or profession. See, for example, Atkinson (1984); Boden and Zimmerman (1991); Firth (1995); Greatbatch (1992); Heritage (1985); Heritage and Greatbatch (1986); West (1979, 1984, 1990).

Chapter 22

1 Despite the absence of a general theory of context, there have been many writers, especially also in the ethnography of discourse, who have dealt with various aspects of context. See, for example, the well-known SPEAKING model of Dell Hymes, as the first discussion of the parameters of context-of-speaking (Hymes, 1962). See also Auer and Di Limo (1992); Duranti and Goodwin (1992); Gumperz (1982a, 1982b); van Dijk (1977).

2 The notion of context model has been discussed in somewhat more detall in van Dijk (1996, 1997). See also the general discussion of models in Chapter 7.

3 The theory of experience models is based on various ideas in cognitive and social psychology, for example, mental models in general (Johnson-Laird, 1983; van Dijk and Kintsch, 1983); about episodic memory (Tulving, 1983); about memory for mundane events and the role of the Self (Neisser, 1986; Neisser and Fivush, 1994); about self-schema (Markus, 1977); and about autobiographical memories (Robinson, and Swanson, 1990; Rubin, 1986; Thompson et al., 1996; Trafimow and Wyer, 1993).

4 More generally, genre information regulates the choice of speciflc topics and their hierachical importance (Tenney, 1989).

5 For a discussion of diese various participant roles, see, for example, Goffman (1974). 6 For the influence of (interpretations of) professional roles on discourse, see, for example,

Boden and Zimmerman (1991); Drew and Heritage (1992); Fisher and Todd (1986). 7 Op-ed is a US term, meaning 'opposite the editorial page'.

8 The influence of ideologically based group membership in the production of discourse has been examined in many studies, especially in the fields of gender and ethnicity (Balon et al., 1978; Dines and Humez, 1995; Mazingo, 1988; van Dijk, 1991; van Zoonen, 1994; Wilson, 1991; Wodak et al., 1990). Thus, it has been found that black readers will tend to focus more on civil rights issues than whites, and their contextual self-representation will thus also influence the ways news meanings are interpreted as relevant models (Burgoon et al., 1987; Iyengar and Kinder, 1987; see also Johnson, 1987). Similarly, differences of class and education, correlated with that of knowledge also play a role in understanding (Graber, 1988; Wodak, 1987).

9 Relevant for the construction of models of the production context are also the beliefs of speakers or writers about their recipients' beliefs, which may well be erroneous, as has often been demonstrated for journalists' beliefs about their readers (Gans, 1979; Gunter, 1987; Neuman et al., 1992). For experimental evidence about the role of what speakers know about the knowledge of their recipients, see Fussell and Kraus, 1992.

Chapter 23

1 Processes and conditions of social and cultural reproduction have been studied especially by, for example, Apple (1979, 1982); Banerjee (1986); Bourdieu (1973,1988,1989); Bourdieu

1

and Passeron (1977); Chodorow (1978); Corson (1995); Fowler (1987); Liebes et al. (1991); Minnini (1990); Passeron (1986); Rossi-Landi (1978); Thompson (1990).

2 Learning to understand racism from everyday experiences has been described in detall in Essed (1990, 1991). See also Brown (1986).

3 For the various macro—micro relations involved here, see also, for example, Alexander et al. (1987); Knorr-Cetina and Cicourel (1981).

4 These ideological dilemmas and contradictions have been studied by Billig et al. (1988).

5 Differential ingroup and outgroup attribution of negative acta has been found in much of the social psychological literature. See, for example, Fishkin et al. (1993); Hewstone et al. (1989); Simon (1992); Stephan (1977); Weber (1994).

Chapter 24

1 Most work on discourse processing focuses on understanding (Britton and Graesser, 1996; Flammer and Kintsch, 1982; Graesser, 1981; van Dijk and Kintsch, 1983; van Oostendorp and Zwaan, 1994; Weaver et al., 1995). One of the reasons for this bias is that most of this work is experimental, and comprehension processing is easier to control (precisely by experimental texts) than production processes, of which the very 'stars' is much leas obvious than that of comprehension. However, especially for the psycholinguistics of language production (which, on the other hand, largely ignores discourse structures) see Levelt (1989).

2 For context models and the ways they control discourse production and comprehension, see van Dijk (1997).

3 For the role of topics or macrostructures in discourse processing, see the references given in Note 1, as well as van Dijk (1980).

4 See Levelt (1989).

Chapter 25

1 For 'effects' research in the field of masa communication, see, for example, Bradac (1989); Bryant and Zillman (1986); Klapper (1960); Lowery and DeFleur (1995); Rosengren (1994). In social psychology, persuasion research overlaps with the broader field of attitude change research (see Eagly and Chaiken, 1993), but generally focuses on the role of 'messages' in attitude changa. Among a vast literatura, sea, for example, the following hooks: Austen and Davie (1991); Bostrom (1993); Cialdini (1993); Jowett and ODonnell (1992); O'Keefe (1990); Pratkanis and Aronson (1992); Reardon (1991); Shavitt and Brock (1994); Zanna et al. (1987). Work in political cognition, shows, among other things, that the influence of political messages may depend on knowledge about the politician' s ideological position and sometimes on the issues themselves, depending under what conditions the discourse is understood and evaluated (see, e.g., Wyer et al., 1991).

2 For agenda-setting research, sea, for example, McCombs and Shaw (1972, 1993); Protess and McCombs (1991).

3 For some experimental evidence of this claim, in relation to the interpretation of public policies and debates, see, for example, Lau et al. (1991).

4 That argaments and the definition of'facts' may be ideologically variable, has been demonstrated for administrativa settings (discussions on minorities by boards of trustees of a school) by Corson (1993).

5 The acquisition of opinions and attitudes has been studied in, for example, Aboud and Doyle (1993); Brome (1989); Katz (1976); Sigel (1985, 1989).

Chapter 26

1 For this chapter I am particularly indebted to Luisa Martín Rojo. For further discussion of the relations between discourse and legitimation, see our paper Martín Rojo and van Dijk (1997).

2 Among the many general studies on legitimation and its normativa basis, sea, for example, Della Fave (1986); Dworkin (1986); Habermas (1975, 1993); Lenski (1966); Rawls (1972); Walker et al. (1986); Wolfe (1977).

3 For earlier studies of the language and discourse of legitimation, see, for example, GokePariola (1993); Mueller (1973).

4 For pragmatic analyses of legitimation, sea, for example, De Fornel (1983).

5 Such everyday accounts and explanations have been studied by, for example, Antaki (1981, 1988,1994b).

6 This combination of power, rhetoric and impression management has often been observed in studies of legitimation. See, for example, Allen, and Caillouet (1994); Anderson (1988).

7 See Dworkin (1986); Finnis (1980); Habermas (1993); Rawls (1972). 8 See for instance the discussion in Della Fave (1980, 1986).

9 For an analysis of the democratic norms, ideologies and legitimation, see, for example, Barnard (1992); Habermas (1993).

10 See van Dijk (1992) for a study of denials of racism.

11 For analyses of the legitimation of racism, see Skutnabb-Kangas (1990); Wetherell and Potter (1992).

12 For empirical evidence about such forms of delegitimation of minorities both in everyday conversation as well as by the elites, see van Dijk (1984, 1987, 1991, 1993a).

13 See Molm (1986).

14 See, for example, Richardson (1985).

15 See the studies on media coverage of industrial disputes by Glasgow University Media Group (1976, 1980).

16 For such forms of limitation of media access of minorities, see van Dijk (1991) and references given there.

17 For the legitimation of opposition, dissidence and revolution, sea, for example, Martin et al. (1990).

18 For studies of the role of authority in legitimation, sea Heisey and Trebing (1986); Johnson (1994); Raz (1986); Tyler (1990).

19 For analyses of the legitimating authority of knowledge and science, see, for example, Aronowitz (1988); Brown (1989); Foucault (1980).

Chapter 27

1 Despite the vast literature on ideology, and the similarly vast literature on discourse, there is in fact very little explicit and systematic work on those structures of discourse that typically have ideological implications, conditions or consequences. See, from different perspectivas, however, the following studies: Billig (1991b); Billig et al. (1988); Chilton (1985, 1988); Dant (1991); Fowler (1991); CCCS (1977); Herman (1992); Herman and Chomsky (1988); Kress (1985); Kress and Hodge (1993); Mumby (1988); Pecheux (1982); Strassner (1987); Tetlock (1983); Thompson (1984, 1990); van Dijk (1995); Verschueren and Blommaert (1992); Wodak (1989, 1996); Wuthnow (1989). However, it should be added that even diese studies either do not explicitly theorize about the structures and functions of ideologies, or about those of discourse. Strictly speaking, then, there is no theory of the relations between discourse structures and ideological structures. Hence also the rationale for this book and those that are planned to follow.

2 For references about the discourse structures discussed below, see the notes to Chapter

22.

3 See the references in Chapter 24, Note 1.

4 See van Dijk (1991).

5 The role of causes and explanations in the expression of ethnic prejudice, and hence in the expression of racist ideologies, has been studied in, for example, Schuman et al. (1985).

6 For examples and analyses of disclaimers, and generalization and speciflcation moves in discourse about ethnic affairs, see van Dijk (1984, 1987).

7 For such 'deviations' of normal procedures as constitutive of racist events, see Essed (1991).

8 For the ideological implications of these syntactic variations, see, for example, Fowler (1991); Fowler et al. (1979); van Dijk (1991).

9 Although, initially, conversation analysis igriored typical macro-notions such as power and inequality, later work in this area has uncovered many conversational enactments of such social relations. See, for example, Boden and Zimmerman (1991); Coulthard (1992); Crawford (1994); Drew and Heritage (1992); Holmes (1995); West (1984).

10 On manipulation and mind management in ideological production (e.g. related to US foreign policy), see, for example, Herman (1992); Herman and Chomsky (1988). However, although frequently used, the notion of 'manipulation' has, to my knowledge, never been made explicit in a theory.

11 See Vallas (1991) for a study that shows how hegemonic ideological control by management over the workers may fail when the latter are able to develop a critical consciousness of the employment relation. This study also shows, however, that in this case it is the strength of sexist ideologies among male workers that may override management ideologies. See Martín Rojo and Callejo Gallego (1995) for a related study of executives and 'inhibited' sexism, and the responses of women to forms of dominant discourse.

Chapter 28

1 For 'symbolic' racism and related forms of 'modem', 'everyday,' or 'new' racism, see, for example, Barker (1981); Dovidio and Gaertner (1986); Essed (1991). See also Note 7.

2 For studies of neo-conservatism and the New Right, see Bennett (1990); Kroes (1984); Levitas (1986).

3 See for instance bis controversial book Illiberal Education (D'Souza, 1992).

4 See, for example, Aufderheide (1992); Berman (1992); Fish (1994); Williams (1995). 5 Similar strategic moves of 'frankness' were also found in many other discourses about

minorities, both in everyday conversation as well in institutional taLk and text of the elites (van Dijk, 1987, 1993a).

6 See van Dijk (1991).

7 See Chapter 14, Note 3 for references to other studies on racism. For (the permanence of) racism in the USA, see also Bell (1992); Doob (1993); Feagin and Sikes (1994); Feagin and Vera (1995); Powell (1993). For a bibliography, see Weinberg (1990).

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