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Mapping Reflexive Body Techniques 31

towards involuntary weight gain and obesity, which has triggered an increase in dieting and working out, being a clear illustration of this (see Crossley, 2004b). However, we have here a basic framework which invites further elaboration – both qualitative and quantitative – and which takes our understanding of body modification/maintenance forward.

Conclusion

In this article I have attempted to push the sociological analysis of body modification/maintenance forward on substantive, theoretical and methodological fronts. Practices of modification/maintenance, I have argued, can be understood as reflexive body techniques; social techniques, collectively shared but individually rooted in the corporeal schemas of agents. The concept of RBTs has many advantages, but specifically it is important because it emphasizes reflexivity, refuses dualism and facilitates empirical investigation.

Each society, I have suggested, has a specific repertoire of such techniques but techniques are not equally or evenly distributed and diffused throughout the social body. Specifically I have argued (i) that RBTs fall into different frequency zones (core, intermediate and marginal), and (ii) that further differentiation is visible in the intermediate and marginal zones, as RBTs cluster in accordance with specific subcultures, fields and movements (and the concerns associated with these fields). Alerting ourselves to these distinctions is important, I have suggested, because different clusters of RBTs have different socio-logics and need to be explained in different ways. Where some RBTs are strongly encouraged, if not made compulsory, for example, others are outlawed, and we must account for this in our attempts to explain these practices.

Alongside this substantive engagement it has been my intention to explore, for methodological purposes, the utility of multi-dimensional scaling. This method, like any method, has limitations. What I have attempted to show in this article, however, is the way in which we can use it to map out the social distribution of RBTs, identifying their distinct patterns of clustering. Moreover, in relation to my ‘heavy exercise’ cluster, I showed how we might move from general clusters of RBTs through to a cluster of social agents themselves, a step which may, in turn, facilitate a sophisticated form of social and biographical profiling of particular practitioner communities – e.g. primitivist communities or bodybuilding communities.

Many loose ends remain at the end of the article. Many avenues are yet to be explored. This is a good thing. It invites and facilitates further analysis. One very obvious way in which the analysis might be extended, however, is through a

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32 Body and Society Vol. 11 No. 1

more detailed exploration of the specific clusters marked out on my map (Figure 4). This is an exercise that might use statistical procedures such as MDS, but perhaps in conjunction with the more ethnographical and qualitative forms of analysis which the analysis of RBTs also affords.

Notes

1.Things are not quite so simple as this, as there are different techniques for determining distances, and any mapping exercise involves a process of variable selection – not least because outliers can throw the map off course. These processes of selection are part of the interpretative process and do shape the map. Nevertheless, there are still limits built into the use of the procedure about what its possible output can be.

2.E.g. concerning beauty, health, tattooing, bodybuilding.

3.The sample was 39.5 percent male and 60.5 percent female.

4.In terms of age, 14.1 percent of the sample were 16–19-year-olds, 25.7 percent were in their 20s, 27 percent in their 30s, 14.1 percent in their 40s, 15.1 percent in their 50s, 2.6 percent in their 60s, 1 percent in their 70s, 0.3 percent in their 80s.

5.In the sample, 29.3 percent were students, 4.6 percent retired, 1.3 percent unemployed, 4.3 percent unskilled manual workers, 5.9 percent semi-skilled manual workers, 6.9 percent skilled manual workers, 14.8 percent clerical workers, 10.5 percent managerial grade workers, 19.1 percent professionals, and 3.3 percent owned small businesses.

6.In the sample, 88 percent identified as White, 3.7 percent as Indian, 3.7 percent as Pakistani, 1.3 percent as black, 1 percent as Chinese, 1.3 percent as mixed race and 1 percent in other terms.

7.The religious breakdown was: 30.2 percent Protestant, 10.3 percent Catholic, 8.3 percent unspecified Christian, 5.3 percent Muslim, 2.7 percent Hindu, 0.7 percent Jewish, 0.7 percent Sikh, 0.7 percent ‘other’ religious and 41.2 percent ‘not religious’.

8.Some of my respondents were recruited from the health club I attend and have been studying ethnographically. They do represent a sampling bias in terms of a ‘body’ questionnaire. However, this was a minority of the sample.

9.‘Disposition’ is the usual English translation of ‘hexis’ and ‘habitus’. ‘Habit’ would have worked but, as Camic (1986) notes, its meaning has been considerably changed and degraded in the 20th century, largely under the impact of psychological/physiological behaviourism.

10.I use Merleau-Ponty’s concept of ‘institution’ here, which is a modification of the phenomenological concept of ‘constitution’. ‘Constitution’, Merleau-Ponty argues, suggests that the agent bestows meaning and order ex nihilo, where ‘institution’ suggests that the agent deploys socially acquired schemas of meaning and order – ‘techniques’ in this case (Merleau-Ponty, 1979).

11.As Merleau-Ponty (1968) notes, to recognize their image in the mirror infants must first learn to ‘derealize’ the image; that is, they must learn to see it as an image and not as another person. Then they must learn to use the mirror to manipulate their own image, matching actions to their inverted reflections. Much work in child development focuses upon this process whereby children learn to use the mirror image to manipulate aspects of their own appearance (e.g. Amsterdam, 1971). And Romanyshyn (1982) notes how this is extended in adolescent and adult life, where we play with and in front of the mirror, rehearsing anticipated agentic ‘performances’ and fantasizing. Mirror play is a complex and acquired technique.

12.One can use different measures of ‘distance’ in multi-dimensional scaling, each of which yields different results. If frequency distribution is important and one is dealing with head counts then Phisquared is often a useful measure. I have used Phi-squared here.

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Mapping Reflexive Body Techniques 33

13.On this occasion ‘Euclidean square distance’ proved a more useful measure of distance for the MDS analysis.

14.Again distances were measured using Euclidean square distance. See notes 12 and 13.

15.Cluster membership is not clear from the diagram as cases overlap in the same space. It is available as output for MDS on SPSS. I have not included it here because the existence and basic profile of the clusters is more important than their actual composition, and because case numbers are arbitrary and are only of use to us if we want to further explore the details of cluster members, which we do not in this context.

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Mapping Reflexive Body Techniques 35

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Nick Crossley is Reader in Sociology at the University of Manchester (UK). He has published widely on the issue of human embodiment. His first book on the subject, The Social Body, was published by Sage in 2001. He is currently writing a follow-on book, Reflexions in the Flesh: Embodiment in Late Modernity, which will be published by McGraw-Hill/Open University Press.

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