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Файл:Современная наука в теории и практике. Часть IV. Монография
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УДК 14
ГЛАВА IV. THE MORAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE EDUCATION
OF ANCIENT GREEK MAN
Michele Loré
P.h.d. Ricercatore confermato di storia della pedagogia
P.h.d. Подтверждённый исследователь истории педагогики
Università degli Studi “Niccolò Cusano”di Roma, Italia
Introduction
From a purely philological point of view, the term philosophy is composed of
the two words:“phílos”, which means friend and “sophía”, which means knowledge.
Some preliminary considerations on the nature of philosophy, inspired by the etymological plane, are opportune and even indispensable. First of all, philosophy has a rational connotation that is characteristic of it and characterizes it from its first appearance.
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This consideration is valid in general, but even more so if referring to the auro-
ral period of philosophy, the ancient Greek one. This doesn’t imply an a priori exclu-
sion of any presence not immediately attributable to rationality (suffice it to mention,
in this regard, the case of Pythagoreanism), but despite the presence of magicalreligious elements, since its first appearance the root of Philosophical inquiry is firmly grafted onto the terrain of rationality, to which the Greek people were culturally
inclined. This is one of the elements that identify philosophy and distinguish it from
other types of wisdom, such as religious or poetic, founded essentially on spiritual,
passional or sentimental elements.
Having valued above all else, one's reason is one of the greatest merits of
which Western civilization owes it to ancient Greece.
The moral conception in Homer
The propensity to resort to reason, in reality, already appears in the period prior
to the birth of philosophical thought in the strict sense, as evidenced clearly by the
description of the Mycenaean world contained in the Homeric poems.
This is certainly not the place suitable for a review, even summary, of the enormous
problems that lie behind the Iliad and the Odyssey: just remember that it’s at least
doubtful the historical existence of a character like Homer and that the poems, far
from being a reliable testimony of the Mycenaean civilization, they rather represent a
distant echo several centuries, with all that a similar chronological distance involves
in terms of adherence to the facts narrated.
Returning to the discourse that we are trying to bring forward, there is a very
interesting feature of the Homeric poems that is worth remembering. It consists in the
content appeal to the supernatural plan, which instead is often present in analogous
epic compositions in Eastern civilizations. Homer doesn’t feel the need to capture the
attention of his listeners by relying on the extraordinary, which always implies an exit
or at least a deformation of reality, which man is able to understand by virtue of his
rational faculties. The absence of this drive is a sign of a mindset firmly rooted in rationality, a guarantee of measurement, balance and proportion, qualities that will not
be lacking in any of the manifestations of the Hellenic spirit, beginning with the visual arts, which still remain an indispensable model of reference.
The historical significance of the birth of philosophy cannot be circumscribed
to a field, so to speak, exquisitely humanistic. In fact, nowadays it isn’t difficult to
draw a clear line of demarcation between the field of philosophical studies and that of
scientific inquiry, but in the past this operation was impractical.
The philosophy of the ancient Greeks included within it physics, with certain
limitations, mathematics, geometry, medicine, astronomy, chemistry (which, obvi-
ously, wasn’t strictly conceived as in the time closest to us). With the passage of time
and with the growth and improvement of knowledge, we have come to a progressive
specialization of the disciplines, which have gained a growing autonomy with respect
to the philosophical field. In any case, it’s a subsequent process that doesn’t affect the
unity of knowledge that distinguishes the classical era.
From this brief excursus it ‘s quite clear why philosophy, as it was conceived
by the Greeks, is rightly counted among the highest achievements of the human spirit.
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The investigation around the rediscovery of the proposed roots, which so passionate
in these times marked in many ways by uncertainty, cannot fail to recognize in Greek
philosophy one of the founding elements of Western identity.
Attention to moral problems doesn’t arise with philosophy. In fact, the first
philosophers were interested in questions relating to the birth of the cosmos (cosmology), attributable to a purely physical sphere. It’s for this reason that the first philos-
ophers would be remembered as physicists or naturalists. The investigation would
discover the moral issue only later, finding an arrangement with Plato and Aristotle.
This doesn’t mean, however, that Greece was insensitive to morality before its
two greatest philosophers, far from it. It plays a fundamental role, to bring a signifi-
cant example, in the Homeric field; obviously it’s a moral with heroic connotations,
which is very far from today's. In fact, the value of the protagonists of the Homeric
poems is directly proportional to their military value, courage is combined with physical strength, while every form of fear in front of the adversary is dishonorable. The
Homeric hero asserts his primacy through the art of fighting, but he also knows, when
he’s gathered in assembly of his peers, to draw a rhetorical art that can be useful in
the difficult mediation with the other heroes.
Homeric morality is also, of course, an aristocratic morality, because only noble sovereigns are allowed to lead the armies and participate in the assemblies. There are no
intrusions or exceptions, as evidenced by the episode of Tersite, of humble origins,
which is severely beaten and derided by the mere fact of having dared to speak in the
assembly of kings, although his opinion wasn’t dismissed by solid arguments.
The Iliad, in particular, also marks a moment of profound crisis within heroic
morality. Basically the very foundation of the hero's actions doesn’t find an insurmountable limit in the person of another hero, so the conflict is ineluctable. As both
heroes, both Achilles and Agamemnon have the right to claim on the slave Briseis,
the first because the girl is part of her war booty, the latter because he’s the leader of
the Greek expedition. The irreconcilability of the two individual rights leads to a
dangerous stalemate in war operations, caused by the disdainful withdrawal of Achilles, against which attempts at reconciliation aren’t worthless. It will only be the death
of the dear Patroclus, who will cause Achilles to take up arms again. An exquisitely
personal motivation, which has nothing to do with considerations relating to the
common interest of the Greek party.
From this brief example clearly emerges one of the peculiarities of the Greek
soul: that individual spirit that would not have died down even in later times, with the
establishment of the polis. Greece has never been able to conceive the idea of a unitary state, substantially foreign to its soul. It would have been the task of another civilization, the Roman, to organize a state founded on solid institutional foundations.
Insitutes in its very nature were the seeds of the dissolution of Mycenaean society and
its heroic morality.
The birth of moral philosophy with the Presocrats
We have already mentioned the importance of Plato and Aristotle in defining
the moral problem in philosophical terms.
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The sophists, who influenced Socrates, Plato's master, weren’t insensitive to this sub-
ject.
The positions taken by the Sophists are the most disparate, in fact it’s a rather
heterogeneous school within it, perhaps even for its being refractory to conform to
preordained models [1, c, Trabattoni F., Bonazzi M., I sofisti, Milano, BUR2008, p.
1-453].
It goes therefore from the extreme relativism of Protagora (V century BC), for
which man is a measure of everything, to the desecration of the traditional gods operated by Crizia (V century BC), uncle of Plato, until reaching the exaltation and justification of the law of the strongest operated from Trasimachus of Chalcedon (V century BC).
Nor should we forget the figure of Gorgia (V-IV century BC), one of the most
representative and complex in the field of sophistication, in a certain sense a precursor of the nihilistic positions of a certain philosophy of the twentieth century.
A prominent place in the history of philosophy is held by Socrates (470/469 a.C.-399
B.C.), whose thinking can only be reconstructed based on the testimonies of those
who knew him, such as Plato [2, c, Guardini R., Socrate e Platone, Brescia, Morcelliana 2006, p. 1-536] or the historian Xenophon [3, c, Strauss L., Socrate senofonteo,
Lecce, Pensa multimedia 2009, p. 1-229]. In fact, Socrates deliberately chose not to
leave any written text, as his maieutic method (which consisted in "giving birth" to
the soul of the interlocutor the truth) presupposes direct dialogue with the Athenians.
A profound trace of the radical position assumed by Socrates regarding writing
is present in the dialogues of Plato, the most famous of his students.
The peculiarity of Socrates makes a reliable interpretation of his philosophy
particularly complex. Here we will confine ourselves to a brief mention of his reflections in the moral sphere, marked by a rationalism pushed to the extreme. For Socra-
tes, in fact, it isn’t possible for a man to deliberately choose to do evil, which is es-
sentially reduced to an erroneous evaluation, so that evil action is actually the fruit of
a fallacious conviction to pursue the good. After all, according to the Athenian philosopher, human actions have all, indiscriminately, the aim of pursuing the good.
When, due to incorrect evaluations, evil is exchanged for good, reprehensible actions
are carried out, all of which are marked by a miscalculation. In this vision there is no
room for the concept of responsibility, because nobody deliberately does evil, so the
ethical rationalism of Socrates brings out paradoxical results.
In other words, virtue (areté) coincides perfectly with knowledge, since only
the scholar can distinguish the true good and pursue it. The actions of those who
don’t know, will always be characterized by a confusion between good and evil and
can never reach authentic virtue.
Beyond its obvious paradoxes, the Socratic ethics is nevertheless a significant
step forward compared to the traditional morality of the Greeks, who had never come
to a unitary vision, distinguishing every single virtue from the others.
Closely related to the centrality assumed by the soul within the Socratic philosophy are the concepts of freedom and happiness.
In the Socratic conception, reason dominates the irascible and
(linked to the body) aspects of the human soul, therefore only by respecting this hier-
concupiscible
75

archical order will it be possible to reach happiness, which isn’t to be sought, as many
erroneously do, in material and external goods, but in his own interiority. Another
peculiarity of Socrates is that of considering virtue as a reward to itself, a necessary
condition for the attainment of happiness (eudaimonía). The imperturbability of the
wise and virtuous man isn’t limited to the earthly plane, but goes beyond it: he will
not fear death, because after it there may be nothing, which can not frighten him, or
divinities from which he can only expect rewards, given his straight conduct. It
should be stressed, however, that, contrary to Christian ethics, the Socratic one
doesn’t have as its goal the achievement of an otherworldly reward, but has a pre-
dominantly mundane character.
Hippocrates and the birth of medicine
Initially, in Greece, the practice of medical art was closely connected to the
cult of mythical figures like Asclepius, so much so that they were often accompanied
by religious ceremonies. For a very long time, medicine preserved an aspect that we
could call magical-religious. The situation began to change, however, following the
advent of a new medicine, which progressively distanced itself from the religious
sphere to take on a secular dimension. It was the first, significant step towards the
birth of medicine understood as science and therefore based on a rational and experimental study. The prerequisites for this revolution to be made possible must be
sought in the new mentality, introduced in Greece from the birth of philosophy, in
particular from that physical school that had so engaged in the search for a logical
explanation of the cosmos, which has already been said before.
The biographical data ofHippocrates, founder of scientific medicine, are
somewhat incomplete, as is the case with many other philosophers of this age; is likely to have lived between the fifth and fourth century BC, certainly was the soul of the
prestigious school of medicine founded in Cos, part of the Dodecanese archipelago,
destined to achieve great renown throughout Greece.
Even on the attribution of the works there remain many doubts, a large Cor-
pusHippocraticum[4, c, Vegetti M. (a cura di), Opere di Ippocrate, Torino, UTET
2010, p. 1-586] has arrived in which the names of numerous followers are united to
Hippocrates. This has depended, without a shadow of doubt, on the enormous popularity of the founder of modern medicine among the ancients, who ended up by
mythizing its figure.
A significant example of the scientific mentality that animates Hippocrates is
found in the study of epilepsy, a pathology of the nervous system to which the an-
cients conferred a sacred dimension, as it’s due to the divine influx. An attitude typi-
cal of the archaic magical-religious mentality, which Hippocrates denies, going in
search of the real causes of sacred evil. It follows that, having epilepsy natural causes,
it’s impossible to cure it, as it had been done up to then, with magical practices,
which presupposed a totally absent supernatural cause.
The rational method of investigation, which had made its appearance in the
philosophy of nature, spreads with Hippocrates to medicine, which gradually abandons magical thinking, to rationally investigate the cause of diseases, and thus find
the just ones remedies.
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To fully grasp the physiology of the human being, a holistic investigation of its
existence is necessary, which doesn’t neglect any aspect. Elements such as the natural
and anthropic context in which the individual carries out his life, as well as his habits
and, we might say, his lifestyle will be fundamental for a correct medical study. Political life also profoundly affects health: according to Hippocrates, a democratic regime is desirable, which stimulates the faculties and facilitates the achievement of autonomy, compared to tyranny which, on the contrary, dulls those who are subject to
it. Here, then, medicine acquire a broad breath, which isn’t limited to finding reme-
dies to illness, but studies the man in his great complexity of intelligent creature.
Let us now turn to the theoretical foundation of the Hippocratic doctrine, which finds
the key to health and a healthy life in the balance of the four humours. They are, respectively: the phlegm, the blood, the yellow bile and the black bile. Health resides in
the perfect quantity and mix of moods, the disease in one of their alterations.
There is full correspondence between the moods, the seasons, the elements of the
empedoclea philosophy (water, air, fire and earth) and the basic characters (phlegmatic, sanguine, bilious and melancholic).
From an exquisitely ethical point of view, probably the most significant legacy
of Hippocrates to posterity is the oath that takes its name from him and that even today (obviously updated to the times) is binding for the exercise of the medical profession, which must be regulated by precise moral rules, given its particular nature [5, c,
Hippocrates, Il giuramento e altri testi di medicina greca, Milano, BUR 2007, p. 1-
113]. The doctor, in fact, comes into contact with the bodies of patients of all ages
and sexes: he must never lose sight of the purpose of his profession, which consists in
curing the evils that afflict man. Given its fundamental historical importance, it’s op-
portune to dwell on the most significant aspects of the Hippocratic oath. First of all,
as witnesses, the deities directly related to the practice of medical art are invoked, a
sign that not all links with magical-religious origins have been removed.
Similar considerations can be expressed regarding the almost-initiatic relationship that binds each other masters and disciples. Despite the presence of the divine
plan, however, the centrality of the intellect is firmly claimed, as the main instrument
for effectively exercising the profession.
Beyond that, it’s evident, in the oath, the high consideration in which the patient is held, understood as a human being endowed with inalienable and unconstrained rights, under no circumstances, on social conditions or gender belonging.
Even in a society founded on slavery like the Greek one, equal rights are recognized
both to the free man and to the slave. As if to say that the medicine was placed in a
sphere of autonomy with respect to social conventions, perceiving in the life of men a
value in itself absolute, worthy of the utmost respect.
The ethical dimension in Platonic reflection
Plato, who lived between 428-427 BC and 347 a.C., is one of the decisive figures in the history of Greek philosophy.
First of all, with him comes interest in everything that cannot be experienced
directly through the senses, but must be investigated exclusively with reason. This is
the world he called hyperuranium, that is, to the letter beyond the sky, within which
he places ideas (understood as eternal models of all that exist
s), to which he will ded-
77

icate so much of his studies, opening the way at the birth of metaphysics, which will
happen with his most brilliant disciple, as well as the greatest philosopher in turn, Aristotle.
Interpreting the work of Plato is a far from easy task, as it doesn’t reign among
scholars full agreement, especially around the importance of unwritten doctrines,
which is given a different weight. According to the school of Tübingen, whose stud-
ies have been divulged in Italy by Giovanni Reale, the importance of esoteric doc-
trines (which doesn’t mean magic, but only addressed for a small group of more gift-
ed pupils), is fundamental for understanding Plato's thought [6, c, Reale G., Per una
nuova interpretazione di Platone alla luce delle dottrine non scritte, Milano, Bom-
piani 2010, p.I-XXIII], contrary to those who argue that the dialogues they are in fact
sufficient to completely reconstruct the theories of the Athenian philosopher. According to the scholars of Tübingen, there would exist a double plan in Platonic philosophy: the first, accessible to a wider public, would concern the exoteric doctrines,
that’s, destined to circulate beyond the narrow circle of disciples of the master, the
second, however, transmissible only after a long journey would it contain the esoteric
doctrines, that ‘s, addressed only to a few worthy ones, that would have learned them
through the direct listening of the voice of Plato. In order to give substance to his theses, the school of Tübingen refers to some passages of the major works of Plato,
where he refers to the importance of the word and to the dangers associated with the
use of writing, which indiscriminately circulates the thought of author, exposing him
to misunderstandings or manipulations, without leaving him any possibility of defensive intervention.
Plato didn’t dedicate specific works to ethics, as Aristotle later did. Neverthe-
less, there are numerous steps in his dialogues in which he focuses on moral problems, particularly in the Republic [7, c, Platone, Repubblica, (a cura di Reale G e
Radice R.), Milano, Bompiani 2009, p. 1-756].
The perspective of the Republic is political, so the moral question isn’t treated
as much on the individual as on the collective level. Plato points out to the city of
Athens the complex path to follow to achieve a just and stable order, which guarantees peace and happiness to all citizens. Also in his writings is a characteristic of
Greek ethics, that’s the attainment of happiness (eudaimonía) as the ultimate end of a
righteous behavior. It cannot be the reward of an individual path, as the individual
continually relates to the civil and political context in which he lives and works and
therefore only through a good constitution the individual is put in a position to
achieve moral fullness. In Plato, the ethical and political plan intersect and interpenetrate each other.
This idea will be taken up and developed by Aristotle, to whom we owe the
famous definition of man as zoón politikón, that’s, as a social animal, which cannot
live in perfect isolation, without the help of his fellows.
The ideal social and political order identified by Plato rests on three different
classes, corresponding to three aspects of the human psyche: the rulers (rationality),
who are entrusted with the task of upholding the whole communit
(irascibility) with good laws, who put their courage at the service of the city to defend
it both from external attacks and from internal pitfalls, finally the peasants, artisans
y, the guardians
78

and merchants (concupiscence), who provide for the satisfaction of all material needs.
Each of these three classes is characterized, in a healthy political order, by a specific
virtue: the rulers must be wise, the guardians courageous and loyal and all the other
temperers. From this picture is the harmony and prosperity of the city, where order
and happiness reign.
In order for such a goal to be reached, Plato deems it necessary to radically intervene on the customs of the Greeks. Lawmakers and guardians will not be allowed
to have any private property, considered as the root of selfishness and greed, causes
of the ruin of cities. Everything will be shared and each will receive according to
their needs, not even the family will stand as a social institution. Men will be allowed
to mate on the merits achieved, but not with the same woman for life. Children born
of unions will be immediately removed from maternal care to be entrusted to the
community, who will educate them to the values of the ideal constitution, gradually
preparing them for entry into society. In this way no privilege of birth can condition
political life, the child's mind will be investigated, which will be initiated into an education suited to one's own inclinations. This implies the possibility that a legislative
son becomes a farmer and vice versa: the pedagogical system rests entirely on meritocratic criteria.
Undoubtedly, the Plato of the Republic suffers the fascination of the Spartan
political order and adopts the intransigent spirit. It’s equally certain that the philosopher didn’t ignore the enormous difficulties between the theoretical exposition of his
political system and its practical realization. In fact, the Republic is marked by an
utopian imprint that makes it an ideal model, rather than a practical model. This, in
any case, doesn’t detract from the work, but rather contributes powerfully to give it
that breath and depth that make the reading very fascinating even today.
The Aristotelian idea of morality
Aristotle was born in 384 or 383 BC, in a city located near the border between
Greece and Macedonia. Already his father had been a court physician to the Macedo-
nian king Aminta, so it’s likely that the young Aristotle attended the court, where he
would later return from Philip to act as a tutor to a very young Alexander. The lack of
information about the relationship between Alexander the Great and Aristotle is very
painful, because it prevents us from assessing to what extent the ideas of the great
philosopher influenced the leader who would unify, politically and partly culturally,
the East and the West. Certainly Alexander was much more ruthless and modern than
Aristotle, still tied to the idea of the Greek cultural primacy.
Even Aristotle, who had trained at the Platonic Academy, founded his own philosophical school, which he gave the name of Lyceum, also known as Peripato (which
in Greek means walk), because of the habit of discussing philosophical themes while
walking. Academy and Lyceum soon entered into competition with each other, with
ups and downs. The conclusion of Aristotle's life was rather bitter, as he was overwhelmed by the tumultuous change of political structure following the death of Alexander the Great: he was reproached for being master of the Macedonian and therefore
was exiled from Athens in 323 BC, only a few months before his death, which occurred in 322 BC.
79

Reading first the works of Plato and then those of Aristotle we cannot avoid
being impressed by the diversity of the writings of the two philosophers, also linked
by a very long acquaintance.
Plato is a great philosopher, but he’s also a great writer: in him the force of
penetration of reason goes hand in hand with the literary talent, which covers the
thought of a seductive form, for the joy of the reader.
Aristotle, on the other hand, doesn’t care much about the outward appearance of his
reflections: what matters is exclusively the philosophical value of his writings. With
this we must not fall into the trap of believing that the interpretation of the Platonic
works is easier than the interpretation of the Aristotelian ones. It has in fact been
mentioned above some of the problems that scholars still face when approaching the
founder of the Academy.
Another substantial difference is that while Plato hasn’t dedicated any specific writ-
ing to ethics, Aristotle has written two Ethics: Eudemia[8, c, Aristoteles, Etica Eudemia, (a cura di Zanatta M.), Milano, BUR 2012, p. 1-829] and Nicomachea[9, c,
Aristoteles, Etica Nicomachea, (a cura d Natali G.), Roma-Bari, Laterza 2007, p. I556]. The first is universally considered a minor work, while it’s the second that Aris-
totle entrusts his reflections in the moral sphere.
It’s good to declare from the beginning that Aristotle doesn’t clearly separate
from the philosophical tradition matured in previous centuries and the echo of Socra-
tes' ethical intellectualism is quite alive, so we can rightfully say that this isn’t the
sector in which sees the most significant figure of the Aristotelian philosophy. This,
in any case, doesn’t diminish the meaning of the first attempt to organically expose
the reflections on the motivations that determine human action.
Aristotle conceives these two works within his philosophical system, governed
by extreme coherence. If the nature that distinguishes man from other living beings is
purely rational, the investigation around the principles of his behavior cannot ignore
it. The virtue of man consists in a life spent for the strengthening of his intellectual
faculties, which are his true essence. Not with honors or with the accumulation of
wealth is given to man to achieve happiness, but only with wisdom, which allows us
to identify the true ends that he must aim for.
The horizon of Aristotelian ethics remains, as tradition, eudemonistic. Man's
actions always aim at achieving happiness, whether he’s virtuous or not. The differ-
ence between the righteous and the vicious man consists in the wisdom of the former,
able to recognize in reason the faculty worthy of being cultivated and followed during
life. Once again, the well-known limit of Socratic ethics, that intellectualism which
impedes giving weight to the will, proposes again, almost unchanged, attributing a
little virtuous conduct to a kind of miscalculation.
Aristotle doesn’t limit himself to an abstract discourse about virtue, but rather
he points out the way to follow in daily practice.
It has been said that the rational part is the noblest component of the human
soul, but it isn’t the only one, because to it must be added the vegetative part and the
concupiscible part. The vegetative part hasn’t connection with reason, while the con-
cupiscible part is, and so that man can attain ethical virtue, necessary that the appetites be subjected to the guidance of reason.
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