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information, and retrieves it from memory when directed to do so. Computer
hardware was likened to the brain, and computer programs provided a step-by-step
flowchart model of how information about a stimulus is processed to produce a
response. Computers are at the cutting edge of science, so the metaphor is readily
accepted (Neisser, 1967; Newell, Shaw, & Simon, 1958; Xiong & Proctor, 2018).
A second source of inspiration came from Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget.
Beginning in the 1920s, Piaget studied the way children think. He developed various
tasks that revealed how children of different ages reason about people, objects, time,
nature, morality, and other aspects of the world. From dozens of studies described in
his more than 40 books and 62,935 pages of writing, Piaget theorized that from
infancy to adolescence, all children advance through a series of cognitive stages.
Despite the dominance of behaviorism in the United States, Piaget had a large
following in Europe, and his writings—which were translated into English in the 1950s
and 1960s—were ultimately deemed too important to ignore.
The cognitive revolution was also fueled by developments in the study of
language. B. F. Skinner (1957) had argued that the laws of learning control the
acquisition of language in much the same way that they control the way a laboratory
rat learns to press a metal bar to get food. However, linguist Chomsky (1959)
charged that such an account was naive. Chomsky noted that children all over the
world start to speak at roughly the same age and proceed at approximately the same
rate without explicit training or reinforcement. He argued convincingly that our
capacity for language is innate and that specialized cognitive structures are “hardwired” into the human brain as a product of evolution. Chomsky’s theory dealt a
serious blow to behaviorism and sparked a great deal of interest in psycholinguistics
—a topic that has played a key role in the cognitive revolution.
Today, few psychologists identify themselves as strict behaviorists. Free to probe
beneath the surface, researchers have thus made some fascinating discoveries. For
example, psychologists now know that people all over the world smile when they’re
happy, that memories of the past can be altered by misinformation, that our views of
one another are biased by first impressions, that personality traits are partly inherited,
and that drugs can be used to treat certain psychological disorders. Behaviorism has
had a profound, lasting, and positive impact, but psychology’s horizons have
expanded beyond it in exciting ways.
LEARNING CHECK
Trail Blazers
Match each figure in the history of psychology to the term or topic most closely
associated with him or her.
(Answers: 1. f; 2. e; 3. b; 4. c; 5. a; 6. g; 7. d.)
Expansion of Psychology’s Horizons
Just over one hundred years ago, psychology was in its infancy. Since that time, it
has grown larger and stronger, with more research published today in psychology
than ever before. Indeed, the number of searchable articles in the largest database
for finding psychological research, PsycINFO, has more than doubled just since the
turn of the century (illustrated in Figure 1.1). Psychology has developed in four
important ways.
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Description
Figure 1.1 Growth of Psychology
First, there are many more areas of basic research today than in the past. The
goals of basic research are to test theories, study processes, discover general
principles, and build a factual foundation of knowledge for the field. Psychology now
has many subfields, and each focuses on mind and behavior from a somewhat
different perspective.
basic research. “Pure science” research that tests theories and builds a
foundation of knowledge.
Second, psychology has expanded in the area of applied research. Although
some psychologists believe that the discipline should remain a pure and basic
laboratory science, others want to study people in real-world settings, using the
results to solve practical human problems. Some specific areas of applied research
include health, education, business, law, family, politics, engineering, military, and
sports.
applied research. Research that aims to solve practical human problems.
Third, psychology has become more open and inclusive as a profession and
contains within its ranks a more diverse group of people than in the past. When
psychology was forming as a new discipline, virtually all psychologists were white,
male, and from North America or Europe. This has changed dramatically over time,
particularly in recent years—a change that has both elevated the pool of talent within
the field and brought in important new perspectives on the human condition. Today,
there are more female and minority psychologists than ever before, as well as more
psychologists from other parts of the world.
Fourth, psychology has strengthened over the years by refining its research
methods. Human beings are complex and difficult to study. As individuals, we differ in
our biological makeup, age, experience, and cultural background, for example. The
way we behave in one setting may differ from the way we behave in another. The
inner workings of the mind can never actually be “seen.” In fact, we often lack insight
even into ourselves. To meet these challenges, researchers use various tests,
mazes, inkblots, shock-generating devices, computerized perception tasks, brain
scans, and sophisticated instruments that record physiological states. Most important,
as we’ll soon explore, psychology stands high on the shoulders of the scientific
method.
Psychology as a Multidimensional Science
Psychology is multidimensional, as illustrated in Figure 1.2. It is a highly
specialized discipline in which researchers examine people from a number of different
perspectives (outlined in Table 1.2).
Table 1.2
From a biological perspective, human beings are, first and foremost, biological
animals, genetically predisposed to behave in some ways rather than others. Many
psychologists focus on these biological aspects of human nature. For some, this
means studying the neuroscience of the human body, brain, and nervous system—
and their influence on our behavior. Others evaluate how behaviors in turn influence a
variety of biological and neuroscience functions, such as brain activity, the immune
system, and general health. Still others bring biological perspectives into psychology
through the study of animal behavior, the evolutionary origins of human behavior,
behavioral genetics, and the influences of hormones and drugs.
biological perspective. A perspective in psychology for evaluating the physical
basis of animal and human behavior. It involves topics such as the brain, immune
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system, nervous system, and genetics.
Figure 1.2 Psychology as a Diverse, Intellectual Discipline
iStock.com/simonkr; iStock.com/gorodenkoff
Also important in psychology today is a focus on internal psychological processes
and what goes on “inside the head.” From this cognitive perspective, with
computer-based models serving as a representation of the human mind, cognitive
psychologists study the ways in which people are competent, rational, and objective
in the way they process information about the world. They study such topics as
sensation and perception, consciousness, learning, memory and forgetting, thought,
and language. Also focused on inner processes, many researchers study the ways in
which we warm-blooded humans are driven by motivations and emotions.
cognitive perspective. A perspective in psychology for evaluating how mental
processes such as memory, perception, thinking, and problem solving are related to
behavior.
Psychology also has a focus on the ways in which people develop over the
lifespan. From this developmental perspective, an important issue is the “naturenurture” debate concerning evolutionary, genetic, and biological influences on us—
and the ways in which these influences are tempered by environmental factors from
parents, siblings, peers, and culture as a whole. Aspects of individual development,
such as self-esteem, intelligence, trust, resilience, and personality, are interests, as
well. Some developmental psychologists study prenatal development; some study
infants, children, or adolescents; others, often called geropsychologists, specialize in
various aspects of adulthood and old age.
developmental perspective. A perspective in psychology for evaluating change
over the lifespan. It involves topics such as physical, cognitive, biological, and social
development processes.
Human beings are gregarious animals, not isolated hermits, so a social
psychological perspective is necessary to fully understand the human experience.
Drawn together by the belief that social situations sometimes cause us to behave in
ways that are “out of character,” social psychologists focus on the influences of other
people on the individual. By observing people in carefully staged social settings,
researchers in this area study a range of behaviors—including attraction, conformity,
persuasion, aggression, altruism, and group dynamics. A critical perspective that has
risen from the social psychological perspective is the sociocultural perspective, in
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which the focus is on the dynamics of society and culture on human behavior.
Sociocultural psychologists study many cultural influences and the intergroup
problems of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination.
social psychological perspective. A perspective in psychology for evaluating
the dynamics of social interaction and its effects on groups and the individual.
sociocultural perspective. A perspective in psychology for evaluating the
dynamics of society and culture on human behavior. It involves topics such as the
dynamics of stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination.
Possibly the largest and most visible perspective in psychology comes from a
clinical perspective. In contrast to those who strive to understand what’s “normal,”
clinical psychologists study people who are “abnormal” in their perceptions, thoughts,
feelings, and behavior. Based on the study of human personality and the belief that
people have a capacity for change and renewal, clinical psychologists—and other
mental health workers—routinely seek to diagnose and treat psychological disorders
such as anxiety, depression, and schizophrenia.
clinical perspective. A perspective in psychology for evaluating the nature and
treatment of dysfunction in human behavior. It involves topics of mental and physical
health.
In a laboratory study, behavior is observed in a controlled environment—such as a
sleep laboratory to study sleep disorders.
iStock.com/gorodenkoff
Many other fields and perspectives in psychology have risen from these
fundamental perspectives. For example, the clinical perspective focuses largely on
mental and physical health—specifically, when such health needs treatment.
However, around the beginning of the 21st century, a positive psychological
perspective arose as a new perspective. Instead of evaluating human disorder,
positive psychologists evaluate human flourishing and wellness, focusing on the
promotion and maintenance of positive mental and physical health, as well as the
prevention of illness and disability.
positive psychological perspective. A perspective in psychology for evaluating
human flourishing and wellness. It involves topics of maintaining optimal mental and
physical health.
Many other fields in psychology have risen from these fundamental perspectives
in applied settings. Consider, for example, your health. Psychologists who study
health, called health psychologists, focus on factors associated with being healthy
across the lifespan (part of a developmental perspective)—in terms of the individual
(behavior, emotion, cognition, social interactions, motivation, and biological
functioning) and the environment (access to gyms, health care, walkable
communities, and health foods). Consider also the educational environment.
Psychologists who study education, called educational psychologists, focus on
human learning across the lifespan (part of a developmental perspective)—in terms
of the individual (behavior, emotion, cognition, social interactions, motivation, and
biological functioning) and the environment (classroom, school, family, education
policy, and community) as well.
Drawn from clinical and developmental perspectives, psychologists who study
schooling, called school psychologists, aim to improve education and learning.
School psychologists are responsible for diagnosing and treating behavioral and
learning problems in students—largely children and adolescents—in an educational
environment. The school psychologists assess these students and develop plans for
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schools to support them. Similarly, psychologists who study counseling, called
counseling psychologists, draw from cognitive, clinical, and developmental
perspectives to improve the health and wellness of students and patients. Counseling
psychologists in general practice provide marriage, family, individual, and career
guidance; counseling psychologists in education provide individual, career, and
guidance counseling to students and sometimes their families.
Counseling reflects the discipline of psychology as a multidimensional science
that incorporate many perspectives and approaches to helping people live their best
lives.
iStock.com/SDI Productions
In other professional settings, psychology also has its imprint. For example,
forensic psychology is an applied field that addresses issues related to law, the legal
system, and those involved in the system—from the police and lawyers to the
criminals (accused and convicted). Forensic psychologists address issues from
individual, community, societal, policy, and legal approaches, including crime and
drug prevention, prisons and rehabilitation, the dynamics in a courtroom, law
enforcement, and even crime scene and criminal analysis. In workplace settings,
industrial/organizational (I/O) psychology is an applied field that addresses issues
related to individuals and groups in the workplace, and issues related to the regional,
national, and global impacts of businesses and industries. I/O psychologists focus on
issues such as employee motivation and management, organizational effectiveness,
the well-being of employees, personality traits and their ability to predict job
performance, and marketing.
Certainly, the perspectives and fields of psychology shared here do not represent
an exhaustive list of all the perspectives and areas of focus in psychology. What
should be clear is that the field of psychology is far reaching and has diverse
applications across disciplines. From child development to education to work, health,
culture, society, and more, psychology contributes to our understanding of the world
and the people with whom we interact—and, maybe most important, to an
understanding of ourselves.
Psychology as a Responsive and Anticipatory Science
Psychology is—and always has been—a science that is responsive to current
events—in terms of both anticipating human problems and human exceptionality
(e.g., promoting positive health in the community) and reacting to those events (e.g.,
helping survivors cope following a natural disaster). From the beginning,
psychologists from all perspectives have sought to apply what they have learned in
order to solve important human problems. As mentioned previously, early in the 20th
century, French psychologist Alfred Binet developed the first modern intelligence test
to help schools identify children needing special attention. After the Nazi horrors of
World War II, psychologists began intensive study of obedience to authority,
propaganda, prejudice, and aggression. Today, psychologists study factors
influencing, among other things, health (e.g., traumatic stress, work-life balance),
safety (e.g., foreign and domestic terrorism, natural disasters), the importance of
diversity and inclusion in a range of settings (e.g., from movements such as BLM and
#MeToo to issues of hate and discrimination), the impact of social media use in
society, sports gambling and addiction, and the impact of politics on human behavior
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(e.g., immigration reform and climate). As with all other basic sciences, psychology
has strayed from the laboratories of the ivory tower into the real world.
Values, Ethics, and Social Responsibility
The application of psychology—or any other science, for that matter—raises hard
and sometimes tricky questions about values, professional ethics, and social
responsibility (Johnson, Barnett, Elman, Forrest, & Kaslow, 2012). For example,
should research be suppressed if it yields socially sensitive results? It’s easy in the
abstract for psychologists to assert that they must seek the truth regardless of where
it may lead, but what about the policy implications? Why do peaceful protests turn
violent? How does social media use impact protesting? What is the potential impact
of human-like robots powered by artificial intelligence (AI)? Can these robots
ultimately impact or even supplant human-to-human contact? Does giving mean
generosity? Is a poor person’s penny worth less than a wealthy person’s dollar?
Many clinical psychologists collect patient health data. Tracking health outcomes
can be critical for optimal patient health, but to what extent is it appropriate to record,
store, and track such data in real time?
iStock.com/XiXinXing
Additional questions confront those who apply psychology. Is it ethical to dispense
mental health advice on television or radio? Should psychologists use their scientific
credentials to promote drug company products or to lobby for LGBTQ+ rights,
abortion rights, handgun control, racial justice, and other social and political causes?
Should psychologists testify as experts in trials involving questions of competence or
insanity? Working in a discipline that addresses many delicate topics, psychologists
routinely must face these important questions. To illustrate some of these fascinating
links between basic and applied psychology, every chapter of this text contains one or
more special boxes designed to highlight relevant research in an important and
interesting domain of application. Whether the topic is health and medicine,
education, business, law, sports, politics, world news, or the environment, these
applications boxes will help to animate all aspects of the field.
Psychology Applied: When Protests Become Violent
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The First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution states that “Congress shall make
no law … abridging the right of the people peaceably to assemble.” Understanding
how peaceful protests become violent is of great concern to psychologists and
lawmakers.
JOSE LUIS MAGANA / Contributor / Getty
You may have heard the phrase “There is nothing more American than peaceful
protest,” made popular by Russell Feingold, an American lawyer and former U.S.
senator from Wisconsin. Yet protests are not always peaceful. Protests that turned
violent in recent years include clashes between protesters and police in Ferguson,
Missouri, after the death of Michael Brown in 2014, and in Baltimore, Maryland, after
the death of Freddie Gray in 2015. In 2017, violence erupted between protesters and
counterprotesters during a rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. The violence there resulted
in the death of civil rights activist Heather Heyer, who was hit by a car that plowed
into the crowd of counterprotesters she had joined.
Why did these protests, which began peacefully, turn violent? Can we not only
predict the emergence of violence but also understand why it occurs? Researchers
from Northwestern University, the University of Southern California, and Rensselaer
Polytechnic Institute collaborated to find answers to these questions. Mooijman and
colleagues (2018) evaluated more than 18 million tweets sent out during the
Baltimore protests in 2015 and conducted independent experiments to test their
hypothesis that protest violence can be understood as a function of what they called
moralization, or the extent to which protesters consider their cause a moral issue, and
agreement, or the extent to which protesters believe others in their social network
think about that cause the same way they do.
To add context for the tweets evaluated by Mooijman and colleagues (2018), let’s
consider the case of Freddie Gray (NPR, 2015). On April 12, 2015, Freddie Gray, a
25-year-old African American resident of Baltimore, Maryland, was arrested by city
police for possession of an allegedly illegal knife. During his transport in a police van,
Gray sustained injuries to his neck and spine and subsequently fell into a coma. He
was pronounced dead on April 19. Protests over the treatment Gray received during
his arrest and while in police custody began on April 18, a day before his death.
Protests were peaceful initially; however, they became increasingly tense as
information regarding the arrest was made public—such as video evidence of the
arrest, the police officers’ insistence that excessive force was not used, and the
failure of police officers to get medical attention for Gray in a timely manner. On April
25, after the funeral service for Gray, protests grew and violence ensued with at least
20 police officers injured, hundreds of arrests, hundreds of businesses damaged, and
hundreds more vehicular and structural fires. Mooijman and colleagues evaluated
tweets that circulated during this time. As the violence grew, a state of emergency
was declared in the city of Baltimore; it was not lifted until May 6. Six police officers
were ultimately charged with various offenses related to Gray’s death, including
second-degree murder—three officers were acquitted, and charges against the other
three officers were dropped.
Why did the Freddie Gray protests turn violent? Can we use what we learn from
them to predict the emergence of violence in future protests? That is exactly what
Mooijman and colleagues tested. Let’s look at the findings from their insightful study.
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Moralization of a Cause
Many issues can have moral undertones. For example, political issues—such as
abortion rights, physician aid in dying, immigration, and, in the case of the Baltimore
protests, perceived racial inequality and police brutality—can reasonably be seen as
moral issues. Evidence indicates that the more a cause is seen as a moral issue, the
more willing people are to use violence to defend that cause (Skitka & Morgan,
2014). When an issue is moralized, it is seen more as “right vs. wrong” or “good vs.
evil” instead of, for example, as “approve vs. disapprove” or “support vs. do not
support” (Rozin, 1999; Skitka, Hanson, & Wisneski, 2017). In this way, protests for a
moral issue cause are considered more absolute, which can lead to attitudes that
something can or should be done, and even to the endorsement of violence to defend
a cause (Skitka & Morgan, 2014).
In the Mooijman et al. (2018) study, nearly 19 million tweets sent during the
Baltimore protests were evaluated by three independent reviewers for the extent to
which the tweets included moral content. The findings were quite interesting. In an
analysis of the number of tweets per day, for example, the number of tweets with
moral content did not exceed 8,000 tweets per day prior to the first violent protests on
April 25 (illustrated in Figure 1.3). However, on April 25, nearly 10,000 tweets
contained moral content, and the number of tweets containing such content grew
exponentially as the violence grew, maxing out at nearly 25,000 tweets per day at the
peak of the violence over the next few days. By the time the city of Baltimore lifted the
state of emergency on May 6, the number of tweets containing moral content had
fallen again below 8,000 tweets per day. The pattern was clear: As the moralization of
the issue increased (measured by the number of tweets per day with moral content),
the violence also increased.
Description
Figure 1.3 Number of Tweets per Day during the Baltimore Protests
Perceived Moral Convergence and Social Media
According to Mooijman et al. (2018), the acceptability of violence in protests can
best be understood by perceived moral convergence: the moralization of an issue—
seeing a cause as a moral issue—plus the degree of perceived agreement—the
belief that others share one’s moral attitude. In subsequent experiments, that is
exactly what the researchers found: Moralization of an issue predicted violence only
when participants believed that others shared their moral attitudes.
Consider the implications of these results for social media. Moralization alone—
while showing a clear pattern in the Baltimore protests—does not predict violence
unless the protesters also believe others share their moral views. Social media
provides a unique platform by which protesters can gauge agreement, thereby
enhancing perceived moral convergence, which was the best predictor for the
acceptability of violence in protests. As the co-first author Joseph Hoover explains:
“The risk of violent protest may not only simply be a function of moralization but also
the perception that others agree with one’s moral position, which can be strongly
influenced by social media dynamics.” Thinking ahead about the role of social media
in protests, such as those following the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis,
Minnesota, on May 25, 2020, what will future protests look like? As world and
community leaders seek to prevent violence in protests, often through increased
security and force, psychologists seek to understand the reasons for the violence and
its impact on us all.
A Range of Perspectives
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When Wundt, James, Freud, and others were defining this new discipline in the
late 19th and early 20th centuries, virtually all psychologists were white, male, and
from North America or Europe. In part, this situation existed because of discrimination
and other societal barriers that made it difficult for women and minorities to enter the
professional ranks. Consider the distinguished career of Mary Whiton Calkins.
In the 1890s, Calkins successfully completed graduate coursework at Harvard to
the acclaim of William James and her other professors there. She went on to write
two textbooks and a number of important research articles, she founded one of the
first psychology laboratories in the United States at Wellesley College, and in 1905
she was elected first female president of the American Psychological Association. Yet
at the time, Harvard University would not grant her a PhD because she was a
woman. The pages of psychology’s history are filled with other important women who
faced institutional obstacles (O’Connell & Russo, 1990). Today, things have changed.
A majority of psychologists entering practice in North America are women
(Association for Women in Psychology, 2019), and include significant contributions
from psychologists such as Mary Ainsworth (attachment theory), and Karen Horney
(neurosis and personality), Barbara Rolls (hunger and satiety), and Elizabeth Loftus
(memory and eyewitness testimony).
Mary Whiton Calkins (1863–1930) studied at Harvard University with William
James and went on to have a distinguished career. She was never granted her PhD,
however, because she was a woman. In 1905, Calkins was elected the first female
president of the American Psychological Association.
Notman studio, Boston via Wikimedia Commons
Minorities were also highly underrepresented in the early years of psychology. In
1920, Francis Sumner, who studied at Clark University with G. Stanley Hall, became
the first African American to earn a PhD in psychology. He went on to publish two
articles about the higher education of African American youths (Sawyer, 2000). To
pave the way for progress, consider the landmark case of Brown v. Board of
Education of Topeka (1954), in which the U.S. Supreme Court ruled for the first time
that racially separate schools were unequal and had to be integrated. In support of its
opinion, the Court cited studies by Kenneth B. Clark, an African American
psychologist whose research suggested that racial segregation makes Black
schoolchildren feel inferior. Behind the scenes, Clark played a pivotal role in the
application of psychology to the civil rights movement. This was also the first time that
the U.S. Supreme Court had cited psychology research in an opinion. Cultural and
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p p y gy p
political shifts in the 1960s continued this progress toward greater representation of
minority psychologists. Cultural and political activism, such as the civil rights
movement and Black nationalism, provided platforms by which to address institutional
challenges. This activism paved the way for minority groups, including Asian, Black,
and Latinx persons, to join the ranks—and many have made significant contributions.
The demographic makeup of psychology is more inclusive today than ever, as it
includes more women, ethnicities, sexualities, gender identities, and those from the
international community. Clearly, the more perspectives that are brought to bear on
the study of mind and behavior, the better. As Association for Psychological Science
fellow Robert M. Sellers stated in an address at the association’s annual convention
in New York City, “It’s very difficult for one to think about how, as human beings, we
can actually study human beings from an objective perspective…. [It’s our goal] to try
to understand the perspective that we bring to bear and to both value that perspective
and put it into context.” In the past, researchers typically observed the behavior of
predominantly male college students because college students were convenient to
sample and, in the mid- to early 1900s, college students tended to be mostly males;
and an assumption was made that the results would apply generally to people all
over the world. This assumption was largely unchallenged for many years until finally,
in the 1960s and 1970s, a new generation of researchers, many of whom were
female, identified important similarities and differences between men and women.
Today, women have a greater voice than ever in the field of psychology, with women
now earning more doctorates in psychology than men each year (since 2014, women
have earned more college degrees than men). As we’ll explore in later chapters, the
study of sex and gender is now basic to all areas of psychology. Similarly,
researchers of varying nationalities are now testing psychological theories in different
parts of the world. These studies enable us to determine the extent to which certain
patterns of human behavior are “universal” or found only in certain populations. As
we’ll explore throughout this text, it could be said that everyone is basically the same,
yet no two people are alike.
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