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Chapter  • Drug Research: Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow
1

Bibliography and Further Reading

General Literature
R. Schmitz, Geschichte der Pharmazie, Bd.1, GOVI-Verlag, Eschborn
(1998) C. Friedrich and W.-D. Müller-Jahncke, Von der Frühen Neuzeit bis
zur Gegenwart, Vol. 2, GOVI-Verlag, Eschborn (2005) W.-D. Müller-Jahnke and C. Friedrich, Arzneimittelgeschichte, Wis-
senschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft, Stuttgart (2005) S. H. Barondes, Molecules and Mental Illness, Scientic American Li-
brary, W. H. Freeman and Company, New York (1993) R. M. Restak, Receptors, Bantam Books, New York (1994) T. J. Perun and C. L. Propst, Eds., Computer-Aided Drug Design.
Methods and Applications, Marcel Dekker, New York (1989) C. R. Beddell, Eds., The Design of Drugs to Macromolecular Targets,
John Wiley & Sons, Chichester (1992) E. C. Herrmann and R. Franke, Eds., Computer Aided Drug Design in
Industrial Research, Ernst Schering Research Foundation Work-
shop 15, Springer-Verlag, Berlin (1995) K. Müller, Eds., De Novo Design, Persp. Drug Discov. Design, Vol. 3,
Escom, Leiden (1995) B. Werth, The Billion-Dollar Molecule. One Company’s Quest for the
Perfect Drug, Touchstone, New York (1994) D. Fischer and J. Breitenbach, Eds., Die Pharmaindustrie, Spektrum
Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg, Berlin (2003) A. Giannis, Naturstoffe im Dienst der Medizin - Von der Tragödie zur
Therapie, Springer-Verlag GmbH, (2023)
Special Literature
E. Mutschler, Arzneimittel – Erfolge, Misserfolge, Hoffnungen, Deut-
sche Apoth.-Ztg. 127, 2025–2033 (1987) D. J. Newman and G. M. Cragg, Natural Products as Sources of New
Drugs over the Last 25 Years, J. Nat. Prod. 70, 461–477 (2007) C. R. Noe and A. Bader, Facts Are Better Than Dreams, Chem. Britain
29, 126–128 (1993), (formulas of Kekulé and Loschmidt) C. R. Beddell, P. J. Goodford, F. E. Norrington etal., Compounds
Designed to Fit a Site of Known Structure in Human Hemoglobin,
Br. J. Pharmac., 57, 201–209 (1976) P. Kramer, Listening to Prozac, Viking, New York (1993) P. R. Breggin and G. R. Breggin, Talking Back to Prozac, St. Martin’s
Press, New York (1994)
https://data.who.int/dashboards/covid19/cases (Last accessed Nov. 29,
2024)
In the Beginning,
There Was Serendipity
Contents
2.1 Acetanilide Instead of Naphthalene: ANew, Valuable Antipyretic – 16
2.2 Anesthetics and Sedatives: Pure Accidental Discovery – 16
2.3 Fruitful Synergies: Dyes and Pharmaceuticals – 17
2.4 Fungi Kill Bacteria and Help with Syntheses – 18
2.5 The Discovery of the Hallucinogenic Eect of LSD – 19

2.6 The Synthetic Route Determines the Structure – 19
2.7 Surprising Rearrangements Lead to Medicines – 20
2.8 A Long List of Accidents – 21
2.9 Where Would We Be Without Serendipity? – 21
2.10 Synopsis – 22
Bibliography and Further Reading – 22
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer-Verlag GmbH, DE, part of Springer Nature 2024 G. Klebe, Drug Design, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-68998-1_2
Chapter  • In the Beginning, There Was Serendipity
2
“Alucky accident dropped the medicine into our hands;” this is how apublication on August14, 1886, from Ar­nold Cahn and Paul Hepp in the Centralblatt für Klin- ische Medizin began. The history of drug research is punctuated by lucky accidents. As ageneral rule, detailed knowledge of biological systems was absent. Therefore, it is not surprising that the working hypotheses were often wrong, and the obtained results differed from ex­pectations. The case of accidental success fell into the background over time. Today, happenstance as astrategy has been replaced by the arduous and ambitious goal of preparing drugs by using astraightforward approach. The only exception to this is the kind of shotgun-style testing of large and diverse chemical compound libraries, including microbial and plant extracts that is done with the goal of nding new lead structures. In this case, ser­endipity is desired to nd as large and diverse apalette of lead structures (Chaps.6, 7, 8, 9).
2.1 Acetanilide Instead of Naphthalene:
ANew, Valuable Antipyretic
Back to Cahn and Hepp. What happened? There are sev­eral legends about this lucky accident. The most plausi­ble version is that the antipyretic effect of naphthalene, acompound widely available from coal tar, was tested. The substance indeed showed fever-lowering qualities. The responsible substance however, was not naphthalene but rather something entirely different: acetanilide2.1 (. Fig.2.1). Further experiments conrmed the efcacy. Shortly thereafter, the company Kalle & Co. introduced it to the market with the name “Antifebrin.”
Phenacetin 2.2 (. Fig. 2.1) was subsequently de-
veloped based upon atargeted approach. At the time, Bayer in Elberfeld had 30 t of p-nitrophenol, a side product from dye production, on their waste heap. The then 25-year-old Carl Duisberg, who later became the chairman of Bayer Farbenfabriken AG and who also
took aleading role in the foundation of I.G. Farben­industrie in 1924, wanted to use p-nitrophenol for the preparation of acetanilide as it could easily be reduced to p-aminophenol. The known toxicity of phenol groups led to the design of p-ethoxyacetanilide2.2 (phenacetin), which actually did have the desired qualities and served as an analgesic for headaches and as an antipyretic for acentury. Unfortunately its metabolite2.4, which still contains the ethoxy group, leads to the production of methemoglobin, an oxidized form of the red blood pig­ment that is incapable of carrying oxygen. Furthermore, chronic misuse by, for instance, taking kilogram quanti­ties of phenacetin over alifetime, leads to kidney dam­age. Paradoxically, the main metabolite of phenacetin, p-hydroxyacetanilide2.5 (. Fig.2.1, acetaminophen in American English, or paracetamol in UK English) is ac­tually responsible for the effect, and it is less toxic and better tolerated. In the USA alone, paracetamol achieved over US$ 1.3billion in annual sales. This is even more than for acetylsalicylic acid.
2.2 Anesthetics and Sedatives:
Pure Accidental Discovery
In 1799, Humphry Davy (1778–1829) discovered the euphoric effect of nitrous oxide (N2O), which was ap­propriately named “laughing gas.” The dentist Horace Wells (1815–1848) saw atraveling theater production of a“snifng party” with N2O in 1844 in which aparti­cipant suffered from aesh wound, apparently without pain. To test this effect, Wells had one of his own teeth extracted, also without pain. He then repeated the proce­dure on many people, with success. However, one public demonstration went awry, and this drove him to suicide four years later. It’s frightening how things keep repeat­ing themselves. Recently, nitrous oxide has been increas­ingly used as amodern party drug. Its strong euphoric effect, sometimes combined with drowsiness and even
. Fig. 2.1 By starting with the accidently discovered
acetanilide2.1, Carl Duisberg planned the synthesis of phenacetin2.2 from nitrophenol2.3. In contrast to the toxic metabolite2.4, the main metabolite, paracetamol (Amer. acet­aminophen)2.5 is well tolerated
. • Fruitful Synergies: Dyes and Pharmaceuticals

hallucinations, is obviously appealing. Unfortunately, the risks are underestimated as frequent application can severely damage the nervous system.
The same effect was observed in 1842 by CrawfordW. Long (1815–1878) with ether, but he did not report it immediately. After administering ether, he was able to remove an ulcer from the neck of avolunteer. WilliamT. Morton (1819–1868) successfully carried out the rst ether anesthesia in the same hospital as Wells. Starting in 1847, chloroform was used as an anesthetic. Afew years later, anesthesia became standard for surgical procedures, areal blessing for the suffering of humanity.
Oskar Liebreich (1839–1908) wanted to develop ade­pot form of chloroform2.6 in 1868. Because chloral hy­drate can be cleaved with base in an aqueous milieu, he hoped that this could also happen in the body. Chloral hydrate is in fact asedative, but this is because of its active metabolite, trichloroethanol2.8 (. Fig.2.2), and not because it releases chloroform.
In 1885, Oswald Schmiedeberg (1838–1921) tested urethane 2.9 (ethylcarbamate, . Fig. 2.3) because he thought that it would release ethanol in the organism. Urethane itself is the active agent. Its optimization later led to isoamylcarbamate 2.10 (Hedonal®, 1899). Based on this, open and cyclic carbamates and ureas were in­vestigated. In 1903, the rst barbiturate sedative, bar­bital (Veronal®) resulted. In the decades that followed, awealth of better-tolerated barbiturates with abroader pharmacokinetic spectrum were introduced.
. Fig. 2.2 The anesthetic chloroform2.6 is formed upon treatment
of chloral hydrate2.7 with base. However, this reaction does not work in vivo. The active metabolite of2.7 is trichloroethanol2.8
2.3 Fruitful Synergies:
Dyes and Pharmaceuticals
Dyes and pharmaceuticals have stimulated one another. The rst synthetic dye was the result of afailed drug syn­thesis. In 1856, August Wilhelm v.Hoffman assigned the task of synthesizing quinine, an alkaloid used for treat­ing malaria (Sect.3.2), to the then 17-year-old William Henry Perkins (1838–1907). By starting with only the molecular formula, it was anticipated that the oxidation of an allyl-substituted toluidine would deliver the desired product. However, now that the structural formula is known, we understand that this could not possibly have worked! Upon oxidation of aniline that was contami­nated with o- and p-toluidine, Perkins isolated adark pre­cipitate. It contained adye, mauveine 2.12 (. Fig.2.4) that colored silks abrilliant mauve. Other dyes were pre­pared in rapid succession. The development and later proliferation of the dye industry in England and Ger­many in the second half of the nineteenth century can be traced back to this accidental discovery. Towards the end of the nineteenth century increasing competition and adifcult economic situation in the dye market inspired the reactionary expansion into industrial pharmaceutical research. In 1896, apharmaceutical research laboratory was founded in the 33-year-old Bayer Farbenfabrik. At that time innumerable synthetic dyes were known; there­fore, it is not surprising that these substances were tested for pharmacological effects.
Of all people, wine adulterators played an important role in the discovery of the rst synthetic laxative. To stop people from selling Trester wine (so-called Nach- wein) as anatural wine (Naturwein), in 1900 the dye phe- nolphthalein was added as an easily detectable indicator. The Hungarian pharmacologist Zoltán von Vámossy (1868–1953) investigated the effects of this compound. Back then, the conventions of the pharmacologists were
. Fig. 2.3 The hypothetical “prodrug” of ethanol, urethane2.9, led
to the development of isoamylcarbamate 2.10, which in turn led to the rst barbiturate, barbital2.11
. Fig. 2.4 An unsuccessful quinine synthesis founded the dye indus-
try. The chemical structures of many organic compounds were still entirely unknown in the middle of the nineteenth century. The attempt to prepare quinine via asimple route (upper reaction) could not have worked. The oxidation of an impure aniline (below) gave mauveine
2.12 in 1856, which was used to dye silk abrilliant mauve color. It was the rst synthetic dye!
2
Chapter  • In the Beginning, There Was Serendipity
. Fig. 2.5 The laxative effect of phenolphthalein
became apparent while testing it as an additive for cheap wines. The antisyphilis compound arsphenamine
2.14 (Salvarsan an azo dye in which the –NN– group was exchanged for an –AsAs– group
®
, here shown as monomer) is simply
still rather primitive. The intravenous application of
0.01–0.03 g to rabbits caused death “with loud shriek­ing, convulsions, and paralysis.” Vámossy then decided to feed 1–2 g to arabbit and 5 g to a4 kg lap dog. Be­cause these oral doses were all well tolerated, Vámossy took 1.5 g of phenolphthalein himself, and afriend took
1.0 g. The effects were explosive: rumbling in the bow­els, diarrhea, and for two additional days loose stools. It was later established that 150–200 mg would have been atherapeutic dose.
An entire range of antibacterial and antiparasitic
dyes are based on the work of Robert Koch (1843–
1910). He showed that bacteria and parasites accumu­late dyes specically. Based on this, Paul Ehrlich (1854–
1915) hoped to kill pathogens selectively with suitably chosen dyes. In 1891, he cured two mild cases of malaria by treating the patients with methylene blue. In the fol­lowing years he tested hundreds of different pigments, and thousands more analogues were later synthesized in the laboratories of Bayer and Hoechst. In 1909, Paul Ehrlich pursued arational design when he exchanged both of the nitrogen atoms of an –NN– group of an azo dye for arsenic atoms. Arsphenamine 2.14 (Salvar­san®, . Fig.2.5) was the rst effective compound to treat syphilis: the rst chemotherapeutic. It became an extraordinary economic success for the company Hoechst.
The breakthrough with chemotherapeutics was made by the physician Gerhard Domagk (1895–1964). At the age of31, he took over the newly formed department of experimental pathology at Bayer in Elberfeld. Azo dyes bearing sulfonamide groups had already been de­signed by the chemists Fritz Mietzsch and Josef Klarer, but they showed no in vitro activity; Domagk tested these substances in streptococci-infected mice. By using this model, he found the rst active substances in 1932. Sulfamidochrysoidine 2.15 (Protonsil®, . Fig. 2.6), adark-red dye that could treat even severe streptococci infections, was rst made in 1935. The sulfonamides be­came world famous ayear later when the son of the US president TheodoreD. Roosevelt, Jr. was treated with such acompound to cure asevere sinus infection. But even here afalse hypothesis led to success. It was not the azo dye itself, but rather its metabolite sulfanilamide
2.16 that was effective. Sulfanilamide replaces p-amino- benzoic acid 2.17 (. Fig.2.6), which is needed for the
. Fig. 2.6 The red azo dye sulfamidochrysoidine 2.15 is effective
only after cleavage to the colorless sulfanilamide 2.16, which is abac­terial antimetabolite of p-aminobenzoic acid2.17
bacterial synthesis of the enzymatic cofactor, dihydrofo­lic acid (Sect.27.2).
2.4 Fungi Kill Bacteria and Help
with Syntheses
The discovery of the antibiotic effect of Penicillium no­tatum by Alexander Fleming (1881–1955) in 1928 is the
most famous example of aserendipitous discovery. Flem­ing noticed that aspoiled staphylococcus culture had been contaminated with afungal infection. In the area around the fungus, no bacteria could grow. Further investigations showed that this fungus could also curb other bacteria. Fleming called the still-unknown agent penicillin. It was not until 1940 that it was isolated and characterized by Ernst Boris Chain (1906–1979) and Howard Florey (1910–1985). In 1941, an English policeman was the rst patient to be treated with penicillin. Despite atemporary improvement, and even though penicillin could be iso­lated from his urine, he died after afew days as no more penicillin was available for his continued therapy. The fungus Penicillium chrysogenum, which produces more penicillin than Penicillium notatum and is easier to culti- vate, was isolated from amoldy melon in Illinois. The te­dious route to the structural elucidation of penicillin and the successful work to systematically vary its structure are scientic masterworks of the rst order. There were even more difcult problems to conquer to optimize its production and its biotechnological mass production. To­day, the modied penicillins 2.18 and cephalosporins 2.19
. • The Synthetic Route Determines the Structure
. Fig. 2.7 Fleming’s accidental discovery of the antibiotic effects of
afungus has delivered awide palette of penicillins 2.18 and cephalo­sporins 2.19, each with different Rgroups
(. Fig.2.7), which make up abroad range of antibiotics with outstanding bioavailability, are available. The newer analogues have a broader spectrum of activity against many pathogens and are distinguished by agenerally im­proved stability to the penicillin-degrading enzyme β-lact­amase (Sect.23.7). Fleming was aresearcher to whom Pasteur’s thesis “chance favors the prepared mind” fully applies. One day in 1921 while working in his laboratory with acold, he tried arather headstrong experiment. He added adrop from his own nasal mucus to abacterial culture and found afew days later that the bacteria had been killed. This “experiment” led to the discovery of ly­sozyme, an enzyme that hydrolyzes the bacterial cell wall. As atherapy, it is unfortunately unsuitable because it does not attack most human pathogens.
Chance and afungus played an important role in the industrial synthesis of corticosteroids. An important step in the synthesis is the introduction of an oxygen atom at aparticular position in the steroid scaffold, position11. In 1952, chemists at the Upjohn company sought after asoil bacteria that could hydroxylate asteroid in this position. Just when they nally decided to set an agar plate on the window bank of the laboratory, Rhizopus arrhizus landed exactly there. This fungus transforms progesterone (Sect.28.5) to 11α-hydroxyprogesterone. With its help, the yield could be increased to 50%. The closely related fungus Rhizopus nigricans even afforded 90% of the desired product.
2.5 The Discovery of the Hallucinogenic
Effect of LSD
In the 1930s, Albert Hoffmann (1906–2008) was working on the partial synthesis of ergoline alkaloids at Sandoz. In 1938, he wanted to nd away to transfer the respira­tory and cardiovascular stimulatory effect of N,N-diethyl nicotinamide 2.20 into this class of compounds. Analo­gous to 2.20, he prepared N,N-diethyl lysergamide 2.21 (. Fig.2.8) with the hope of maintaining the stimula­tory circulatory and respiratory effects. The substances showed no particular effect other than the experimen­tal animals being agitated under anesthesia. Therefore, they were not pursued at rst. Hoffman prepared the substances for asecond time ve years later because he

. Fig. 2.8 N,N-Diethyl nicotinamide 2.20 is acentrally active deriva-
tive of nicotinic acid. Hofmann wanted to synthesize ageneral stimu­lant analogously by preparing the N,N-diethyl amide of lysergic acid. The result was the hallucinogen lysergic acid diethyl amide 2.21 (LSD)
wanted to investigate them more thoroughly. Upon the purication procedure and recrystallization, he reported feeling “astrange agitation combined with aslight dizzi-
ness.” At home he fell into “anot-unpleasant inebriated condition that was characterized by extremely animated fantasies… after about 2hours, the condition went away.”
Hoffman suspected aconnection to the compounds he prepared and conducted aself-experiment with 0.25 mg afew days later. That was the smallest dose with which he expected to see an effect. The outcome was dramatic, the experience was the same as the rst time, but much more intense. He had atechnician accompany him home on his bicycle. During the ride, his condition took on athreat­ening form, and he fell into asevere crisis dominated by dizziness and anxiety. The world took on agrotesque form. Later it was determined that 0.02–0.1 mg is enough to cause hallucinations. The substance was temporarily marketed as Delyside® for use in psychotherapy and to treat anxiety and compulsive disorders.
2.6 The Synthetic Route Determines
the Structure
The structure of the rst calcium channel blocker, ver­apamil 2.22 was determined by its synthesis (. Fig.2.9). Verapamil counteracts the effects of β-adrenergic ago­nists, but it is not aβ-blocker. It was only after its intro­duction to the market that Albrecht Fleckenstein claried its mode of action: it blocks the inwards membrane volt­age-dependent ow of calcium ions through the calcium channels (Sect.30.4) in cardiac and endothelial cells. The hypotonic effect was initially seen as aside effect, but in the following years it became the most important reason for use. The second group of therapeutically important calcium channel blockers, nifedipine 2.23 was inspired by asynthetic principle, i.e., the Hantzsch synthesis of dihydropyridines (. Fig.2.9) from 1882. Remarkably, the pharmacological experiments on nifedipine had to be carried out in adarkened room because of its photosen­sitivity. All the more reason to applaud its development into amedicine despite this characteristic.
2
Chapter  • In the Beginning, There Was Serendipity
. Fig. 2.9 Ferdinand Dengel, achemist at the former Knoll
AG, wanted to prepare acardiovascular drug by alkylating anitrile. To avoid adouble substitution, he started with the sterically demanding isopropyl group. The result was the rst calcium channel blocker, verapamil 2.22. The isopropyl group is the optimal alkyl group because it stabilizes the biologically active conformation. The synthetic route played an important role in the development of the second calcium channel blocker, nifedipine 2.23. In 1948, Friedrich Bosser at Bayer was given the task of nding new substances that dilate the coronary arteries. After years of work, he turned in 1964 to the easily prepared dihydropyridines, which surprisingly displayed the desired effects. In this case, the space-lling nitro group promotes the biologically active conformation (Sects.17.9 and30.4)
2.7 Surprising Rearrangements Lead
to Medicines
Leo Sternbach (1908–2005), achemist at Hoffman La Roche, was involved in aprogram in the mid-1950s to nd structurally novel tranquilizers. Sternbach remembered asynthetic program on pigments from adecade before in which N-oxide 2.24 (. Fig.2.10) was also prepared. Its reaction with secondary amines delivered the expected products, which were pharmacologically absolutely un­interesting. The work was practically ended in 1957, and the laboratory was being cleaned up when it was noticed that acrystalline base and its hydrochloride salt had pre­cipitated from asolution. The substance was the product of a reaction between N-oxide 2.24 and methylamine, but it was never tested due to other priorities. The sub­sequent pharmacological testing convincingly showed outstanding qualities. It was only later established that an unexpected ring rearrangement reaction had occurred to afford chlordiazepoxide 2.25 (Librium®, . Fig.2.10).
There are other examples of this sort. In 1974, W.Ber­ney was working on spirodihydronaphthalenes 2.26 (. Fig.2.11) with the goal of preparing CNS-active sub­stances. Upon acid treatment, he obtained acompound that was highly potent in vitro and in vivo against aseries of human pathogenic fungi in aroutine broad screening at Sandoz Research Institute in Vienna. In 1985, the sub­stance was introduced as naftine 2.27, and later amore potent analogue, terbinane 2.28 (. Fig.2.11) followed. Both substances showed apreviously unknown mode of action. They damage the membrane of fungi in that they block the ergosterol biosynthesis. This happens in avery early step due to the inhibition of the enzyme squalene epoxidase.
. Fig. 2.10 Treatment of 2.25 with methylamine delivers the rear-
rangement product chlordiazepoxide 2.25 (Librium®) instead of the expected one. This rst test compound became the rst of the benzo­diazepine class to be marketed
. Fig. 2.11 Instead of CNS activity, naftine 2.27, prepared from
spiro compound 2.26, is an antimycotic. Acomparison with the more potent terbinane 2.28 shows that the phenyl group can advanta­geously be replaced with atert-butylethinyl group
. • Where Would We Be Without Serendipity?


2.8 A Long List of Accidents

The list of accidental discoveries, from which afew are described here, can be extended ad innitum. Afew more examples are briey mentioned without chemical formulas.
Pethidine (Sect.3.3), the rst fully synthetic opiate
-
analgesic, was synthesized in the 1930s as part of an
anticonvulsives research program, by starting from
atropine.
The suitability of antihistamines for the prevention of
-
motion sickness was discovered in Boston because of
atreatment for askin rash. A patient reported that
her motion sickness, which always occurred when rid-
ing aBoston street car, went away. The “clinical trial”
was carried out in 1947 on hundreds of sailors on the
transatlantic voyage of the USNS General Ballou.
Haloperidol (Sect.3.3) was meant to be an analgesic;
-
it turned out to be aneuroleptic.
Imipramine is structurally very similar to the neuro-
-
leptic chlorpromazine (Sects.1.6 and8.5). Nonethe-
less, it has the opposite effect and is an antidepres-
sant.
Phenylbutazone was meant to be an additive used
-
to dissolve the anti-inammatory aminophenazone.
The substance turned out to be an anti-inammatory
agent itself as did its metabolite oxyphenbutazone.
An attempt to isolate the causative agent of bipolar
-
disorder from the urine of patients afforded only uric
acid. Because uric acid is poorly soluble, lithium urate
was tested. This led to the discovery of the antide-
pressant effect of lithium salts.
Clonidine was meant to be alocal treatment for the
-
runny nose that accompanies the common cold. In-
stead of the expected effect, aprofound hypotonic
effect was surprisingly found. Despite intensive struc-
tural variations, none of clonidine’s analogues have
surpassed its potency.
Levamisole was developed as abroad-spectrum an-
-
thelmintic (antiworm agent). Instead, an immuno-
modulatory effect was accidently found that now
stands in the therapeutic foreground.
Praziquantel was originally meant to be an antide-
-
pressant. Because of its high polarity, it cannot cross
the blood–brain barrier. An outstanding suitability
for the treatment of the tropical disease schistosomi-
asis (or bilharziosis) was found through broad biolog-
ical testing.
Achemist at Searle who was working on dipeptides
-
licked his ngers while ipping through the pages of
abook. The sweet taste that he noticed turned out
to be caused by the articial sweetener aspartame.
Saccharine was also found in avery similar way. In
the case of cyclamate, asmoker noticed asweet taste
to his cigarettes.
Even today when one would think that rational con-
-
cepts dominate drug research, the lucky accident
still helps to make “blockbusters.” In the pursuit of aphosphodiesterase inhibitor to hinder the degrada­tion of cyclic guanosine monophosphate (cGMP), an improved treatment for angina pectoris was not found (Sect.25.8). Instead it became conspicuous that the male subjects in the clinical trial did not want to give up the substance. After the side effect of astronger penile erection was recognized, the side effect be­came the main effect. The compound sildenal was marketed for the treatment of erectile dysfunction as Viagra® and developed into abillion dollar product.
2.9 Where Would We Be Without
Serendipity?
In the English-speaking world, aword is in use that is difcult to translate into other languages: serendipity. This term, as an expression of alucky accident, was coined by Sir Horace Walpole in 1754. It is derived from aPersian fairytale in which three princes of Serendip (earlier Ceylon, today Sri Lanka) have accidental and unexpected luck and make interesting discoveries en­tirely analogously to the many examples in this chapter. Serendipity has played an exceedingly important role in general in science, and especially in drug research. How would our modern medicine supply look without all of these lucky accidents? By no means should an ar­bitrary approach be taken, and an accidental discovery be counted upon. To the contrary, chemists and phar­macologists have always developed concrete ideas as to how and why particular structural variations on alead compound should be pursued. Some of these hypotheses were correct, and others were false. One thing that they always had in common that helped the researchers was that when ahypothesis failed, or an unexpected result was found, they recognized the potential consequences of the result, drew the correct conclusions, and did the right things. The following chapters will show numerous examples of successful targeted drug design in cases in which the correct working hypothesis was realized. The search for anew active substance is, however, not apro­cess that can be pushed through by apurely technically oriented management. As a general rule, short-term planning and bureaucratic control have only negative consequences. On the other hand, the search for new medicines requires aconcerted effort from many dif­ferent groups of specialists who must work together in asuitable organizational structure. The subsequent pre­clinical and clinical development of anewly found active substance is an extremely expensive and time-consum­ing process that must be carefully planned, carried out, and controlled. For this, other instruments are necessary than are used for drug discovery.
Chapter  • In the Beginning, There Was Serendipity
2

2.10 Synopsis

The history of early drug research is full of lucky ac-
-
cidents. Many active principles of substances were
discovered by serendipity, but mostly success can be
attributed to an outstanding researcher with a“pre-
pared mind” who observed important effects.
Dyes and pharmaceuticals, both developed in the
-
early stages of the up-coming chemical industry, espe-
cially stimulated each other in very fruitful synergies.
The discovery by Alexander Fleming of the rst anti-
-
biotic principle, the penicillins, as a defense mecha-
nism of afungus against bacteria is one of the most
famous examples of aserendipitous discovery.
The partial synthesis of ergoline alkaloids led to the
-
discovery of the hallucinogenic effects of LSD. In
those days, researchers frequently conducted self-ex-
periments to rst test active principle in humans.
Unexpected synthetic products, surprising structural
-
rearrangements, and initially false working hypothe-
ses produced new, pharmacologically interesting sub-
stances with surprising or outstanding qualities.
Even today, where rational concepts and the under-
-
standing of mode of action dominates drug research,
the lucky accident can still help to make “blockbust-
ers” as proven recently by the example of sildenal
(Viagra®).
L. H. Sternbach, The Benzodiazepine Story, Fortschr. Arzneimittel-
forsch., 22, 229–266 (1978) A. Hofmann, LSD – mein Sorgenkind, dtv / Klett-Cotta (1993) A. Stütz, Allylamine derivates—a new class of active substances in an-
tifungal chemotherapy, Angew. Chem. Int. Ed. Engl., 26, 320–328
(1987)

Bibliography and Further Reading

General Literature
A. Burger, A Guide to the Chemical Basis of Drug Design, John Wiley
& Sons, New York (1983)
G. de Stevens, Serendipity and Structured Research in Drug Discovery,
Fortschr. Arzneimittelforsch., 30, 189–203 (1986) E. Verg, Meilensteine. 125 Jahre Bayer, 1863–1988, Bayer AG (1988) R. M. Roberts, Serendipity. Accidental Discoveries in Science, John
Wiley & Sons, New York (1989) W. Sneader, Chronology of Drug Introductions, in: Comprehensive
Medicinal Chemistry, C. Hansch, P. G. Sammes and J. B. Taylor,
Eds., Vol. 1, P. D. Kennewell, Ed., Pergamon Press, Oxford, pp.
7–80 (1990) R. M. Restak, Receptors, Bantam Books, New York (1994) H. Kubinyi, Chance Favors the Prepared Mind. From Serendipity to
Rational Drug Design, J. Receptor & Signal Transduction Re-
search, 19, 15–39 (1999) T. A. Ban, The Role of Serendipity in Drug Discovery, Dialogues in
Clinical Neuroscience, 8, 335–344 (2006) E. Hargrave-Thomas, B. Yu, J. Reynisson, Serendipity in anticancer
drug discovery, World J. Clin. Oncol., 3, 1–6 (2012)
Special Literature
A. Cahn and P. Hepp, Das Antifebrin, ein neues Fiebermittel, Centr-
alblatt für Klinische Medizin, 7, 561–564 (1886) Z. von Vámossy, Ist Phenolphthalein ein unschädliches Mittel zum
Kenntlichmachen von Tresterweinen? Chemiker-Zeitung, 24,
679–680 (1900)

Classical Drug Research

Contents
3.1 Aspirin: ANever-Ending Story – 24
3.2 Malaria: Success and Failure – 26
3.3 Morphine Analogues: AMolecule Cut to Pieces – 30
3.4 Cocaine: Drug and Valuable Lead Structure – 32

3.5 H
3.6 Synopsis – 36
Antagonists: Ulcer Therapy Without Surgery – 33
2
Bibliography and Further Reading – 37
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