1. Word order (inversion * инверсия)

Как известно, для английского языка характерен фиксированный порядок слов, при котором предложение, как правило, начинается с подлежащего или группы подлежащего, далее следует сказуемое, затем дополнения (косвенное беспредложное, прямое предложение), в конце предложения находятся обстоятельства. В русском языке порядок слов свободный, и это значит, что изменение порядка слов при переводе – одна из наиболее распространенных трансформаций.

Инверсия – нарушение характерного для английского языка прямого порядка слов (подлежащее + сказуемое) либо для образования новых грамматических форм (грамматическая инверсия), либо для усиления (усилительная инверсия).

Грамматическая инверсия характерна для вопросительных предложений в английском языке.

Усилительная инверсия употребляется для выделения отдельных членов предложения или целых предложений. Примером усилительной инверсии служит предложение:

Participating * in the meeting were ambassadors from a member of EU and from ten candidate countries. – Во встрече приняли участие послы ряда стран ЕС и десяти стран-кандидатов.

Перевод таких предложений, начинающихся с причастия или прилагательного, входящих в состав сказуемого, следует начинать с обстоятельства или дополнения, которые следуют за выделенным членом, например:

Participating in the conference were numerous guests: diplomats from different countries, architects, art historians, artists and journalists.

В конференции участвовали многочисленные гости: дипломаты из разных стран, архитекторы, искусствоведы, художники и журналисты.

2. Некоторые особенности глагола to do , представляющие определенные трудности при переводе:

Глагол to do может выполнять эмоциально-усилитель­ную функцию, т.е. to do подчеркивает факт совершения действия или усиливает значение действия, выраженного глаголом -сказуемом в утвердительной форме Past или Present Indefinite. На русский язык передается словами действительно, все-таки, ведь, на самом деле, таким образом и т. п.

The volume of the capital outlays for the expansion program was not disclosed, but they did undoubtedly exceed those of the last year. Компания не раскрывает суммы запланированных на эти цели инвестиций, хотя на самом деле они превысили уровень прошлого года.

As an international coordinator of the company’s international strategy Mr.F. Martinelli also did make a substantial contribution to the expansion of company’s business.

Таким образом, г-н Ф.Мартинелли также внес немалый вклад в развитие бизнеса компании в качестве координатора ее международной стратегии.

Exercise 7. Study the following explanation then fill in the gaps with the verbs to dedicate or to devote:

посвящать

– предназначать для какой-либо деятельности, работы, наполнять содержанием, непосредственно относящимся к кому-либо, чему-либо, к какой-либо сфере деятельности, сосредоточивать содержание чего-либо на ком-либо, чем-либо

to dedicate yourself/your life to somebody/to doing something, something to something; to devote yourself/ something to something/somebody

Эти глаголы часто взаимозаменяемы, однако в значении "посвятить книгу, фильм, произведение кому-либо в знак любви, уважения, благодарности" употребляется глагол to dedicate something to somebody

1. She ... her life to helping the poor. 2. He ... his first book to his first teacher. 3. The chapel was ... in 1880. 4. A memorial stone was ... to those who lost their lives. 5. She totally ... to her work. 6. She ... herself to her career. 7. He seems to ... all his efforts to his business activities. 8. He is a ... supporter.

Exercise 8. Imagine you are making a consistent presentation at the conference on the topics "Principles of further integration" or "The preparation for entering EU is sometimes a complex, painful process". Use some useful phrases as many as you can for your conference speech from the list below:

This afternoon I want to deal with ...

The subject of today's discussion is ...

Last time we talked about ... today I shall be talking about ...

Let's look first of all at ...

The first thing we have to consider is ...

Perhaps we should first look at ...

Well, we know that ...

We can divide ... up into three (four) headings

Well, now we've given the main outline, we can ...

Let's look then at ...

And I think you'll probably agree that ...

Well, I think, that's all I have to say on ...

Perhaps you would like me to answer questions at this point ... .

Т ема II.

A CONSTITUTION FOR THE FUTURE OF EUROPE

(abstracts from the speech of Romano Prodi – President of the European Commission, Milan, 15 July 2002)

Historical roots of institutional reforms

Europe's annus mirabilis – 2002 – has given European integration a remarkable boost. When analyzing this, we must consider the present as well as the future. Вut let us not neglect the past, as the series we are presenting today clearly shows.

The Treaty of Rome makes it quite clear that the European club is open to new members. Bur reading between the lines of the Treaties and delving into the archives we realize that the founding fathers had a more ambitious structure in mind.

Having voiced those thoughts, I wish to share a deep conviction of mine: Europe needs a constitutional Treaty. There are excellent practical reasons for this and I will go into them presently or the moment I want to remind you that today, thanks to enlargement in particular a great project initiated half a century ago is now bearing fruit.

You have published a whole volume on a satisfactory institutional solution for the "Greater Europe". But before tackling that, we need to consider the challenges and tasks the European Union has to cope with

Four challenges

The time has come to take our share of responsibility for peace and development in the world.

1. We must develop all the instruments we need to export peace, democracy and freedom. These include:

• enlargement

• our neighborhood policy (Russia, Ukraine, the Balkans and the Mediterranean)

• more coherent and telling action on the world scene

• a strategy to reduce the gap between North and South.

2. Secondly, we must defend the European social model. This involves:

1. stepping up our capacity for joint action in the economic area;

2. a strategy that combines the (micro- and micro-) economic dimension and the social and educational dimension – the Lisbon strategy;

3. more practical content for the principle of European citizenship.

3. Thirdly, we must ensure the security and peaceful coexistence of all those who live in Europe in full observance of the principle of freedom.

Recently the issue of security has been increasingly linked to immigration. I am not convinced that the two should be linked, but it would be dangerous to ignore people's real fears.

No country can hope to tackle these issues effectively on its own:

1. We must coordinate border controls at EU levels;

2. We need a common approach to asylum and control of migratory flows;

3. We must concentrate on the external dimension of these policies (readmission policies, immigration clauses in agreements with non-member countries).

4. The fourth challenge for the Europe of tomorrow is the knowledge society.

We must stake our future on making Europe a center of scientific progress and innovation. This means:

1. stepping up Europe's competitiveness by increasing research and development (Fourth Framework Program);

2. applying a coordinated strategy for lifelong learning;

3. enhancing our universities "capacity to attract".

Our project for the European Union

A constitutional treaty

The Commission has clearly stated the need for such a constitutional context. Above all there is a need to simplify the existing provisions accruing from the various Treaties adopted in the past. But something extra is also needed.

In a modern democracy, a "constitutional" text lays down the key points governing the autonomous organization of a particular political entity:

1. the legal basis for the entity concerned;

2. respect for rights internally, with the establishment of a clear political identity.

Your study includes points and considerations of great relevance to these aspects too. It is vital for the entity to be seen and recognized as fully legitimate and democratic by the citizens.

Naturally, the myths about the illegitimacy and lack of democracy of the EU and its institutions should be rejected unambiguously.

But the Treaties establishing the Union do not lay down certain fundamental points directly and precisely. They are recognized within the EU solely by virtue of references to principals enshrined in the constitutions of the Member States. And this makes the EU seem rather distant. These include:

1. The legitimacy of the Council and the Commission, since their membership only indirectly reflects the will of the people;

2. The protection of fundamental rights, which is legally guaranteed by case law only.

For real value added, the future constitutional text of the European Union must set out:

1. the EU 's essential principals and tasks;

2. the institutional organization responsible for carrying out these tasks;

3. the citizen's rights in terms of participation and freedoms, which serve as inspiration for and govern the way the EU institutions exercise their powers.

A constitutional treaty for a Union of States and peoples

The EU is a Union of States and peoples and the Governments are still in charge of the Treaties. So the most likely outcome of the process to reform of the European Union under way is a constitutional treaty, barring a " constitutional upheaval" that breaks with the past. And that is most unlikely.

Which is why I speak of a " constitutional treaty" and not of a "constitution".

As things stand, EU citizens can play no part in the ratification of such a treaty. But they must be involved in this process in some way. This means devising a way of including them in the process:

• As it stands, the Union of States and peoples is totally biased in favor of the States.

To re-establish a balance, the peoples must given the chance to take part in the process of laying the EU's new foundations. Popular involvement is justified because this will bolster the legitimacy of the future constitutional text and, more generally, the Union based on it. This would set in motion a process that could ultimately lead to the recognition of EU sovereignty.

EU citizenship

The Convention and the Intergovernmental Conference to follow must launch a grand practical political project that the citizens can identify with. This entails laying the foundations for a genuine supranational democracy. The concept of European citizenship must stand at the center of the European project, whatever from this takes. Building a democratic EU does not mean building a super-state. It means giving a new dimension to the concept of citizenship. EU citizenship can be a powerful factor in the social integration of legal immigrants into the European Union.

We must identify a set of core rights and obligations to be recognized by all legal residents throughout the EU. This could lessen the increasing tension between laws on nationality and citizenship and immigration.

Proposals in the Commission Communication to the Convention

The commission presented a Communication to the Convention setting out certain clear proposals.

To play role it deserves on the world stage, the EU must speak with one voice. To do this, I have proposed that the role of the High Representative should be gradually merged within the Commission and combined with that of the Commissioner responsible for external relations. This reform will:

1. reducing the current dispersal of effort;

2. harnessing the full external potential of the various common policies – trade, the environment, transport and culture;

3. making our external policy more effective and more visible.

he EU must operate along simpler and more transparent lines. This means:

• combining the present three pillars within a single consolidated Treaty;

• giving the EU a single legal responsibility.

The new Treaty must break down into two sections:

1. A constitutional section setting out the constitutional principals and the Charter of Fundamental Rights.

2. A second section setting out the practical procedures, governed by more flexible voting rules covering amendments too.

As regards transparency, the strictest test is clearly the way the European Union uses EU taxpayers money. The way the EU budget is currently financed is too complex. We propose it be simplified and the budgetary authority – comprising Parliament and the Council – be given power consonant with their democratic legitimacy.

In particular, the European Parliament should be given the power to decide on revenue as well as on expenditure. This is the prerogative of all democratically elected parliaments throughout the world, with the sole exception of the European Parliament. We might well take up the slogan "No representation without taxation".

The Presidents of the Council and of the Commission

The EU must have clear, recognizable leadership. Various proposals concur on a reform of the way the Council is currently chaired.

It is clearly necessary, particularly with a view to enlargement, to replace the present six-monthly rotating presidency with a more stable system.

I fully agree with that aim. But we should go a step further and consider how best to make the EU more visible in the public eye. The EU must have a focus for responsibility and accountability to give it continuity.

An EU president chosen by governments and voted on by Parliament or elected in some other way, with a five-year term of office, would meet the need. Dispersal of effort must also be avoided as it leads to powerlessness. On grounds of democracy and efficiency, the best solution could be for the EU and Commission presidents to be one and the same. This would be a visible, transparent way of promoting the general interest of the EU and ensuring coherence and continuity.

All these reforms must be geared towards better allocation of roles and tasks, grouping of competencies and simplification of the whole system.