- •С одержание
- •Imperfect price flexibility – несовершенная эластичность цен;
- •Вступление в ес – не волшебная палочка
- •Joining eu is no magic wand
- •1. Word order (inversion * инверсия)
- •2. Некоторые особенности глагола to do , представляющие определенные трудности при переводе:
- •It would be counterproductive to deviate from the Community method and develop less democratic and less transparent procedures. These would end up by aggravating the present dispersal of effort.
- •4. Рост товарооборота
- •Impact – 1. Влияние, воздействие 2. Последствие, результат
- •It is on the agenda – это стоит на повестке дня;
- •Issue (noun)
- •Расширение Евросоюза – далеко не такое благо, как принято считать
- •Win or lose an argument
- •Glossary:
- •In contradiction with – в противоречии с;
- •Compromise
- •Contradiction
- •Pattern: depress – depression -depressing
- •Implicit [im'plIsit] – 1. Подразумеваемый; не выраженный прямо; внутренне присущий 2. Безоговорочный, полный
- •Report writing
- •Каковы эти цели?
- •Issuance and service of plastic cards – выпуск и обслуживание пластиковых карточек;
- •Provision – to provide, provisional, provider
- •Topic sentence
- •Further contradictions inside
- •It is not clear to what extent closer cooperation will succeed in a core group.
- •Adjectives usually used in predicative position:
- •Practice (complete the sentences)
- •Russia’s Kyoto move puts spotlight on us
- •In China, a booming economy and a growing fuel consumption are raidly driving up greenhouse gas emissions.
- •Russia gives crucial backing to Kyoto treaty
- •Its decision increases pressure on the us to ratify the treaty, which President George w. Bush rejected in 2001.
- •Wto bid picks up support
Topic sentence
This report centers on, around, round, upon/
deals with/devotes considerable more attention to/
is oriented forward to… Этот доклад посвящен…
Firstly, I would like to point out… |
Прежде всего хотелось бы отметить… |
First of all, I ‘ d like to focus on… |
Прежде всего хотелось бы остановиться на… |
The major point is. … |
Основной вопрос… |
I must say that … |
Надо сказать, что… |
Developers |
|
Let’s go point by point… |
Давайте обсудим пункт за пунктом… |
First comes… |
Прежде всего, начнем… |
In view of the above… |
Ввиду вышеизложенного… |
We can now look at… |
Теперь мы можем обсудить… |
Restatement |
|
Now it is obvious that… |
Теперь ясно, что… |
So, to make a long story short… |
Итак, если кратко изложить суть… |
So, I have every good reason to believe that… |
Итак, у меня есть все основания считать, что… |
Further contradictions inside
In reality, there were two summits. There was the intergovernmental conference that settled the constitution with surprising good humor. It was driven in no small part by the punishment suffered by almost all the EU leaders in the European elections. There were desperate to demonstrate that they were capable of acting and not merely talking.
But the other summit was both more divisive and more revealing. It was the dinner when Europe’s leaders tried and failed to agree on who should be the next president of the European Commission. And if two politicians could be singled out for blame in what was a low point for EU decision-making, they would be Blair and Chirac.
Both lack a clear vision of what sort of EU they want. Both are trying to defend outdated national positions that are being eroded within and outside Europe. Each resents other, and has allowed the poison of their disagreement over Iraq to infect their relations across the European spectrum. In trying to gather allies for their personal power contest, they are aggravating tensions within the EU.
Take the issue of the commission president. As head of the EU executive, this person plays a vital role in ensuring that the union is effective, relevant and dynamic.
The past two presidents, Romano Prodi and Jacques Santer, have disappointed. The present commission contains many impressive individuals, but has lacked direction. It delivered EU enlargement, but failed to take a lead on the constitution.
A clear-sighted president who can gain the confidence of all leaders, weld a team together in Brussels and woo the many factions in the European parliament is urgently needed.
Instead, Blair and Chirac blocked each other last week, and two good candidates bit the dust. Blair blocked Chirac’s choice – Guy Verhofstadt, the Belgian prime minister – mainly because he would have aroused the fury of the euroskeptic British media as a so-called “federalist.” France and Germany – for the divisions of Europe.
After the summit, Blair made great play of his success in putting together a coalition of countries that were determined to resist the creation of a “federal superstate” in the European constitutional treaty.
Yet there is not a single EU leader who would genuinely espouse that cause. No one wants a European superstate: it is a euroskeptic fantasy, not a europhile ambition.
What the constitutional negotiations have really done is open the way for a multi-speed EU. There will be a first-class EU for those who are members of all its clubs, such as the euro, Schengen, a common defense policy and the like. France will definitely be in there, along with most of the founder members.
Second-class Europe will be for those who want to pick and choose1 to be members of some clubs but not all.
Britain is in the outer group by conscious choice, as are Denmark and Sweden – they do not want to be in the eurozone, for a start. The new member states are in danger of being stuck with second-class status, whether they like it or not, because the entry barriers to the core group will get steadily higher.