
прагматика и медиа дискурс / Teun A van Dijk - Communicating Racism
.pdfAppendix 403
them with an opportunity to air the complaints, resentment, or frustrations they felt about the neighborhood or the minorities, an occasion that seldom arises outside of personal contacts with family members, acquaintances, or neighbors. In several interviews, it was also mentioned that people "don't dare to talk about these things" anymore, for fear of "retaliation." In the low-contact, wealthier neighborhoods, it was generally much more difficult to find people who were willing to grant an interview.
The interview itself was minimally preprogrammed. As soon as the topic "minorities" was brought up, the interviewer usually "followed" the spontaneous talk of the interviewee, only occasionally "coming back" to the main topic after—sometimes lengthy—detours. The topical schema that would guarantee a minimal comparability of the interviews consisted of the—mnemotechnically useful, because the interviewers were instructed not to use notes or read questions—different "contexts" of ethnic experiences and opinions: first next-door neighbors and the neighborhood or the city, then public places such as buses or streetcars or shops, next the job, and finally schools if the interviewee had children. Also sources, such as personal talk and contacts and the media were mostly brought up, often by the interviewees themselves. For each main "contextual" topic, typical questions would pertain to people's reaction to the local (city) or national government's policies regarding minorities.
The second group of interviews (those prefaced by II-), carried out in an ethnically mixed, poor inner-city neighborhood (Transvaalbuurt) in Amsterdam, specifically focused on personal "experiences" people had had, and whether they could tell stories about them. The main aim of that part of the project was to focus on the structures and functions of narratives in talk about ethnic minorities. The third group of interviews, carried out in a White, wealthy neighborhood, placed the focus on reasons and argumenta people formulated for their opinions, and in their analysis we paid attention especially to argumentative structures. The fourth group of interviews in Amsterdam focused on information sources, such as family members, acquaintances, friends, neighbors, or the media.
The interviews held in San Diego were, of course, tuned to topics that were specifically salient in the United States and Southern California, such as affirmative action (jobs, education, housing, busing), the immigration of Asians and Mexicans, the position of "illegal aliens" and recent legislation pertaining to "guest labor." The code numbers of these interviews are preceded by "A" (for "America").
Requests to tape the interview were always made and nearly always granted (3 refusals for more than 170 interviews). The interviewees
404 Communicating Racism
were pledged anonymity and confidentiality of the interview and interview data.
Transcripts
All interviews were transcribed literally, including hesitation phenomena, false starts, repairs, and so on. Yet, lengthy passages that had no direct or indirect bearing to the main "ethnic topic" were not transcribed in order to save time and xerox costs. Transcription conventions were followed, but not the highly precise ones that have become customary in conversational analysis (by which one minute of conversation on average takes one hour of transcription). For hundreds of hours of interviewing, such a method would be both practically impossible and hardly relevant for most of our analytical goals. Moreover, it is impossible to train students to carry out such an expert task in the course of a few weeks. For a more detailed study of typical conversational phenomena, such more detailed transcripts are, however, necessary.
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