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Файл:Scientific English. Учебно-методическое пособие для подготовки аспирантов к сдаче кандидатского минимума по иностранному языку
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Thus, Kant derived the fundamental principles of human thought and
action from human sensibility, understanding, and reason, all as sources of our
autonomy; he balanced the contributions of these principles against the in
eliminable inputs of external sensation and internal inclination beyond our own
control; and he strove both to demarcate these principles from each other and yet
to integrate them into a single system with human autonomy as both its
foundation and its ultimate value and goal. These were the tasks of Kant's three
great critiques. In the Critique of Pure Reason, the essential forms of space, time
and conceptual thought arise in the nature of human sensibility and
understanding and ground the indispensable principles of human experience. He
then argued that reason, in the narrow sense manifest in logical inference, plays
a key role in systematizing human experience, but that it is a mistake to think
that reason offers metaphysical insight into the existence and nature of the
human soul, an independent world, and God. In the Critique of Practical Reason
and Groundwork, however, he argued that reason as the source of the ideal of
systematicity is the source of the fundamental law of morality and our
consciousness of our own freedom, which is the source of all value, and that we
can postulate the truth of the fundamental dogmas of Christianity, our own
immortality and the existence of God, as practical presuppositions of our moral
conduct but not as theoretical truths of metaphysics. In the Critique of Judgment,
Kant argued that the unanimity of taste and the systematic organization of both
individual organisms and nature as a whole could be postulated, again not as
metaphysical dogmas but rather as regulative ideals of our aesthetic and
scientific pursuits; he then went on to argue that it is through these ideals that we
can tie together the realms of nature and freedom, because aesthetic experience
offers us a palpable image of our moral freedom, and a scientific conception of
the world as a system of interrelated beings makes sense only as an image of the
world as the sphere of our own moral efforts. In many of his last writings, from
Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone (1793) to his final manuscripts, the

122
Opus postumum, Kant refined and radicalized his view that our religious
conceptions can be understood only as analogies for the nature of human reason
itself (3416).
Text 38
Rousseau and Locke: The General Will
Rousseau uses the concept of General Will as a means by which a group
of people enter into a social contract. The General Will is constructed by the
people who in turn obey it as citizens. The separate wills, rights and desires of
each member of a society brought together as a single unit is the General Will. In
the derivation of the General Will, Rousseau emphasizes that every man is free.
Therefore, every subject is equal and has no more power or influence on
the General Will than any other citizen in the society. This social contract
provides an environment where its citizens experience natural freedom.
Ultimately, insuring the natural freedom of a society is the goal of a government.
In Rousseau's explanation of freedom, there is a division between two
types of freedom. They are personal freedom and social freedom. Personal
freedom comes from humans' basic instincts and natural selfishness. An
individual acts only if he benefits. Rousseau also called this freedom a state of
nature. The second freedom, social freedom, is achieved when an individual
obeys the desires of the General Will.
All people are born free, but the natural freedom is not achieved until
these people enter into a social contract. It is at this next point where Locke and
Rousseau differ. According to Rousseau, natural freedom is acquired by
allowing the General Will to be the ruling factor of a government. In order to
enter into Rousseau's social contract, personal freedom must be alienated. By
disregarding the state of nature, the powers of each individual is directed
towards a common interest. Rousseau notes that social freedom is superior to a
state of nature, and that in a state of nature people are not completely free

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because they are ruled by their desires instead of by reason. The General Will is
rational and should then be the ruling body. Locke differs by stating natural
freedom is obtained when the natural law is obeyed. Locke does not need people
to alienate their personal freedom, he just wants it to be entrusted to the natural
law.
The natural law preserves the freedoms of each individual in order to
preserve all of mankind. If the natural laws are carried out against their wills, the
people have the obligation and the right to alter the natural law. For both
Rousseau and Locke, this acquisition of natural freedom is called natural
subjugation. The term natural subjugation comes from the fact that this is a
willing act to pledge membership through a social contract and not to the ideals
of an individual or minority.
Both Locke and Rousseau agree that the only way for a social contract to
insure the rights of the General Will is for complete involvement. Rousseau
insists those who do not join the pact are ignorant to the advantages of a social
contract. These madmen must be forced to see the light of the social contract and
thus forced to be free. In a more harsh view, Locke views the failure to join the
social contract an attack on the preservation of mankind and this violator should
be punished. This is because those who violate the natural law, violate the
preservation of mankind.
Rousseau and Locke's theories on the General Will, natural subjugation,
natural freedom, and government are the basis of ruling bodies today. Even the
United States of America uses the intentions of Rousseau and Locke in the
Constitution and its following amendments. However, the ideas of Rousseau and
Locke are too idealistic. For example, Rousseau believes in order to fully
express the General Will, there must be a complete democracy with no
representation. In a country of our size, both geographically and in the degree of
population, this is physically impossible. Our country run without representation
would be completely ineffective in legislative and executive abilities. Just think

124
what would happen if every citizen of America voted on every law proposed by
every American citizen. Obviously, this would be absurd. But according to
Rousseau, representation eliminates the purity of the General Will. The accuracy
of the General Will varies with the degree of representation. The government of
America and other countries use this fact and try to find an equilibrium between
the largest amount of representatives and the ability to legislate in order to gain
an accurate insight on the General Will.
Rousseau and Locke were pioneers in analyzing the modern systems of
government. From their conclusions, most of the laws and regulations of
America and countries undergoing revolutions (e.g. ex-USSR) are based. Their
contributions to the world past, present, and most probably in the future are
immeasurable (4600).
Text 39
WASHINGTON (MarketWatch) - The Obama administration is
recommending new capital and liquidity requirements for major financial firms
engaged in proprietary trading, not just those institutions that own commercial
banks, the White House said Wednesday.
WSJ columnist says there's a difference between entrepreneurs who make
a fortune in the free market, and those who gather wealth by manipulating
politics.
The new requirements are part of more details the White House sent to
Capitol Hill Wednesday about a proposal it introduced in January - dubbed the
"Volcker rule" after former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker, who chairs
Obama's economic-advisory panel and was a key backer of the measures.
According to the detailed proposal, institutions that engage in proprietary
trading for their own account of stocks, bonds, options, commodities or
derivatives would be subject to additional capital and leverage limits, and also
need to disclose more information about their activities to the public.

125
"These firms will be under tough, consolidated supervision, more stringent
capital and liquidity requirements, and be required to provide more information
to the market about their risks," the White House said in a summary of the
proposal.
The proposed Volcker rule seeks to limit how big a firm can grow through
acquisitions, along with the trading activities of the nation's largest financial
institutions. It would prohibit institutions that own commercial banks from
owning or sponsoring hedge funds and buyout shops. It also prohibits financial
firms that own commercial banks from engaging in proprietary trading for their
own accounts. Institutions that own commercial banks could still engage in
proprietary trading for their customers.
Some large financial firms such as Goldman Sachs Group Inc. (GS
167.18, +3.57, +2.18%) may have considered divesting their commercialbanking units, if Congress had followed the proposal as it originally was
introduced in January. That proposal would have required some big banks to
divest proprietary-trading banking units if they wanted to continue to operate
commercial banks. Based on this expanded proposal, financial institutions such
as Goldman Sachs would be subject to additional capital restrictions with or
without commercial-banking units.
The Treasury proposal defines proprietary trading as purchasing, selling,
or acquiring and disposing of stocks, bonds, options, commodities, derivatives or
other financial instruments for the institution's own trading book, and not on
behalf of a customer.
The White House also proposes creating a nationwide cap on certain risky
investments that would be based, in part, on a 10% cap on nationwide deposits
that was put in place in 1994. Congress prohibits banks from acquiring
institutions that would result in the acquiring bank holding more than 10% of
U.S. bank deposits.

126
The new proposal seeks to prohibit a financial firm from acquiring another
bank if the combined corporation's total assets exceed 10% of the total liabilities
of all financial companies at the end of the prior year.
Based on this expanded proposal, firms such as Goldman Sachs would be
subject to additional capital restrictions with or without commercial-banking
units.
Senate Banking Committee Chairman Christopher Dodd, D-Conn.,
received the additional details of the proposal Wednesday and is considering
them, according to a Senate Banking Committee spokeswoman.
The Senate Banking Committee is considering whether to add the
elements of the proposal to broad bank regulation under consideration on Capitol
Hill. Most Democrats and Republican senators on the panel have generally been
averse about including the measure in broad bank-reform legislation they have
been squabbling over in recent months.
Instead, a number of senators would prefer to make sure bank regulators
have the authority to write rules based on the principles of the proposal, if they
believe regulations are warranted. However, others argue that bank regulators
already had the authority to write rules based on the Volcker proposal.
Most Senate Banking Committee members say that they would like to
learn more about it - perhaps with additional hearings - before considering
statutes prohibiting the practice.
"The Volcker rule may be something as a banking committee we want to
dig deeper into and see if it makes sense," said Sen. Mike Johanns, R-Neb. "It
may have some merit, but an absolute prohibition is something we have to be
very careful about."
Ronald D. Orol is a Market Watch reporter, based in Washington (4500).

127
Text 40
How wacky will this election year get?
WASHINGTON (MarketWatch) - How wacky will this election year get?
It's looking like Scott Brown's upset victory in the Massachusetts Senate race in
January was just the beginning of a roller-coaster ride.
With Tea Party conservatives on one end and Accountability Now - a new
alliance of progressives - on the other end, the political polarization of recent
years seems poised to reach new extremes.
Not that there's anything wrong with that. It seems to be what people
want:
The Tea Party movement celebrated a victory this week with Texas Gov.
Rick Perry's surprisingly easy win over Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison in the
Republican primary for his re-election. Perry, who has already served two terms
as governor, was able to portray himself as an outsider by backing those who
want Texas to secede from the union and joining the Tea Party early on. He
branded Hutchison as a Washington insider and she went down in flames.
Arkansas Lt. Gov. Bill Halter announced a primary challenge against
embattled Democratic Sen. Blanche Lincoln. Trumpeted as the first candidate
for Accountability Now, a political action committee backed by labor unions and
progressive groups like MoveOn.org, Halter was able to raise millions in
campaign pledges within hours of his announcement. Lincoln has the backing of
the White House and the Democratic establishment, which is looking more like
the kiss of death every day.
At the same time, the disarray in Washington has created the potential for
any number of shenanigans and anomalies across the country:
In New York, would-be carpetbagger Harold Ford, a former congressman
from Tennessee who now earns millions working for Merrill Lynch on Wall
Street, explained in a tortured op-ed how he can preach revolution for the
yearning masses but still cave in to the Democratic establishment and decline to

128
challenge Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand in the primary. His ability to claim
simultaneously the high road of principle and follow the low road of
compromise shows him to be an avid student of the Barack Obama school of
political bait-and-switch.
In California, 71-year-old Jerry Brown, a Democrat who first became
governor 35 years ago, announced his candidacy for another go at the state's top
office. He can run again because his original two terms came before California
imposed term limits. Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger is bound by term limits and
will step down, leaving former eBay Inc. (EBAY 24.63, +0.85, +3.57%) Chief
Executive Meg Whitman leading the field of potential Republican successors.
In Arizona, Tea Party groups declined to endorse Sen. John McCain or his
Republican primary challengers - J.D. Hayworth, a former congressman turned
talk-show host, and businessman Jim Deakin. The groups made a not-so-veiled
invitation to the candidates to solicit the groups' support by kowtowing to their
principles of limited government and opposition to immigration, abortion, gay
rights, etc., etc. It may be difficult for the incumbent to win that contest and we
as a nation may not have John McCain to kick around any more come
November.
What does it all mean? A few conclusions suggest themselves:
Conclusion 1: People are mad as hell and aren't going to take it any more.
Anyone currently holding office in Washington already has a strike against
them.
Conclusion 2: Progressives are ready to abandon Obama and give up on
his "centrist" approaches. That is what the Accountability Now movement is all
about, though it has nowhere near the influence of the Tea Party movement in
the Republican Party.
Conclusion 3: Races are wide open this year. California is fielding two of
America's most prominent businesswomen - Whitman for governor, and former
Hewlett-Packard Co. (HPQ 52.03, +0.52, +1.01%) Chief Executive Carly

129
Fiorina as a Republican primary candidate for Sen. Barbara Boxer's seat - as
well as the septuagenarian Brown. Ford's lack of nerve may have cost him his
one shot at returning to politics in a year when anything is possible.
Conclusion 4: We're in for one wacky ride this election year (4081).

130
Приложение 1
ФЕДЕРАЛЬНОЕ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЕ ОБРАЗОВАТЕЛЬНОЕ
УЧРЕЖДЕНИЕ
ВЫСШЕГО ПРОФЕССИОНАЛЬНОГО ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ
«АМУРСКИЙ ГУМАНИТАРНО-ПЕДАГОГИЧЕСКИЙ
ГОСУДАРСТВЕННЫЙ УНИВЕРСИТЕТ»
(ФГОУ ВПО «АмГПГУ»)
ПЕРЕВОД ИЗ КНИГИ
Автор
Название
Выходные данные
Страницы
аспиранта (соискателя), проходящего подготовку к кандидатскому
экзамену по иностранному (английскому) языку по научной специальности
___________________________________________________________
(шифр и наименование научной специальности)
Выполнил:__________________
(Ф.И.О.)
Проверил:
Рецензент кафедры
иностранных языков__________
(Ф.И.О.)
Комсомольск-на-Амуре, 20__.
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