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Competition theory. Учебное пособие.pdf
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imum requirements both for satisfaction and the best use of re- sources on a nationwide scale.
According to A. Smith, a managing market mechanism is
an "obvious and simple system of natural freedom which, thanks to "the invisible hand", will always be automatically well-balanced".
However, there are a number of functions that "the invis-
ible hand" can’t cope with. According to A. Smith, the nation has to carry out "three very important duties":
expenditures for national defense;
expenditures for the public sector (ensuring remunera-
tion of teachers, judges, officials, priests, etc. who serve the interests of the state);
expenditures for the administration of justice (includ-
ing protection of the property rights).
The greatest economists of the 20th century tried to solve
the following problem Which type of the market structure is the best one to start to study? They gave different answers to this question, thus laying a foundation for modern economic theory. The dilemma that they had to face while creating eco- nomic theory based on the sequential application of mathemat- ical models was as follows: should this theory have a "simple­to-complex" basis or be in accordance with the criterion “from the general to the special”.
The first way, from monopoly to competition, was elect-
ed by A. Cournot in his "Research into the mathematical prin- ciples of the theory of wealth" published in 1838. He thought that it was always better to start with simple things. The sim- plest hypothesis, in his opinion, is the one of monopoly, which (if taken in an absolute sense) implies a specific person or an enterprise being the only producer of a particular commodity.
The opposite way from unrestrained competition to
monopoly was chosen by another economist L. Walras. In his "Elements of Pure Economics" (1874), his ideas were
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negatively related to A. Cournot's program, suggesting begin- ning with unrestrained competition as a general case and then moving on to monopoly being a particular case.
Further development of economic policy and the course
of events made economists give up their attempts to construct the theory moving from one unreal model to another, whether from monopoly to perfect competition as it was done by A. Cournot, or in the opposite way as it was done by L. Walras. After the Great depression, i.e. in the mid-thirties of the 20th century, the focus of researchers shifted to the center lying be- tween these two hypothetical extremes to the markets of monopolistic competition and oligopoly. Their subjects, first, appear in a competitive environment, and, secondly, prove to possess (to various extents) market (exclusive) forces. The production of E. Chamberlin's, J. Robinson’s and G. von Stackelberg’s books gave an impetus to this sharp shift.
Therefore, the intermediate stage of the analysis of the
market (in terms of market morphology closest to real) has to be proceeded with studying the nature, features and tools of the implementation of market forces. For this purpose, hypothet- ical models of perfect competition where any elements of mo- nopoly power are completely absent and monopolies where such power is shown have to be taken into consideration. The order in which the information is presented is almost conven- tional for most microeconomics courses.
The deficiency of market forces under conditions of per-
fect competition shows, in particular, that any enterprise is forced to sell its products at market price. It is also an inde- pendent variable in the model of perfect competition, and an enterprise that is under these conditions is often called a price taker. Its choice is limited only by making decisions on the rate of production.
On the contrary, possessing an absolute market power, a
monopolistic enterprise can choose either an output or a price
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as an independent variable, but not both of them at the same time, as, after all, a combination of the price and output are un- doubtedly predetermined by the quantity of the product de- manded. In practice, almost all such enterprises choose the price as an independent variable, providing the market with an opportunity to decide on a production rate. Thus, they are often called a price maker or price setter. In theory, a monopoly usu­ally accepts a production rate as an independent variable in the model, leaving the right to determine an adequate price to the market. Both of these approaches are equivalent though the second one possesses some practical conveniences.
At last, in the market of oligopoly, an enterprise is more
like a price searcher. Though an oligopoly is also powerful to a certain extent, it cannot simply establish prices like a monop- olist. It should consider how the rival will react to its price de- cision. The world of an oligopoly is similar to the games in which each action of one player is followed by the opponent’s response, the outcome of the game being impossible to predict. As a result, a set of the oligopolistic models is used.
While making decisions, enterprises working in a mo-
nopolistic market do not have to take into account expected reactions of a great number of competitors. Unlike oligopolistic companies, monopolistic competitive enterprises are not inter­dependent. Their behavior is more like the behavior of enter­prises under conditions of perfect competition, rather than the behavior of oligopolies. It is a variety of products which gives such enterprises a certain degree of the market power to set a certain price. Thus, the distinction between monopolistic and perfect competition is not just confined to the uniformity or heterogeneity of goods from the buyer’s point of view, but in- volves a lack of the former (uniformity) and an availability of the latter (heterogeneity) in market forces.
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1.2. METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES
TO STUDY COMPETITION
The first methodological approach to study competition
that was established in economic literature was the behavioral approach. A. Smith, in particular, associated competition with fair rivalry that is possible between sellers (or buyers) under ultimately advantageous conditions of selling goods. Thus, the main method of a competitive struggle is believed to be chang­es in price.
Later on, the behavioral understanding of competition
was improved so as to better formulate its purpose and analyti- cal methods. In this way, K. Marx treated competition as "... an antagonistic contest (inherent to commodity production) be- tween private producers for more advantageous conditions of the production and sale of goods".
The neoclassical interpretation of the behavioral ap-
proach to study competition identifies the latter as a kind of
contest for rare economic goods and, for consumers’ money for which they can be purchased. The logic of this approach im- plies the fact that most benefits (goods, services, resources) are rare in the sense that their quantity is a less potential require- ment of our society. Therefore, the owners of benefits have an opportunity to distribute them, being guided by the nature of the benefit. They create conditions or criteria (a required price level, qualities, etc.), and taking into account these conditions, they decide whom they should provide these benefits with. "Competition is the main goal as it can better meet the criteria of accessing scarce resources", says P. Heyne, modern American economist.
Alongside the behavioral understanding, there is the
structural interpretation of competition which was quite popu­lar in the 19th century and, especially in the 20th century. It goes back to F. Edgeworth’s, A. Courno's, J. Robinson’s, E. Cham-
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berlin’s works as well as to the papers of some other greatest scientists who laid the groundwork for the modern West­European concept of the four main types of the market: perfect competition, monopolistic competition, oligopoly, and monop­oly. The views of this group of scientists in modern West­European economic science are so influential that the term "competition" is more often used in terms of the structural un­derstanding. If it is necessary to emphasize the behavioral part of competition, there is quite often used another word — "ri­valry". The structural approach displaces the accent from the
contest between the companies to the analysis of the structure of the market, to those conditions that dominate over others.
For example, F. Knight defines competition as a situation in which there are a lot of competing entities and they are inde- pendent.
It is typical of K. R. McKonnell's economy according to
which "competition is an availability of a large number of in- dependent buyers and sellers in the market, an opportunity for buyers and sellers to freely enter and leave the market".
This idea can be expressed in a bit different way: compe-
tition does not depend on the processes of price fixation; be- sides, it can’t give an answer to the question who wins and why, and doesn’t clarify the situation with the influence of the firm on the overall price level in the market. If such influence is impossible, it can take place only in the case of imperfect competition of any kind.
The third approach to define competition is functional. It
describes the role that is played by competition in the econo- my. Within the theory of economic development, J. Schumpet- er particularly defined competition as a sort of contest between the old and the new. In this respect, innovations are unwillingly accepted by the market, but if the innovator manages to incor­porate them into it, the competitive mechanism will help enter­prises get rid of outdated technologies.
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F. von Hayek treated the notion of competition in an ab-
solutely different way and called it a "discovery procedure". In his opinion, it is only thanks to the competition that all secrets are out in the market.

1.3. SEMANTIC ANALYSIS OF THE CONCEPTS "COMPETITION" AND "COMPETITIVENESS"

The relations between market participants can have a competitive character. This idea implies no identity between market participants. On the contrary, it predetermines the ne- cessity to differentiate the main concepts connected with it. The economic theory defines the terms "competition" and "ri- valry" as not synonymous, which is opposed to the definition accepted in the common language. Besides, it’s not only char­acteristic of the Russian tradition. Examples of such similar pairs of economic terms presented in the main European lan- guages are given below:
Russian: конкуренция соперничество.
English: competition rivalry.
German: Konkurrenz Wettbewerb.
French: concurrence rivalite.
The words конкуренция, Konkurrenz, concurrence come from Latin concurro to run together, face (con instead of, curro to run), whereas the word “competition” in the English language goes back to the Latin competitionem (to con+petito aspiration to get something, to achieve something, to lay claim on something). The English word “rivalry” and the French word “rivalite” both go back to the Latin rivalitas rivalry (rivalis using water from the same stream, the neighbor in an irrigation canal). As for the Russian соперничество, it comes from the archaism prya debate, dispute’. At last, the German Wettbewerb is a derivative of the verb bewerben to achieve something, to compete, compete’.
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Which is more important for us, it’s certainly the inform-
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atory (rather than semantic) distinction of the terms "competi- tion" and "rivalry". Generally speaking, this informatory ap- proach is as follows: the term "rivalry" has to do with the actu­al market conditions, whereas the term "competition" is related to the market structure model which is used to predict the dy­namics of a certain market. The functioning of economic agents can be somewhat of rivalry only in the case of the oli- gopolistic market structure when their interdependence is posi- tive and rather high (
) and they cannot ignore the
reaction of their rivals to the actions. On the other hand, the behavior of a monopolist cannot be referred to as a kind of ri- valry as interdependence of economic units is insignificant in the markets of this structure (
). Thus, the competition
between the alternative purposes of their use caused by a scar­city of resources can take the form of rivalry between the mar­ket participants that personify these purposes.
Among sellers (producers), rivalry is revealed through a supply of new products, quality improvement, advertising of goods, taking special measures on their promotion to the mar­ket, etc. Among buyers (consumers), rivalry can be in the form of searching for more profitable (in every respect) suppliers, aspiring to buy goods at a discount, offering higher prices for scarce benefits, attempting to bribe the officials representing their partners’ interests, etc. Intensive rivalry can be observed in the behavior of economic subjects, which, if taken at one and the same time, cannot be called perfect competitors as, for example, in the case of largest-scale automobile concerns. On the contrary, perfect competition is observed in those markets where there is no such explicit rivalry, which happens, for ex- ample, among farmers or agriculturalists.
Thus, the reasoning above proves that distinction be- tween competition and rivalry could make sense only in the case of introducing and developing the market structure theory
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(market morphology theory). In fact, classical economists did not distinguish these concepts, speaking usually simply about free competition. Free competition, in its opposition to monop- oly, was also the basis for the classics’ paradigm. However, speaking about free competition, they meant rivalry, first of all. As J. Stigler noticed, "competition was included into economic theory from common language, and for a long time, this word signified only independent rivalry between two or more peo- ple". A. Smith related competition directly to "experience" or "rivalry aggravation".
The classics of economic thought certainly understood that free competition is not always absolute as well as it’s not equally free everywhere; they recognized that its effects can be limited or blocked in some situations by the actions of some other factors, for example, by customs. Therefore, one should take into consideration "political economy" ideas and apply them to the real world conditions to avoid mistakes. For in- stance, J. S. Milne insisted on paying attention not only to something "that will occur under ultimate conditions of a max- imum domination of competition, because in the case of a competition relative domination the result will be different". Economists could consider this requirement, however, only when the degree of this relativity of "the competition domina­tion" is treated qualitatively in the market creation theory (the market typology theory).
Specifications of the concept “competition” in terms of any elements of rivalry appeared as a result of creation and de- velopment of this theory, and now the verb “to compete” (if it is used irrespectively of such types of activities that are some- what monopolistic) is meaningless in Economics. Moreover, in that microeconomic theory that has isolated itself from the main body of science (and the main subject matter) and on the focus of attention of which one can find the behavior of market leaders (or, speaking about goods markets, those enterprises
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that are monopolistic and called organizations, economies, or industries), it is reasonable to use only the term “rivalry” and its derivatives, but not the term "competition".
1.4. THE SUBJECT, FORMS, METHODS,
AND LEVELS OF COMPETITION
Market competition is a fight of firms for a limited
amount of consumers and their solvent demand that can bring buyers to available segments of the market.
Market economy is actually deeply individualistic:
the domination of private property means that it is mostly individuals, but not a society that own, use and control national wealth in general;
free enterprise provides an individual with the right to purchase resources and to launch manufacturing at his or her own discretion;
being independent in general and dependent on con- sumers; the behavior of economic units is not confined to any "consumption ratio", but is only motivated by consumers’ de- sires and solvency;
the priority of private interests means that each eco- nomic unit is involved only in something that brings profit; i.e. public requirements can be ignored by it;
a limited role of the state means that society in general stands for a wide economic personal freedom, considers it jus­tified, and does not aim at being subject to control.
The individualistic character of a market economy has
advantages and disadvantages.
Advantages: thanks to this individualism, business enti- ties’ initiative is progressing, and provides a basis for an eco- nomic flexibility and vigorous scientific and technical progress.
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Disadvantages: individuals’ unlimited selfish interests are capable of undermining economic stability that is ultimate- ly the basis of their own existence.
The main obstacle on the way of the worst case scenario is competition. Thus, competition is an addition to and a coun- terbalance of the individualism of a capitalistic economy.
The most important characteristics of competition.
Competition selectivity implies that not all firms can equally suffer from a decrease in demand for a product. It is mainly a challenge for inefficient enterprises, producers of low-quality products, etc. On the contrary, most powerful en- terprises can even prosper in tough times.
Flexibility of the competitive mechanism is characterized by its instant response to any economic changes. At the same time, those firms that are ready to respond to changes win.
The subjects of competition are goods or services by means of which rival companies aim to win consumers’ recog­nition and money. In general, it’s a kind of satisfaction of cer­tain needs. Thus, it should be noted that a firm wanting, for ex- ample, to produce shaving things and a company aiming at sat- isfying the population’s certain shaving needs won’t only oper­ate and develop differently in the market, but will also have different competitors.
Therefore, the narrow view of the subjects of competition implies finding competitors making analogue goods or goods substitutes (substitutes). The broad interpretation of the term involves an increase in number of competitors those who can satisfy this demand for goods or services either through "its transformation to some other demand" or through its withdraw­al from consumers’ life activity at all.
The object of competition is a consumer who has an op- portunity to say the last and final word in the market. This dif­ferentiation of the "subject" and the "object" shows that there are two spheres of influence in a competitive struggle: goods
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