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include personal or professional communication, mass media, and literature.

Factors affecting the linguistic and cultural transfer can be divided into two groups – ex- tra-linguistic (extra-linguistic factors) and intra-linguistic, i.e. actually language. Extralinguistic factors include: the historically or socially determined enthusiasm of certain social strata for the culture of another country; various kinds of contacts between cultures of countries speaking different languages; increased interest in learning a particular language; interaction and mutual influence of the culture of one country on another; authority of the source language; peculiarities of the linguistic culture of the social layer, which accepts a new word. Intralinguistic factors include: the lack of an equivalent word in a language for a new nomination; the absence in the language of structures allowing the formation of derivatives of the word in the language; the desire to use a single word, not a descriptive phrase. In addition, a factor affecting the nomination of social diseases is the euphemization process, which is closely interwoven with the nomination process – objects that are not nominated for ethical, cultural or other reasons or are nominated with difficulty, need to be euphemized as a way of naming. Accordingly, the transfer of nominations is determined by the need to veil, mitigate what is considered uncomfortable, indecent, taboo in an linguistic culture-acceptor [4, p. 65].

The above factors have influence on the variants for linguistic and cultural transfer of nominations in the field of social diseases. These variants include: the transition of lexical units from ordinary vocabulary to terminology; eponymization, in other words, the transition of a proper name into a common noun and its subsequent use for the nomination of certain concepts and objects; polysemy, determined by the presence of several meanings in a linguistic unit, provided that there is a semantic connection between these values or when transferring common or similar features or functions from one denotation to another; synonymy, which is a type of semantic relationship based on the ability of different linguistic units to denote one concept.

Besides, it should be emphasized that the process of linguistic and cultural transfer is not only the transfer of elements of linguistic culture-donor to linguistic culture-acceptor, but also involves the mutual exchange between linguistic cultures.

Let’s consider this language model in the following examples of scientific nomination.

A social disease is рак (cancer). In this case, the Greek-Latin linguistic culture serves as a donor. The nomination cancer came from the term “carcinoma” (ancient Greek καρκίνος – «crab», –ωμα from ὄγκωμα – «noma») introduced by Hippocrates (460 - 370 BC) [5], which meant a malignant tumor. Most likely, Hippocrates called the tumor a carcinoma, because it looks like a crab. Roman physician Aulus Cornelius Celsius in the 1st century BC translated the Greek word carcinos into Latin (cancer – crab). The linguistic basis in this case is the process of euphemization, with the development of medicine, the nomination fell into the English and Russian linguistic cultures, where it was subjected to this process, because belonged to the category of incurable diseases, or diseases that could lead to death. In this case, the element of culture undergoing transfer is aiming for euphemization, since there is a need to soften the diagnosis for the patient, explain to the patient the specifics of the disease in a simple way, taking into account the requirements of medical confidentiality.

As a result, the English language was supplemented by such nominations that are euphemisms for cancer, such as disease, corruption, malignancy, sickness, tumor, C, canker, carcinoma, big C, long illness. For example:

This sample was taken from a 42-year-old patient with no family history of malignancy.

— Образец взят у 42-летней пациентки без злокачественных опухолей в семейной истории (здесь и далее перевод автора) [1*].

Similar techniques have been used to identify genes involved in tumor metastasis. —

Аналогичная техника использовалась для определения генов, задействованных в опухолевых метастазах [1*].

The big C, she has cancer. — Опухоль, у неё рак. [2*] 44

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In the Russian language, such nominations as карцинома, канцер, нома, опухоль,

аденокарцинома, новообразование, опухоль, уплотнение can be euphemisms for the word cancer. For example:

Вот начальные медицинские заключения и характеристика ее состояния, везде ужасное слово «канцер» ― латинское название онкологического заболевания [3*] Плоскоклеточная опухоль среднего уха может вызывать ушное кровотечение.

[3*].

Another example is the HIV/AIDS nomination. Here the donor is English linguistic culture. Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (Синдром приобретённого иммунного дефи-

цита) (AIDS) was described by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in 1981, its causative agent, human immunodeficiency virus (вирус иммунодефицита человека) (HIV), was described in the early 1980s. In the beginning, the disease was called гейсвязанный иммунодефицит (gay-related immune deficiency), because the first cases were among men with non-traditional sexual orientation. Besides, the disease was nominated as “4- H disease” (4-H disease), as it was found in residents or visitors from Haiti, homosexuals, hemophiliacs and people who used heroin [5]. After it was proved that AIDS was not a homosexual disease, the GRID and 4-H disease nominations were considered misleading, the abbreviations HIV/AIDS were put into official use in September 1982, after which it entrenched in all countries using the International Classification of Diseases.

The linguistic basis here is also the process of euphemization. The fears and prejudices surrounding this disease have led to a number of nominations in the English language: acquired immunodeficiency syndrome, virus, sexually transmitted disease, HIV-positive.

Approximately half of those who tested HIV-positive were immigrant workers. — При-

мерно половина лиц, инфицированных ВИЧ, приходилась на приезжих трудящихся

[1*].

Since 2005 antiretroviral therapy has been used to help people who are positive or AIDS patients. — С 2005 года проводится антиретровирусная терапия ВИЧ-позитивных и больных СПИДом [1*].

Thanks to the linguistic and cultural transfer, these euphemisms also fell into the Russian language: ВИЧ-позитивный, ВИЧ-положительный, вторичный иммунодефицит, приобретенный иммунодефицит, лицо, инфицированное ВИЧ.

В нашей области растет количество случаев, когда ВИЧ-инфицированные люди не сообщают постоянным партнерам о том, что являются носителями вируса. [3*] Региональные и общемировые оценки численности лиц, употребляющих наркотики путем инъекций и инфицированных ВИЧ, 2007 год [4*].

Another example is the Down Syndrome nomination. The linguistic culture-donor, in this case, is English linguistic culture. The nomination is an eponym chosen in honor of the English doctor J. Down, who was the first to describe the disease, in 1886.

Due to the epicanthus (fold at the inner corner of the eye), Down, when describing, used the term Mongols (Mongoloids), the syndrome was called Mongolism – a hybrid of the two words mongolian and idiotism. The idea of Down syndrome was closely tied to racism until the 1970s. In 1961, eighteen geneticists wrote to the editor of “The Lancet” (a reputable medical journal) that the term mongolism was misleading and should be changed. The medical community supports the name Down Syndrome. The World Health Organization (WHO) officially re-

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moved the nomination mongolism in 1965 after the appeal of delegates from Mongolia. However, even after 40 years, the nomination mongolism sometimes appears in leading medical articles and manuals (for example, in the “Ubiquitous and systematic pathologies” of the 4th edition (2004) edited by Professor Sir James Underwood). In 1975, the US National Institute of Health recommended eliminating the possessive form from the official name of the disease, because the discoverer did not have this disease. Despite this, the nomination Down syndrome is still the official name. Currently, the abbreviations DS, DNS are common in the medical community. In this case, we can distinguish 2 linguistic bases that affect the linguistic and cultural transfer of this nomination, namely, synonymy and euphemization, the nomination has overgrown with a large number of variants: congenital defect, mongolianism, birth defect trisomy, congenital anomaly, mongolism, trisomy 21, congenital abnormality, congenital disorder, Down's syndrome, DS, DNS.

If a baby exhibits any congenital defect or is in a serious condition, which may impair the state of the mother's own health after giving birth, the baby is shown to members of her family. — В случае наличия врожденных дефектов у новорожденного или его тяжелого состояния, которое может повлиять на состояние здоровья женщины после родов, ребенка показывают членам семьи [1*].

Now... let me impress on you, any relatives of a Mongol... are usually as normal as you or I. If they're not, it has nothing to do with Mongolism. — А теперь, я скажу вам, что родственники людей с синдромом Дауна, абсолютно нормальные люди, как вы и я. Если нет, то это не имеет ничего общего с монголизмом [2*].

We are more than willing to do whatever it takes to help raise a child with Down syndrome. — Мы более чем готовы делать все, что потребуется, чтобы помочь вырастить ребенка с синдромом Дауна [2*].

In Russian linguistic culture, Down Syndrome is nominated by such units as синдром Дауна, болезнь Дауна, даунизм, монголизм, врожденный дефект, трисомия по хромосоме 21. When using this nomination, the form “Down Syndrome” rather than “Down disease” is preferable, as the word “syndrome” refers to a set of features or specific traits.

Может, вам покажется странным, что люди с синдромом Дауна на самом деле любят те же вещи, что и другие люди [3*].

И диагнозы у детей соответствующие: параличи, двигательные нарушения, синдром Дауна.[3*].

Besides, the word “down” is used as jargon, it is a name for stupid people, without reference to the disease itself.

Идиот, даун, дебил ― это диагнозы, но в нашем языке ― это ругательства [4*].

The next example of a linguistic and cultural transfer is the nomination for tuberculosis. In this case, the donor will be the Greek-Latin linguistic culture (lat. tuberculum – tubercle) [5]. In English, for the nomination of this disease, such units were used as consumption (Latin consumption – exhaustion) [5] due to the severe exhaustion of the patient’s body, phthisis (ancient Greek фθίσις – phthisis), White Plague, death. White plague, death due to extreme anemic pallor of the victims and a huge number of deaths. The disease is socially significant and until the XX century it was almost incurable. The nomination tuberculosis itself was proposed in 1839 by the German scientist Johann Lucas Schönlein, as a derivative of the Latin tuberculum – tubercle [5]. In order to maintain medical confidentiality, as well as as a result of the stigmatiza-

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tion of the disease and patients, the abbreviations TB, TBC, which are used in the present time, have officially started to be used.

These deaths were allegedly attributed to malnutrition, torture and tuberculosis. — При-

чинами смертей, как утверждалось, явились недостаточное питание, пытки и туберкулез [1*].

These measures would reduce co-infection and improve treatment of TB. — Эти меры будут способствовать сокращению числа случаев коинфицирования и более эффективному лечению ТБ [1*].

The obsolete Russian nomination for pulmonary tuberculosis is phthisis (Russian, чах-

нуть). As a nomination for tuberculosis of the kidneys, liver, spleen, glands and because of the characteristic tubercles on the organs and tissues, the word tubercle was previously used (Russian бугор, бугорок). External tuberculosis (skin, mucous membranes, lymph nodes) was called scrofula. The nomination tuberculosis began to be used in Russia in the 19th century by N. I. Pirogov, who described in 1852 “giant cells” in the tuberculosis focus. At the moment, the same abbreviations are accepted in the Russian medical community as in English linguistic culture: TBC, TB (English TBC, TB).

Мы могли убедиться в том, как СПИД и ТБ влияют на увеличение затрат на ведение предпринимательской деятельности [3*].

Включение противотуберкулезных учреждений в структуру общепрофильных медицинских учреждений может содействовать некоторому ослаблению стигматизации туберкулезных больных [3*].

An example of a linguistic and cultural transfer of nominations of social diseases was schizophrenia (ancient Greek. Σχίζω – split, φρήν – mind, thinking, thought). The first description of schizophrenia as an independent unit was put forward by the Russian psychiatrist V.Kh. Kandinsky who called it ideophrenia (ancient Greek. ἰδέα – idea, image, φρήν – mind, thinking, thought) [5]. Later, in 1893, Emil Kraepelin divided psychotic disorders into nominations of dementia praecox (деменция прекокс) (Latin early dementia) and manic depression. In 1908, the Swiss psychiatrist Eigen Bleiler identified schizophrenia as an independent disease, different from dementia, and introduced the term into psychiatry. At the beginning of the XX century schizophrenia belonged to hereditary diseases, and in many countries people with this diagnosis became the goal of advocates of eugenics. Hundreds of thousands of people have been sterilized, both with their own consent and without it, primarily in Nazi Germany, the USA and the countries of Scandinavia. Among other people with the stigma of “mental unsuitability,” many schizophrenic patients were victims of the Nazi T4 killing program. All this contributed to the extensive euphemization of this disease. In English, euphemisms schizophrenia are: mental disorder, Brain disorder, personality disorder, derangement, disturbed mind, emotional disorder, emotional instability, maladjustment, mental disease, mental sickness, nervous breakdown, nervous disorder, neurosis, neurotic disorder, troubled mind, unbalanced mind, unsoundness of mind.

Depression, schizophrenia and substance abuse are the most prevalent types of mental disorders recorded for the population. — К числу наиболее распространенных видов психического расстройства относятся депрессивное состояние, шизофрения и злоупотребление алкоголем или наркотиками [1*].

Brain disorders like depression and schizophrenia greatly increase the risk of developing chronic ailments, such as cardiovascular and respiratory diseases. — Расстройства мозга, такие как депрессия и шизофрения значительно увеличивают риск развития

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хронических заболеваний, таких как сердечно-сосудистые и респираторные заболевания [2*].

In addition to euphemistic nominations, nominations of schizophrenia include nominations of an ordinary nature: insanity, craziness, delusions, depression, loss of mind, lunacy, madness, mania, paranoia, phobia, psychopathy, psychosis, sick mind.

No, I mean there are places where lunacy is grounds for divorce. — Нет, я хочу ска-

зать, что есть страны, где безумие может стать причиной развода [1*].

The following schizophrenia nominations have passed into the Russian language, thanks to a linguistic and cultural transfer from the English language: душевная болезнь, психииче-

ское расстройство, ментальное расстройство, психическое заболевание, умственное расстройство, психические нарушения.

Эпоха, завершившаяся Первой мировой войной, верила в справедливость аксиомы: умственные расстройства являются болезнями мозга [3*].

Многие психические заболевания, такие как шизофрения и биполярное расстройство, могут вызвать слуховые галлюцинации, которые «говорят» пациенту совершить акты насилия [3*].

If to talk about ordinary nominations, then the nomination model remains unchanged. Examples include nominations that refer to a psychiatric hospital as a medical institution that is part of social diseases.

In English, we identified 54 nominations for a psychiatric hospital, of which 9 nominations are euphemisms: mental health facility, sanatorium, mental institution, psychiatric unit, psychiatric ward, institution, mental hospital, mental home, mental health facility.

Creation of a mental sanatorium which could function as a temporary shelter for those in need from the whole affected area is also proposed. — Предлагается также создать психиатрический санаторий, который мог бы функционировать в качестве временного убежища для нуждающихся групп населения из всего пострадавшего рай-

она [5*].

For people with significant mental health issues, this may involve consideration of community detention or placement at an appropriate mental health facility — Для людей с серьезными проблемами в области психического здоровья процедура может включать рассмотрение вопроса о заключении под стражу или помещение в соответствующее психиатрическое учреждение [4*].

As of 1 May 1997, the bed-day fee for short-term in-patient care in a psychiatric unit was lowered from Fmk 125 to Fmk 70, because many psychiatric patients had to resort to social assistance in order to pay their fees. — По состоянию на 1 мая 1997 года стои-

мость койко-места при краткосрочном пребывании в психиатрическом стационаре снизилась со 125 до 70 фин. марок, поскольку многие пациенты, страдающие психическими заболеваниями, были вынуждены обращаться за специальной помощью для оплаты своего лечения [5*].

45 nominations, out of the total number of identified psychiatric hospital nominations, are due to jargon or slangisms used for expressive speech: bedlam, booby hatch, bughouse, funny farm, insane asylum, laughing academy, lunatic asylum, madhouse, birdhouse, padded cell, psycho ward, rubber room, snake pit.

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No one likes to brag about having a mother in the booby hatch. — Любой будет скры-

вать, что его мать в сумасшедшем доме [5*].

This permanent diet of paranoia has created something akin to a nationwide insane asylum, where ignorance, terror, and suspicion rule. — Эта постоянная диета из пара-

нойи создала что-то вроде общенациональной психиатрической больницы, где правят невежество, террор и подозрение [5*].

In Russian, we identified 60 nominations for a psychiatric hospital, of which 6 nominations are euphemisms: психиатрическая клиника, психиатрическая лечебница, санаторий, психиатрическое заведение, заведение, психиатрический стационар, реабилитационный центр.

Раньше всех отправляли в специализированные санатории для восстановления после различных нервных срывов и истощений [4*].

Новые положения должны исключить возможность госпитализации в психиатрический стационар на постоянной основе в рамках пенитенциарного учреждения

[4*].

Церкви в нем были разрушены, на территории с конца пятидесятых годов располагалась психиатрическая лечебница [4*] Одна итальянская статистическая сводка об актах человеколюбия сохранила из-

вестие, что в XII веке в городе Фельтре было какое-то психиатрическое заведение (не тюрьма, очевидно, так как иначе о нем не упоминалось бы, как о благотворительном деле) [4*].

The remaining 54 nominations are jargon or slangisms: психбольница, канатчикова да-

ча, вавилонское столпотворение, дом умалишенных, желтый дом, дурдом, дом хи-хи, дом ха-ха, скворечник, бедлам, санаторий, психлечебница, комната с резиновыми стенами, психушник, психушка.

These examples demonstrate a transfer from English linguistic culture to Russian, for example, such a nomination as: bedlam – бедлам (English Bethlehem - Вифлеем) [5]: initially, the nomination referred to the name of the English monastery of sisters and brothers of the Star of Bethlehem, which served as a place of detention and treatment for the mentally ill. In 1547 the monastery was changed into the first psychiatric hospital in Europe. The nomination began to mean both a psychiatric hospital as a whole and patients with mental illness.

Bedlam is the only place for someone in his high state of delirium. — Сумасшедший дом

— это единственное место для людей с таким психическим состоянием [3*].

The linguistic basis in this case is the process of terminization. In the Russian language, the nomination moved from the vocabulary of special use to the ordinary nomination and began to mean confusion and mess.

Уже и вспомнить трудно, с чего это всё началось, весь этот бедлам с выборами

[6*].

The following nominations are examples of a linguistic and cultural transfer from English to Russian: rubber room — комната с резиновыми стенами (English: a room padded with foam rubber for the confinement of a violent mentally ill person) [5], insane asylum (Greek: asylos - unbearable , a- - not-, syle – the right to own) – psychiatric institution психлечебница [5], laughing academy (English: laugh – смех, academy – educational institution) - house hihi/house haha (place), [5], madhouse (eng. mad – crazy, house – дом) – a madhouse.

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She even did a brief stint at the laughing academy, which I don't know about, of course, since it was juvie. — Она даже провела какое-то время в психлечебнице, о чём мне, разумеется, неизвестно, потому что она была несовершеннолетней [5*].

He has her locked in a madhouse. — Он упрятал её в в дурдом [5*].

The difference in use between euphemisms, slangisms and slangisms may be due to the fact that the language reflects the cultural specifics of different countries. The presence of mental disorders in the patient causes an insufficiently adequate response of the health systems of some countries. As a result, there is a big gap between the needs of patients and the help that is provided to them. Between 76% and 85% of patients in middleand low-income countries do not receive the necessary care. In countries with higher incomes, 35% to 50% of patients are in the same situation [6]. The problem is in the inadequate quality of treatment.

In addition, it is worth noting the linguistic and cultural transfer of hyperonyms (клиника, санаторий, mental institution), which in no way indicates the specialization of various medical institutions, that was done in order to veil the connection of these institutions with the topic of mental ill-health.

Conclusion

Thus, the linguistic bases for modeling the linguistic and cultural transfer of nominations are the processes of euphemization, polysemy, terminology, synonymy, and eponymization. The model, as a multi-stage and multilateral process, includes the following elements: linguistic culture, which becomes the starting point for the transfer process (linguistic culture-donor), linguistic culture, receiving elements from linguistic culture-donor (linguistic culture-acceptor); channels of linguistic and cultural transfer; factors affecting the linguistic and cultural transfer; linguistic and cultural transfer variants.

It should be noted that the results obtained reveal the main trends in the study of linguistic and cultural transfer. An analysis of the use of the characteristics of linguistic and cultural transfer as components of the assessment of this process with the subsequent conduct of a linguistic experiment to verify the results is also promising.

References

[1]Krys'ko, V.G. Etnopsikhologicheskii slovar' / V. G. Krys'ko. — M. : MPSI, 1999. —

343 s.

[2]Arkhipova, E.V., Fomin, A.G. Nominatsii v sfere sotsial'no znachimykh zabolevanii kak rezul'tat lingvokul'turnogo transfera / E. V. Arkhipova, F.G. Fomin // Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo pedagogicheskogo universiteta. – Tomsk, 2019. – №5. – S. 45-51.

[3]Smelzer, N. Sotsiologiia: per. s angl. / N. Smelzer. – M.: Feniks, 1994. – 688 s.

[4]Fomin A.G., Arkhipova E.V. Linguistic and Cultural Transfer in Euphemistic Naming of Social Diseases // Zhurnal SFU. Gumanitarnye nauki. – 2018. – № 1 (11). – S. 63 – 70.

[5]Uchebnyi istoriko-etimologicheskii slovar' meditsinskikh terminov : Ucheb. posobie dlia studentov med. vuzov / M-vo obrazovaniia Ros. Federatsii [i dr. ] ; [Sost. E. V. Bekisheva]

;Pod red. A. F. Krasnova i V. F. Novodranovoi. – M. : Perspektiva, 2002. – 167 s.

[6]The Statistics Portal. URL: https://www.statista.com/ (vremia obrashcheniia: 29.01.2019).

Analyzed sources

[1*] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, URL: https:// www.cdc.gov/ (accessed - 24.05.2019).

[2*] Health Protection Agency, URL: https:// www.gov.uk/ (accessed - 24.05.2019).

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[3*] Vsemirnaia organizatsiia zdravookhraneniia (VOZ), URL: https:// www.who.int/ (accessed - 24.05.2019).

[4*] Meditsinskii portal, URL: https://medportal.ru/ (accessed - 24.12.2018).

[5*] Internet-portal meditsinskoi informatsii, URL: https://www.medicalnewstoday. com/ (accessed - 24.05.2019).

[6*] Novostnoi portal, URL: https://www.rbc.ua/ (accessed - 24.05.2019).

UDC 811.111'271.1:811.161.1'271.1

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF ENGLISH AND RUSSIAN FORMULAS OF ADDRESS IN INFORMAL COMMUNICATIVE SITUATIONS

A.A. Antonova

National Research Tomsk Polytechnic University

Graduate student, Department of Foreign Languages, School of Core Engineering Education Anna Aleksandrovna Antonova

e-mail: anna.Bukova.bykova@mail.ru

Statement of the problem. The address is one of the necessary components of verbal communication. This phenomenon is a special communicative unit that helps to attract the listener’s attention, show complicated relationships between participants of communication, describe the addresser and the addressee. The address is unique because of its universality. However, in every speech culture this phenomenon is represented by various formulas that are endowed with exceptional features and characteristics, affecting the success of communication. The aim of this article is to identify, describe and compare the basic English and Russian formulas of address that function in situations of informal communication. In this study the basic formulas of address are widespread and most common informal address formulas in the English and in the Russian languages.

Results. This study identified the basic formulas of address that function in informal communicative situations in the English and the Russian speaking cultures. In English informal communication, 10 formulas of address were distinguished. 14 formulas of address were found in the Russian speech culture. In both cultures studied, the address can be used as part of a sentence and as a separate act of speech, realizing various functions in the process of communication. English formulas of address are more neutral than Russian ones because they do not have a wide choice of diminutive suffixes. Also, there are no address by name, patronymic and the last name in the English language.

Conclusion. In informal communication, there are at least 10 formulas of address in the English language and 14 formulas in the Russian language. Russian and English terms of address have an identical position in the sentence or form an independent communicative act. Formulas of address in these languages are multifunctional. Emotionality and expressiveness of address are achieved by means of diminutive suffixes. The Russian language, unlike English, has a wider selection of diminutive suffixes, which allows to more accurately convey various connotations of address. Knowledge of the peculiarities and specifics of the English and Russian formulas of address in situations of informal communication allows us to interpret the relationships between interlocutors and their communicative intentions correctly.

Key words: address, formulas of address, speech communication, speech etiquette, speech behavior, informal communication, formal communication, English communicative culture, Russian communicative culture.

For citation: Antonova A.A. Сomparative analysis of English and Russian formulas of address in informal communicative situations / A.A. Antonova // Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-didactic Researches”. – 2019. - № 3 (26). – P. 51-60.

Introduction

In the process of communication people learn something new about the world, get new knowledge, share information, and express their point of view, thus, verbal communication is

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© Antonova A.A., 2019

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Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-Didactic Researches” Issue 3 (26), 2019 ISSN 2587-8093

an integral part of functioning of the humanity. Verbal communication is “the process of communication, exchange of thoughts, information, ideas, etc. – a specific form of interaction of people in the process of their cognitive-labor activity” [1].

Depending on the relationships between communicants, their position in society, the situation and the atmosphere, communication can be formal and informal. Formal communication (functional and role) is a specific kind of interaction between people with an official and informational orientation. This type of speech communication is realized according to speech etiquette rules, which are considered common and obligatory [2, p. 396]. In contrast to formal communication, informal communication has unofficial nature. It is characterized by spontaneity, dynamism and expressiveness. Also, informal communication is limited only by ethical standards of interaction [3, p. 55]. It can be also concluded, that differences between formal and informal communication are the degree of proximity of interpersonal relationships, individual and specific features of the interlocutor [4].

The speech behavior of the communicants in society is governed by the rules of the speech etiquette. The speech etiquette is “a system of sustainable communication formulas prescribed by society for establishing verbal contact of interlocutors, maintaining communication in a chosen tone according to their social roles and role positions to each other, mutual relations in official and informal settings” [5]. The basis of the speech etiquette is speech formulas which depend on the specific features of communication. The speech etiquette is realized both in characteristics of speech as a whole and in specialized units called speech etiquette units or speech etiquette formulas [6, p. 95]. These formulas include politeness, greeting, farewell and address words [7, p. 187].

In the process of verbal communication the address is a means of establishing contact with the interlocutor, attracting the attention of the addressee, expressing the speaker’s attitude to the listener, determining the atmosphere of a communicative act, etc. [8, p. 3]. The address is “a word or a combination of words used to name people or objects, who or what the message is addressed to” [9]. In speech proper names, ranks, kinship terms, position in society, job, occupation, words expressing nationality, age and gender, words expressing relationships between participants of communication can be used as the address [10, p. 17]. Also, names and nicknames of animals, names of objects and phenomena of inanimate nature serve as the address [11, p. 329].

The address is a unique phenomenon because it is a linguistic universal. However, the address is manifested and used in different ways in each language culture, therefore, when choosing the address formulas, it is necessary to take into account the distinctive features of the language, which speech communication takes place in, and the features of the national speech etiquette [12, p. 240].

The relevance of this article is due to the increasing attention of researchers to the study of the colloquial language because this functional style is implemented in oral dialogical speech and is characterized by spontaneity and unpreparedness. The colloquial language is used in informal communication. It is carried out only with speakers, that allows not only to determine the specifics of a communicative act, but also to characterize the interlocutors. Despite a fairly large number of scientific works devoted to the study of the address in different cultures, there are still no comparative research works of the functioning of various English and Russian address formulas. These languages are heterostructural and belong to different language groups, therefore, a comparative study of informal terms of address in the English and the Russian cultures makes it possible to identify common and specific features of informal terms of address in both languages.

The aim of this article is to identify, describe and compare the basic English and Russian formulas of address that function in informal communicative situations.

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Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-Didactic Researches” Issue 3 (26), 2019 ISSN 2587-8093

Methodology of the study

The object of the study is informal English and Russian verbal communication, the subject is English and Russian formulas of address that function in informal communicative situations.

In order to identify the most widespread and most common terms of address, which function in informal speech communication, films “Silver Linings Playbook”, “Room”, “The Man from U.N.C.L.E.”, “Ne v parnyakh schastye”, series “Modern Family”, “Big Little Lies”, “Chuzhoye schastye”, “Noch posle vypuska”, British National Corpus and Corpus of Contemporary American English, including many texts of various topics, were used in the study. Films and series, taken for the analysis and identification of informal addresses, belong to different genres (drama, melodrama, thriller, detective story, comedy), involve various topics and reproduce different stories, especially situations of extra-linguistic reality, in particular, relationships between people, their actions, conflicts, etc. Therefore, using these materials, it is possible to analyze and compare the most common formulas of address in the framework of informal communication. For the research, films and series, that were released between 2009 and 2019, were used. These materials allow to study informal terms of address at the present stage of their evolution.

10 informal address formulas in the English communicative culture and 14 informal address formulas in the Russian speech communication were identified by using the continuous sampling method.

A corpus of general and particular scientific methods was used to achieve the aim of the research. General scientific methods are: 1) logic methods – analysis (allocation of the address formulas that function in informal communicative situations), synthesis (combining terms of address into separate groups in accordance with a pragmatic approach), generalization (finding features and functions of various address formulas in the system of the English and the Russian languages); 2) statistics methods – quantitative method (use of numerical data and standardized methods of processing the empirical corpus of the research), method of grouping (structural and typological separation of empirical research material according to essential features). Particular scientific methods include: descriptive method (description of the features and main characteristics of informal address formulas), pragmatic analysis (explanation of the meaning of address formulas from the point of view of their usage in a speech act), comparative method (designation of similarities and differences of the main characteristics and features of the functioning of informal formulas of address in the English-speaking and the Russian-speaking cultures), opposition method (comparison of planes of expression of multilingual address formulas).

Results of the research

I. Informal address formulas in the English language.

The address occupies an important place in English informal speech communication because this phenomenon performs different functions in speech that allow the speaker to convey a message to the listener, as well as express his/her attitude to the addressee.

As a result of the study, 10 English address formulas, functioning in informal communicative situations, were identified.

1. Neutral name (abbreviated and full forms).

The neutral name, as a term of address, functions in various situations of informal communication: between relatives and friends. When addressing, the speaker implements several functions: personifying, urging and perlocutionary ones. The neutral name can be used in both abbreviated and full forms:

“You lied to me, P a t . Danny’s not allowed to leave” [1*]; “Listen, P a t r i c k , she’s gone. She’s not around anymore” [1*].

2. Kinship term (abbreviated and full forms) and terms of address expressing close relationships between communicants.

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