- •Preface
- •Acknowledgments
- •1 Introduction
- •The land and its water
- •Climate and vegetation
- •Lower Palaeolithic (ca. 1,000,000–250,000 BC)
- •Middle Palaeolithic (ca. 250,000–45,000 BC)
- •Upper Palaeolithic and Epipalaeolithic (ca. 45,000–9600 BC)
- •Rock art and ritual
- •The Neolithic: A synergy of plants, animals, and people
- •New perspectives on the Neolithic from Turkey
- •Beginnings of sedentary life
- •Southeastern Anatolia
- •North of the Taurus Mountains
- •Ritual, art, and temples
- •Southeastern Anatolia
- •Central Anatolia
- •Contact and exchange: The obsidian trade
- •Stoneworking technologies and crafts
- •Concluding remarks
- •Pottery Neolithic (ca. 7000–6000 BC)
- •Houses and ritual
- •Southeastern Anatolia and Cilicia
- •Central Anatolia
- •Western Anatolia and the Aegean coast
- •Northwest Anatolia
- •Seeing red
- •Invention of pottery
- •Cilicia and the southeast
- •Western Anatolia
- •Northwest Anatolia
- •Other crafts and technology
- •Economy
- •Concluding remarks on the Ceramic Neolithic
- •Spread of farming into Europe
- •Early and Middle Chalcolithic (ca. 6000–4000 BC)
- •Regional variations
- •Eastern Anatolia
- •The central plateau
- •Western Anatolia
- •Northwest Anatolia
- •Metallurgy
- •Late Chalcolithic (ca. 4000–3100 BC)
- •Euphrates area and southeastern Anatolia
- •Late Chalcolithic 1 and 2 (LC 1–2): 4300–3650 BC
- •Late Chalcolithic 3 (LC 3): 3650–3450 BC
- •Late Chalcolithic 4 (LC 4): 3450–3250 BC
- •Late Chalcolithic 5 (LC 5): 3250–3000/2950 BC
- •Eastern Highlands
- •Western Anatolia
- •Northwestern Anatolia and the Pontic Zone
- •Central Anatolia
- •Early Bronze Age (ca. 3100–2000 BC)
- •Cities, centers, and villages
- •Regional survey
- •Southeast Anatolia
- •East-central Anatolia (Turkish Upper Euphrates)
- •Eastern Anatolia
- •Western Anatolia
- •Central Anatolia
- •Cilicia
- •Metallurgy and its impact
- •Wool, milk, traction, and mobility: Secondary products revolution
- •Burial customs
- •The Karum Kanesh and the Assyrian trading network
- •Middle Bronze Age city-states of the Anatolian plateau
- •Central Anatolian material culture of the Middle Bronze Age
- •Indo-Europeans in Anatolia and the origins of the Hittites
- •Middle Bronze Age Anatolia beyond the horizons of literacy
- •The end of the trading colony period
- •The rediscovery of the Hittites
- •Historical outline
- •The imperial capital
- •Hittite sites in the empire’s heartland
- •Hittite architectural sculpture and rock reliefs
- •Hittite glyptic and minor arts
- •The concept of an Iron Age
- •Assyria and the history of the Neo-Hittite principalities
- •Key Neo-Hittite sites
- •Carchemish
- •Zincirli
- •Karatepe
- •Land of Tabal
- •Early Urartu, Nairi, and Biainili
- •Historical developments in imperial Biainili, the Kingdom of Van
- •Fortresses, settlements, and architectural practices
- •Smaller artefacts and decorative arts
- •Bronzes
- •Stone reliefs
- •Seals and seal impressions
- •Urartian religion and cultic activities
- •Demise
- •The Trojan War as prelude
- •The Aegean coast
- •The Phrygians
- •The Lydians
- •The Achaemenid conquest and its antecedents
- •Bibliography
- •Index
A N AT O L I A T R A N S F O R M E D
Likewise, the spread of the Neolithic package to the northwestern region a little later (at Demircihöyük, Fikirtepe, Ilıpınar, and Mentes¸e) might be linked to the momentum generated in the Konya area.106 The contrasting evidence from the coastal and inland sites located in the northwestern region suggests a mingling of traditions—one was brought to the area by farming communities from west of the Central Anatolian plateau, the other essentially belonged to the greater Balkan region and developed from indigenous Epipalaeolithic traditions.
SPREAD OF FARMING INTO EUROPE
The knowledge of cereal cultivation and animal domestication was transmitted, imperceptibly to any single generation, from the Fertile Crescent across the Anatolian plateau to southeastern Europe, and eventually to its central and western regions in the fourth millennium BC. It would be prudent, then, to say a few words about the establishment of farming communities in southeastern Europe up to the Hungarian Plain, which represents the first stage of a complicated transformation of the European landscape, the so-called “Neolithization of Europe.” that stretched from about 7000 to 4000 BC.107 When the Near Eastern dates are set against those from Neolithic settlements in Europe, a progressive spread westward of the knowledge of agriculture, if not the farmers themselves, is the likely sequence. There is no archaeological evidence to support the independent development of farming in southeastern Europe, but much that points to a clear cultural break between the mobile Mesolithic communities and the intrusive Neolithic village-based societies.108
With new elements not native to Europe—wheats, barley, sheep, and goats—came a new lifestyle that changed the face of Europe forever. Cattle and pigs were also kept, but there is some argument that these were native to temperate Europe. This new way of life also brought with it timber-framed buildings arranged in clusters, and, less frequently, mud brick structures, distinctive burial types, clay figurines with coffee bean-shaped eyes, bone spoons and hooks, stamp seals, slings, polished stone axes, and a variety of pottery, including the distinctive prismatic polypod vessels otherwise known as “cult tables.”109 This Neolithic package also promoted a new set of values and opportunities, but the exact nature of this transformation is still not altogether apparent.110 Clearly, there was considerable contact between communities from the Near East and Europe, but what is not altogether obvious is whether this took the form of colonization—immigrant farmers seeking new land—or native groups adopting foreign staples and ideas.111
We know very little about native communities in the Balkans between 10,000 and 7000 BC, with most of our evidence coming from the Danube gorges south of Belgrade and Franchthi
Cave, in the northeast Peloponnese. These local foragers had varying subsistence strategies ranging from fishing for tunny in Greece through exploitation of game and plants at home in river and forest settings. Some mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) studies of extant European populations certainly suggest that indigenous populations of southeastern Europe, already
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predisposed to new technologies and in contact with neighboring communities, played a role in the transition from foraging to farming.112 But this argument cannot be applied to the whole of the Balkans, which would have been sparsely populated before the influx of farmers. Even so, taking a cue from the debate surrounding the “Uruk expansion” discussed in the next chapter, it would be wise to leave both options open.
There are a number of considerations that one should be aware of when delving into the archaeology of the Balkans. First, information is disseminated in a number of languages (at least eight), and inevitably similar geographical features and archaeological cultures have different terms. The Hungarian “Körös” culture, for instance, equates with the Romanian “Cris¸.” This has led to temporal equations, involving a number of terms such as the Kremokovci–Karanovo I Complex and the Starcˇevo–Körös–Cris¸ Complex. Second is the patchiness of the evidence, which is certainly not unique to the Balkans. Radiocarbon determinations, when they are available, must be assessed with respect to the variability between different laboratories and the reliability of sampling techniques. Finally, one should be aware that pottery styles loom large in the definition of cultural horizons in the Balkans (and Europe)—Bandkeramik or linear pottery, corded ware, bell beaker and so on—but these in themselves do not comprise separate cultures.
Communities practicing a Neolithic lifestyle appeared suddenly in the Balkans.113 Broadly speaking, cultural divisions are noticeable between the southern Balkans and its neighbor in Greece, and the central and northern Balkans, which looked north towards temperate Europe. Communication between the regions meant that very similar pottery is found across the Balkans, but linking it to Anatolian sequences is not straightforward. The abrupt appearance of dark coloured ceramics in Crete (Knossos IX), for instance, is difficult to explain. But the detection of key Y-chromosome haplogroups that occur in Crete and Anatolia and not elsewhere in the Aegean, together with the occurrence of bread wheat from Knossos, point to direct connections between the Aegean island and sites from southwest and central Anatolia.114
We are on firmer ground when dealing with decorated pottery with painted designs executed in red, black, or white paint. Across southeastern Europe different styles begin to appear with red-on-white wares favored in northern Greece, whereas white-on-red ceramics distinguish the early levels at Karanovo in Bulgaria. Whatever the color combination, the similarity of decorative designs and concepts between painted assemblages from the Balkans and the Hacılar and Can Hasan sequences, clearly point to inter-regional dynamics, if not migrations. Shapes for the most part are simple—deep open bowls and globular jars—and occasionally feature tubular and ledge handles. Unusual shapes include square or rectangular jars, and bowls with oval mouths.
Towards the end of the Early Neolithic in the Balkans, which equates with the end of the Early Chalcolithic in central and western Anatolia, painted wares start to wane in both areas. What emerge in the Balkans are the formative elements the Vincˇa culture, distinguished by an assemblage of black burnished ceramics decorated with grooves and incisions. On the broader scale, we need to remember that the Vincˇa culture is contemporary with the Ubaid of the Near East, which we encounter later.
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