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7.3.13. Allied Irish Bank/Allfirst Bank

On 6 February 2002, Allied Irish Bank (AIB) announced it was to take a one-off charge of $520 million to cover losses from a suspected fraud of $750 million involving currency trades at the Baltimore headquarters of its subsidiary, Allfirst Bank. The total losses amounted to $691 million (£483 million) and were due to the illegal actions of John Rusnak, who joined the bank in 1993, and was later promoted to managing director in charge of foreign exchange trading.42

AIB gave a former Comptroller of the Currency, Eugene Ludwig, the job of investigating the events leading up to the losses, to report within 30 days. At the beginning of the report Ludwig comments that he considers this amount of time inadequate. Rusnak did not participate in the enquiry. According to the report, the fraud began in 1997 when Rusnak lost money on proprietary trading – using currency forwards to try and make profits from currency trades in yen, dollars and the euro. Ludwig describes these as one-way bets on which way a currency was supposed to move, when he was supposed to be spotting arbitrage opportunities between foreign exchange options and the spot and forward forex markets. To hide his losses, Rusnak:

žUsed fictitious options.

žTook advantage of gaps in the bank’s monitoring and control systems. For example:

Rusnak used two bogus options, one involving the receipt of a large premium, the other paying out an identical amount, so there was no net cost to the bank. The first option expired on the day it was written, and Allfirst did not prepare reports on options that expired on the same date.

Rusnak persuaded the back office that confirmation orders were not needed since they offset each other.

The value at risk model used information from Rusnak’s PC to compute its VaR. This meant Rusnak could manipulate the figures, making it look like the bogus options hedged the real options, thus lowering his VaR.

The true position became apparent when a supervisor in the back office noticed deals were not being confirmed. The back office staff spent the weekend trying to confirm trades in Asia but were unable to do so. Rusnak did not come to work on Monday 4 February.

The Ludwig report criticised senior bankers at AIB and Allfirst for failing to pay close attention to its proprietary trading operations at Allfirst, even after the OCC raised concerns about risk management procedures. The robustness of the controls for Allfirst’s trading activities were not reviewed by the group risk management teams, and more generally there was a lack of effective controls in the proprietary trading area. Ludwig also noted the inferiority of the IT systems at Allfirst compared to AIB, but apparently this was part of a deliberate strategy to give Allfirst some independence, to avoid conveying the impression that head office was interfering unduly – thought to be the cause of the poor performance of European owned subsidiaries.

42 Rusnak was hired from Chemical Bank by First Maryland Bancorp. In 1999, Allfirst was formed from the merger of First Maryland and Dauphin Deposit Corporation, which AIB owned.

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Allfirst responded by sacking six Allfirst employees. Allfirst’s President resigned a few months later, but offers of resignation by the CEO and Chairman were rejected by the Board of Directors. A number of changes were announced, including:

žCessation of proprietary dealing in subsidiaries, to be centralised in Dublin.

žA new post was created to ensure risk was effectively managed across the AIB group.

žTreasury management to be centralised in Dublin.

In a plea bargain deal, Mr Rusnak pleaded guilty to one charge of bank fraud in October 2002, and was jailed for 7.5 years. There is no evidence he gained financially from these frauds (apart from bonus payments that were bigger than they would otherwise have been) – he was using them to cover up ever-increasing losses.

Though AIB’s solvency was never in question, the losses represented 17.5% of their tier 1 capital, and reduced earnings by 60%. In September 2002, Allfirst was sold to M&T Banking Corporation for $886 million and a 22.5% stake in M&T. To appease shareholders angered by the fraud, half the cash from the sale was to be used to buy back AIB shares.

Barings, Daiwa, Sumitomo and AIB/Allfirst all suffered from rogue traders, which resulted in the UK’s oldest merchant bank failing, eventually being reduced to a tiny part of the operations of a multinational bank, and another respected Japanese bank being barred from operating in the USA. Management was criticised for dereliction of duty of one sort or another. Perhaps the most lasting effect of these failures is the consternation rogue trading caused among members of the Basel Committee, and their subsequent attempt to include an explicit measure for operational risk in the Basel 2 risk assets ratio (see Chapter 4).

7.3.14. Canadian Bank Failures

During the autumn of 1985, five out of 14 Canadian domestic banks found themselves in difficulty. Two banks (Canadian Commercial and Northland) had to close. The problems of Canadian Commercial Bank (CCB), based in Edmonton, originated with its loan portfolio, which was concentrated in the real estate and energy sectors. A formal inspection in early 1982 revealed two-thirds of uncollected interest was on property loans and another 16% on energy related loans. In the summer of 1985 (after CCB had approached the authorities), government investigations revealed that 40% of the loan portfolio was marginal or unsatisfactory. To attract deposits, CCB had to pay above-average rates, as did other regional banks.

In March 1985, CCB informed the authorities it was in danger of collapse. Despite indications of trouble, the inspection system failed to identify the serious problems. A rescue package (CDN $225 million) was put together, the six largest banks contributing $60 million. This action failed to restore the confidence of depositors and contagion spread to other smaller regional banks in Canada; depositors (for example, municipal treasurers) who had been attracted by their higher interest rates began to withdraw their deposits on a large scale, as did the big banks that had participated in the rescue package. The Bank of Canada responded by granting short-term loans to cover these deposit withdrawals but soon had to extend this facility to the Calgary based Northland Bank, because of contagion

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induced runs on this bank. The Northland Bank had been receiving liquidity support from the major private banks since 1983, but the agreement ran out and the bank turned to the Bank of Canada for support at the same time as the CCB. The two banks were forced to close in September 1985, after the Bank of Canada withdrew its support because of a supervisory report (by the Inspector General of Banks), which indicated insolvency at both banks because of weak loan portfolios.

Two other banks, Mercantile and Morguard, were merged with larger institutions. Mercantile Bank was a Montreal based bank, in which Citicorp had a 24% interest. This bank was involved in wholesale bank business. The bank began to experience trouble attracting deposits. The Bank of Canada did not intervene but persuaded the six large banks to provide short-term loans to Mercantile. A few weeks later, it was purchased by the Montreal based National Bank. In November 1985, Morguard Bank was taken over by California’s Security Pacific Bank.

A fifth Canadian bank, Continental, experienced a serious run on deposits. Although this bank had a healthy loan portfolio, it had suffered from low rates of profitability: the return on assets was 0.29% in the 12 months to 31 October 1985. The Bank of Canada and the six largest banks granted Continental CDN $2.9 billion in standby credit lines when it experienced a run, which proved to be short-lived. Some depositors returned after the bank launched a campaign to restore confidence, which included an examination of its loan portfolio by 25 officials from the big six banks.

7.4. The Determinants of Bank Failure: A Qualitative

Review

The previous section reviewed the details of a large number of bank failures from around the world. These cases make it possible to make a qualitative assessment of the causes of bank failure. The list of causes as they appear below is for ease of exposition – it is rare to find a single cause for bank failure; rather, there are a number of contributing factors. For example, poor management can be the source of a weak loan portfolio or sloppy supervision, and regulatory forbearance can make conditions ripe for rogue traders and fraud.

7.4.1. Poor Management of Assets

Weak asset management, consisting of a weak loan book, usually because of excessive exposure in one or more sectors, even though regulators set exposure limits. When these are breached, the regulators may not know it or may fail to react. Examples of excessive loan exposures that regulators failed to control effectively are numerous. Perhaps the most glaring example is the failure of US commercial banks in the south-west, with a similar episode a few years later in the north-east which regulators (and managers) failed to spot, despite a similar build-up of bad loan portfolios in the south-west a few years earlier.

It is possible to look at almost any western country and find examples of excessive exposure by banks in one particular market, which eventually led to failure. In other cases, such as the collapse of Barings (February 1995), the failure was not caused by the excessive loan exposure, but by uncovered exposure in the derivatives market. Usually, the regulatory

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authorities knew guidelines (or rules) on exposure were being exceeded but took no action. Internal and external auditors also failed to detect any problem. All of these countries tightly regulate their banking sectors, yet no system has managed to resolve this problem. In the USA, the case of the thrifts illustrates how far regulators are prepared to go to protect a sector, even though such action prolongs the pain and raises resolution costs. Japan (discussed in Chapter 8) provides another example where, in the early stages of the crisis, the regulator actually made things worse. In other countries, such as Canada, the authorities seemed to be successful in containing the problem, so it was limited to just a few banks.

Weak asset management often extends to the collateral or security backing the loan, because the value of the collateral is highly correlated with the performance of the borrowing sector. In the case of the Continental Illinois Bank, new loans had been secured by leases on underdeveloped properties, where oil and gas reserves had not been proven. Texan state banks are another example. Key Texan banks – namely First Republic Bank (1988), First City (1988) and MCorp (1989) – required large amounts of federal support; some were merged with healthy banks. Though there were other contributory factors to their problems, a key one was banks lending to the Texan oil and gas industry and accepting Texan real estate as collateral, and, to add insult to injury, increasing lending to the property sector when energy prices began to decline. Banks (and regulators) seemed oblivious of the fact that if the energy sector collapsed, plummeting real estate prices would soon follow. The lessons of the south-west appeared to have been ignored by banks in the north-east, resulting in some notable bank failures in that region.

7.4.2. Managerial Problems

Deficiencies in the management of failing banks is a contributing factor in virtually all cases. The Credit´ Lyonnais case is a classic example of how poor management can get a bank into serious trouble. It was not discussed in the previous section because it is the subject of a case study in Chapter 10, but a brief review is provided here. Jean Yves Harberer was a typical French meritocrat. He earned an excellent reputation at the Treasury, heading it in his forties. In 1982, after the newly elected socialists had nationalised key banks, President Mitterand asked Harberer to take charge of Paribas, where he was responsible for one of the worst fiascos in Paribas’ history. Removed from office when Paribas was re-privatised in 1986, Harberer was appointed chief executive of Credit´ Lyonnais (CL), a bank which had been state owned since the end of the Second World War. Harberer’s principal goal was growth at any cost, to transform the bank into a universal, pan-European bank. This rapid growth caused CL to accumulate a large portfolio of weak loans, which could not survive the combination of high interest rates and a marked decline in the French property market. By 1993, Harberer had been dismissed and made the head of Credit´ National, but the post was terminated after the CL 1993 results were published later that year.

Though weak management was the key problem, it is difficult to disentangle it from government interference in the operations of the bank. The government, through its direct and indirect equity holdings, had a tradition of intervention by bureaucrats in the operational affairs of state owned firms, commonly known as dirigisme. It is consistent with French industrial policy where a proactive government role in the economy is thought to

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be better than leaving it to the mercy of free market forces. Credit´ Lyonnais did not escape; the most well-known example was when Prime Minister Cresson asked CL to invest FF 2.5 billion in Usinor-Sacilor, in exchange for a 10% stake in the ailing state owned steel company. By late 1992, 28% of CL’s capital base was made up of shares in state owned firms, many of them in financial difficulty.43 The problem escalated over time because the bank’s fate was linked to the deteriorating performance of these firms.

By March 1994, the first of four rescue plans was announced, and the government is committed to privatising Credit´ Lyonnais by 2000.44 It is difficult to calculate the total cost of the bailout because of other aspects of the rescue plans, including creating a ‘‘bad bank’’, which took on CL’s bad loans, thereby removing them from the bank’s balance sheet. However, estimates of the total cost of resolving CL’s problems range between $20 and $30 billion (see case study in Chapter 10).

Although state interference in CL partly explains why the bank got into such difficulties, it is one of the best examples where poor management, based on a strategy of growth at any expense, is the main reason for the bank ending up effectively insolvent.

Continental Illinois, a US bank, would have collapsed in 1984 had it not been for a government rescue. Its problems, too, can be traced back to managerial deficiencies. Managers were unaware one of the senior officers at Continental had a personal interest in Penn Square – he had arranged a personal loan of half a million dollars. There was no change in the internal credit review process, even though there had been repeated criticisms by the Comptroller of the Currency, one of several bank regulators in the United States. Furthermore, Continental’s internal audit reports on Penn Square never reached senior management. Finally, management’s strategy was growth by assets despite very narrow margins. Continental also relied on the wholesale (interbank) markets for most of its funding, partly explained by an Illinois rule which restricted a bank’s branches to one.

Barings was brought down by a ‘‘rogue trader’’, but the underlying problem was bad senior management. For example, head office allowed a trader in Singapore to run the front and back offices simultaneously even though a 1994 internal audit report had recommended Mr Leeson stop managing the back office. His simultaneous control of the two offices allowed him to hide losses in the ‘‘5-eights’’ account. Similar circumstances prevailed at Daiwa’s New York office. Managers at Barings failed to question how huge weekly profits could be made on arbitrage, which is a high volume, low margin business. Finally, senior management sanctioned a huge outflow of capital from Barings, London. For example, the bank transferred £569 million (its total capital was £540 million) to Barings Singapore in the first two months of 1995.

Senior management were also criticised in the Daiwa and AIB rogue trader cases. In 1993, two years before Iguchi’s confession, management assured US regulators that the back and front office activities at the New York office would be separated but failed to do so, leaving Iguchi as a trader with back office responsibilities. The Ludwig Report (commissioned by

43By forcing state owned banks to invest in these industries, the state continued to play an indirect role in the management of these firms, even if they were privatised.

44The rescue plans led to a formal complaint of unfair competition by other French and European banks. In response, the European Commission agreed to the rescue, conditional upon Credit´ Lyonnais being privatised by 2000.

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Allied Irish Bank) criticised senior managers at AIB and Allfirst for failing to improve the proprietary trading operations after the Comptroller of the Currency raised concerns about the risk management systems at Allfirst. Thus, in these three major cases, senior management was responsible for sanctioning operations that allowed rogue traders to thrive. Yet the Basel Committee is of the view that rogue trading is one of the reasons for the explicit treatment of operational risk in the Basel 2 risk assets ratio (see Chapter 4).

Mr Leeson subsequently claimed his actions were driven by the imminent decision on bonuses. Had he been able to keep up the charade for only a few more days, he would earn a large bonus, along with his office colleagues. The size of the bonus was a function of net earnings, so Mr Leeson had every incentive to hide losses until they were paid. There have been other instances where bonus driven behaviour was at the expense of the bank in question. For example, there is a tendency to promote individuals associated with innovation or rapid growth in assets. Though this problem also exists in non-financial sectors, it has more serious consequences in the financial sector because of the maturity structure of the assets, both onand off-balance sheet – what looks profitable today may not be so in the future. It suggests management should seek out more incentive compatible bonus schemes. For example, group responsibility would be encouraged by group bonus schemes. Salomons introduced bonuses determined by a specified post-tax return on profits. A percentage is withheld should the firm do badly in subsequent years. The result was the loss of some of their top performing traders to other firms which continued with schemes to reward the individual. Even ING, the Dutch concern that bought Barings after its collapse, had to pay out bonuses totalling $100 million to prevent Barings staff from going to rival firms.

Senior bank management are also prone to mimicry, copying untested financial innovations by other banks in an effort to boost profits. Again, the source of the problem is asymmetric information in this sector. One consequence is that whereas in other sectors, managers strive to differentiate their product, bankers seem to rush to copy the actions of other banks, the success of which is attributed to financial innovations.

7.4.3. Fraud

Benston (1973) noted that 66% of US bank failures from 1959 to 1961 were due to fraud and irregularities, a percentage backed (and indeed higher, at 88%) by Hill (1975) for the period 1960 – 74. According to Benston and Kaufman (1986), the Comptroller of the Currency cited fraud or law-breaking as the most frequent cause of bank failures in the USA between 1865 and 1931, and the FDIC reported that about a quarter of bank failures in the period 1931 –58 were due to financial irregularities by bank officers.

Barker and Holdsworth (1994) cited a study published by a US government house committee,45 which found about 50% of bank failures and 25% of thrift failures between 1980 and mid-1983 were principally due to fraud. The authors also report the findings of a US interagency working group: fraud was present in a substantial percentage of failures between 1984 and the first half of 1986.

Hard evidence of fraud is apparent in the failures of Allfirst, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International, Bankhaus Herstatt, Banco Ambrosiano Barings, Daiwa and Penn

45 The House Committee on Government Operations.

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Square. There were suggestions of fraud in relation to the collapse of Johnson Matthey Bankers, but no one was ever prosecuted. However, it is rare to be able to identify fraud as the principal cause of bank failure – even BCCI had a low quality loan book. In the case of Barings, the Leeson fraud was only possible because of problems with senior management. In Japan (see Chapter 8), there were Mafia links to property firms which borrowed from banks and coops. Illegal activities have been proved in only a handful of cases, though they are thought to be widespread. In Heffernan (2003 – see Table 7.3), using an international database of bank failures, there is only one incident of fraud.

Securing a conviction can be problematic because of the fine line between fraud and bad management. The ‘‘looting’’ hypothesis (Akerlof and Romer, 1993 – see Chapter 1) illustrates this very point. According to Akerlof and Romer, many thrift managers bought risky debt (junk bonds) to profit from short-term high interest payments, when they knew default was likely in the longer term. The authorities had relaxed accounting rules in the early 1980s to encourage wider diversification, which meant managers could move into little known product areas. Finally, thrift managers took advantage of the system. In the USA, deposits of up to $100 000 (per bank) are insured – the thrifts knew they could attract customers by offering high deposit rates, thereby contributing to short-term profitability.

7.4.4. The Role of Regulators

Bank examiners, auditors and other regulators missed important signals and/or were guilty of ‘‘regulatory forbearance’’, that is, putting the interests of the regulated bank ahead of the taxpayer. In many cases of failure, subsequent investigation shows stated exposure limits were exceeded, with the knowledge of the regulator. Examples include Johnson Matthey Bankers, Banco Ambrosiano, most of the US thrifts and Barings.

Like all firms, banks pay for external private auditing of their accounts. In every western country banks are also subject to audits by regulators. For example, in the United States and Japan, banks are regularly examined by more than one independent regulator. In the UK, formal examination was introduced relatively recently;46 before then, the role of the private auditor assumes greater importance. However, Johnson Matthey Bankers, BCCI and Barings had been examined by private external auditors. Some firms are being sued by these banks’ liquidators for signing off a bank in good health when, in fact, it wasn’t. The official report47 into the collapse of Barings criticised Coopers and Lybrand, London for failing to detect the discrepancy between the large outflow of funds to Singapore and the claim that the Singapore office was responsible for three-quarters of the bank’s profits. Coopers London deny responsibility because the bank collapsed before they could conduct their 1994 audit, and it had questioned the documentation for a £50 million receivable. However, Leeson had been running fictitious accounts for two years. Furthermore, Coopers Singapore had audited the subsidiary in 1994 but did not raise any concerns.

46In the UK, formal examinations by the regulator are undertaken by the Financial Services Authority, created in 1998. The Bank of England did not carry out formal examinations but did monitor banks very closely. See Chapter 5 for more detail.

47The Board of Banking Supervision Report (Bank of England), July 1995.

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These failures suggest the presence of communication difficulties between the auditor and the Bank of England. Despite official reports calling for a resolution of the problem (after Johnson Matthey, BCCI and Barings), little action was taken. Since the creation of the Financial Services Authority, the role of the auditor has been clarified and strengthened (see Chapter 5). However, countries with multiple regulators conducting regular examinations seem to systematically either ignore or miss important signals of trouble. The behaviour of US regulators during the thrift/commercial bank failures is a case in point. Largely in response to that period, Congress passed the Financial Institutions Reform, Recovery and Enforcement (1989) and the FDIC Improvement Acts (1991), which have gone some way to tighten the loopholes and provide regulators with a clear set of rules they must follow from the time a bank shows any sign of difficulty.

The US thrifts provide one of the best examples of regulatory forbearance. In 1981 – 82, the Federal Home Loan Bank Board (since abolished) tried to ease the problems of the thrifts by allowing these firms to report their results using the Regulatory Accounting Rules, which were more lenient than the Generally Accepted Accounting Rules. They also lowered net worth requirements for thrifts in 1980 and again in 1982. The Federal Savings and Loans Insurance Corporation (FSLIC – also since abolished) issued income capital certificates which were treated as equity, so the thrifts could use them to supplement their net worth. Effectively, the FSLIC was using its own credit to purchase equity in insolvent thrifts. Thus, both institutions had a vested interest in keeping thrifts going long after they were insolvent. It was this sort of activity which prompted US legislators to impose a legal requirement on all regulators to adopt a ‘‘least cost approach’’.

There is also evidence of regulatory forbearance in the 1984 Continental Illinois case. The Comptroller of the Currency failed to follow up its own criticism of Continental’s internal review process and concentration in wholesale funding. The regulator also denied newspaper reports in May 1984 that Continental faced collapse, even though it was true. However, had it admitted the bank was in trouble, it may not have given the authorities time to put together a rescue package.

A final problem relates to confusion over which regulator is in charge. For example, BCCI was a Luxembourg Holding Company. UK operations went through BCCI SA, a Luxembourg bank subsidiary of the holding company. The Bank of England argued it was not the lead regulator because BCCI was headquartered in Luxembourg. Under the Basel Concordat (1975, revised 1983), the principal regulator was the Luxembourg Monetary Institute, even though 98% of its activities took place outside its jurisdiction. In 1987, in an attempt to resolve the problem, the Luxembourg Monetary Institute, together with regulators from Britain, Switzerland and Spain, formed an unofficial College of Regulators for BCCI. However, hindsight showed that the College proved unequal to its task, largely because of the massive web of subterfuges and intersubsidiary transactions, involving many jurisdictions, that concealed the systematic looting of depositors’ funds.

7.4.5. Too Big to Fail

The policy of ‘‘too big to fail’’ applies in all countries, to some degree. In France and Japan, the safety net is close to 100%, rarely letting any but the smallest banks fail, and

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nationalising any large ones that are effectively insolvent. In the three Nordic countries that encountered severe problems (see Chapter 8), banks were nationalised and later, largely privatised. In Britain and most other countries, the regulators operate a policy of deliberate ambiguity with respect to bank rescues. Lifeboat rescues, where regulators pressure healthy banks for capital injections before agreeing to organise and contribute to the bailout, became the norm. Lifeboats have largely replaced the traditional lender of last resort,48 which involved the central bank (as regulator or via the regulator) providing a very large proportion (up to 100%) of the capital required to shore up a bank. Even though the central banks try to operate a policy of ambiguity, it is normally clear to analysts which banks will be bailed out. For example, Fitch,49 a private rating agency, provides its clients with a ‘‘legal rating’’ for each bank, indicating the likelihood, on a scale of 1 to 5, of a bank being rescued by the authorities. In the UK, the Bank of England tried to put together lifeboats even when it was unlikely the failure would have systemic effects. Examples include Johnson Matthey Bankers and Barings. In the case of Barings, however, the Bank failed to assemble a lifeboat. This outcome may indicate an increasing reluctance on the part of healthy banks to accede to requests by the central bank, unless they think their own banks might be threatened by the failure.

Before the introduction of the ‘‘least cost approach’’ for dealing with bank failures, US regulators successfully launched a lifeboat rescue of Continental Illinois in 1984, and several large (e.g. Texan) banks. The argument in favour of bailing out key banks is to prevent runs and systemic failure of the banking system, but it creates moral hazard problems: managers have an incentive to make the bank big by expanding the balance sheet, it aggravates looting tendencies, and can contribute to regulatory forbearance, points discussed at length elsewhere. It effectively gives the large banks a competitive advantage over the smaller ones. It also means supervisors may concentrate on the health of these banks, at the expense of smaller banks, though the Bank of England’s liquidity support during the small banks’ crisis is evidence to the contrary.

7.4.6. Clustering

Looking at failures across a number of cases and countries, there appears to be a clustering effect, that is, bank failures in a country tend to be clustered around a few years, rather than being spread evenly through time. Looking at US commercial bank failures as a percentage of healthy banks in the period 1934 – 91, the annual average was 0.38% from 1934 to 1939 but did not rise above 0.08% between 1940 and 1981. In 1981, it jumped to 0.29%, rising steadily to peak at 1.68% in 1988.50 Other nations have experienced these clusters,

48A lender of last resort is still used to inject liquidity into fragile economies, when systemic collapse threatens. For example, on Black Monday (October 1987), when stock markets around the world appeared to be going into freefall, the central banks of most western countries injected liquidity to prevent the world economy from slipping into depression. Likewise, when the UK withdrew from the Exchange Rate Mechanism (September 1992) and Barings failed (February 1995), the Bank of England stood ready to inject liquidity should there be a run on shares. See Chapter 8 for an extensive discussion of the role of the LLR.

49Formerly Fitch IBCA and before that, IBCA.

50Source: White (1991), table 1.

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though comparable figures are not available. In Spain, the period 1978 – 83 saw a total of 48 out of 109 banks ‘‘fail’’; the central bank rescued three, 10 banks were taken over, and 35 entered the Deposit Guarantee Fund. In Norway (see Chapter 7), 22 banks were the subject of state intervention between 1988 and 1991, after a post-war period free of bank failures. State support of problem banks also occurred in Canada (1985) and in Japan. Japan’s banking problems coincided with the worst, prolonged recession/depression in the post-war era. Britain is well known for highly publicised failures: Johnson Matthey Bankers (1984), BCCI (1991) and Barings (1995), which appear to be isolated incidents over time. However, the secondary banking crisis (1973 – 74) and the small banks crisis from 1991 to 1994 are consistent with the clustering.

The presence of a herd instinct among depositors and investors (or a contagion effect) helps to explain a run on several banks over a relatively short period, and more recently, this has been coupled with a flight to quality or to banks thought to be too big to fail. However, it does not explain why banking problems can last for up to a decade, suggesting macroeconomic factors are at work.

A related reason for clustering may be the failure of timely intervention by the government/regulatory authorities.51 The initial reaction of regulators to the problems with US thrifts is an example. Here, a combination of new reforms which allowed these firms to diversify into areas where they had little expertise and relaxation of accounting and other rules certainly prolonged the length of the thrifts crisis. Also recall that in the early 1990s, the Bank of England was quick to intervene to (successfully) stop the spread of contagion from small banks to the wider banking sector. Liquidity was given to some banks, but 25 others failed.

Japan provides another example of a potentially complex link between the absence of timely intervention and macroeconomic factors. Though the stock market collapsed in 1989, there were no immediate injections of liquidity into the economy, and government regulators discouraged banks from provisioning for or writing off bad debt in the early years. This and other factors contributed to a decade long recession, including the collapse (and nationalisation) of some key banks, threatening the soundness of the financial system. The government succumbed to pressure for an overhaul of the financial system by the second half of the 1990s. The result was the announcement of ‘‘Big Bang’’ in 1996, with the reforms to be in place by 2001. The authorities also agreed to blanket deposit insurance of depositors, though it is due to be phased out. Despite these changes, the problems persisted, creating a serious financial crisis, which is discussed at length in Chapter 8.

7.4.7. Miscellaneous Factors

The case reviews have revealed a number of factors which do not easily slot into any of the section headings. Gowland (1994) raised the possibility that ownership structure affects the probability of bank failure. He suggested that the decline in mutual ownership of thrifts is a partial explanation for the thrift industry crisis. In a mutual organisation, profits are not paid out to shareholders but are accumulated as reserves. When a mutual firm is sold to

51 I am grateful to an anonymous referee for this point.

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