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However, the stigmatization of the homeless is not a unique function of poverty.
It results from the intersection of multiple stigmas that contribute to the oppression
of the homeless and the perpetuation of inequities through the interplay of these
stigmas at different levels and through various mechanisms (Pauly, 2014). The
homeless are also stigmatized due to substance use and face discrimination based on
race, gender, and the intersection of other systems of oppression (Canham etal.,
2024). Thus, for homeless individuals with multiple devalued social identities, such
as Black homeless women who use drugs, the impact of stigma results from the
accumulation and intersection of different stigmas, often exacerbating their vulner-
ability beyond the sum of each individual stigma’s effects.
Drug use is another signicant source of stigma for the homeless. Although drug
use is highly prevalent among the homeless, including in the form of substance use
disorders (SUD), not all homeless individuals use drugs. Furthermore, study designs
typically overestimate the prevalence of SUD among the homeless (Mayock &
O’Shaughnessy, 2023). Often, drug use among the homeless is a response to trau-
matic experiences in their life histories and to the harsh living conditions on the
streets, including hunger, cold, sleep deprivation, constant vigilance, and chronic
stress (Moreira etal., 2024). In this context, drugs serve as a potential coping strat-
egy for total vulnerability and the suffering of street life. Even when use is prior to
becoming homeless, the experience in this environment can inuence the establish-
ment of more harmful consumption patterns and expose individuals to greater risks.
However, due to stigma, substance use is seen as the reason for these people being
homeless and as an individual problem, again blaming the homeless and disregard-
ing the weight of the contextual factors involved both in the determination of home-
lessness and drug use and dependence (Mayock & O’Shaughnessy, 2023).
Using the concept of intersectional stigma, we can analyze how the intersection
of poverty and drug use stigma inuences state responses to homeless drug users.
According to Ximenes etal. (2018), repressive policies encompassed by the ideol-
ogy of the “War on Drugs” are not truly directed at substances but at representatives
of the most vulnerable and subaltern classes—namely, poor and non-white indi-
viduals. By simultaneously carrying the social identities of being poor and drug
users, the homeless are historically perceived through the stereotype of a dangerous
class and criminalized for their situation. Through the intersection of these stigmas,
various hygienist and extremely violent interventions against the homeless are legit-
imized with the aim of “cleaning” urban space and in the name of supposed public
safety (Ximenes et al., 2018). Such actions end up perpetuating the stigma and
vulnerability of the homeless.
Directly aligned with this discussion is the issue of the ethnic-racial prole of the
homeless and its relations with stigma. In Brazil, as seen in other countries with
regard to the overrepresentation of Black people and ethnic-racial minorities among
the homeless, administrative records show that Black individuals make up 68% of
the homeless population (more than double the proportion of white individuals),
despite representing 55.5% of the total population (Brazil, 2023). Although the use
of ofcial data may underestimate the number of Black people among the homeless,
considering that, due to intersectional stigma, they may face even greater barriers to
3 Poverty, Gender, Drug Use, and Stigma: An Intersectional Discussion…
34
accessing services, these statistics make visible how stigma and structural racism
affect the unequal distribution of risks for homelessness among different ethnic-
racial groups (Fowle, 2022). Explanations for the greater vulnerability of Black
people to homelessness due to stigma and structural racism can be found, for exam-
ple, in the historical economic and social inequities between white and Black peo-
ple, housing segregation, restricted access to adequate housing, the criminalization
and mass incarceration of Black populations under the “War on Drugs” and in the
focus of homelessness policies on immediate individual causes rather than struc-
tural causes (Fowle, 2022; Verissimo etal., 2021).
In addition to the increased risk for homelessness, racism reinforces the intersec-
tional stigma faced by homeless people. Studies such as those by Markowitz and
Syverson (2019) and Verissimo etal. (2021) show that the experience of stigma and
discrimination differs for Black people living on the streets. They are perceived as
more dangerous by others and face greater discrimination than other subgroups of
the homeless due to the overlap of multiple stigmatized identities. Oliveira etal.
(2023) highlight the heightened vulnerability of Black people and women living on
the streets to violence, emphasizing the potential role of intersectional stigma in
legitimizing violence and perpetuating inequities and oppressive processes. In this
sense, the next section focuses on the particular impact of gender in the intersec-
tional stigma faced by women living on the streets.
3.3 Gender ontheStreets: TheStigma ofHomeless Women
The daily life and forms of stigma that affect women living on the streets must be
understood from the historical-social construction of this population. In the context
of deepening and consolidation of the capitalist mode of production, it stands out,
particularly, the way in which gender roles were shaped to serve as supports to the
sphere of reproduction of the emerging order. In general, the capitalist mode of
production, by imposing a sexual division of labor and establishing gender roles,
places a division of work tasks outside the home (Federeci, 2017). This structure
creates a strong power relationship that is often intersected by violence and various
forms of abuse and exploitation. Women, in addition to the formal workday, are
responsible for the care of the home, children, elderly or sick family members, and
other tasks. And, as reproducers of human labor, they also assume the function of
guaranteeing the conditions for the realization of production itself. The home and
life need to be in order so that men can carry out their external work with tranquility,
and this has been traditionally seen as a female responsibility (Davis, 2013).
Although oppression against women is not original to capitalism, its dynamics
structurally require machismo and patriarchy as sustaining forces. In 2018, the
Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) found that 30.4% of homi-
cides against women occurred within their own homes, while the rate among men
was 11.2% (IBGE, 2018). Data from the International Labor Organization (ILO)
(2024) indicate that for 75% of men in the labor market, women make up 48.5%.
W. C. Netto et al.
35
Meanwhile, housework occupies 21.3h per week for women and 11.7h for men.
Women‘s wages are 20.7% lower, and the unemployment rate is 50% higher. The
data frame represents to some extent the living conditions of women and the mul-
tiple exploitations present in their lives, frequent motivators for women, in their
search for survival, to end up on the streets.
Despite historically being a minority in homelessness statistics, the increase in
the number of women living on the streets has been observed worldwide (Phipps
etal., 2019), accompanying the increase in the number of the homeless in general.
The “feminization” of the homelessness and the consequent greater visibility of
women in this context in recent years reect the effect of the intersection of systems
of oppression—not reduced only to gender—in the conguration of inequities and
systematic disadvantages for women, as observed in the consistent associations
between domestic violence, childhood abuse, economic dependence and exploita-
tion, and homelessness among women (Bretherton, 2023). Trauma, abusive rela-
tionships, exploitation, broken bonds, and drug use are common factors that motivate
the move to the streets among women. Also contributing to this situation are extreme
socioeconomic conditions, which leave poor women with no option but to live on
the street to ensure their survival. It is noteworthy that this process does not neces-
sarily occur abruptly. Most of the time, it occurs gradually after the rupture with
family and work institutions and the exhaustion of available resources. This is a
process that is even more intensied for Black women, who, due to structural rac-
ism, have a greater vulnerability to end up on the streets due to domestic violence,
higher probability of living in conditions of poverty and in communities with high
rates of violence, in addition to having less access to resources to deal with crises
(Bullock etal., 2020).
Despite the greater visibility gained by women living on the streets in recent
years, according to Löfstrand and Quilgars (2016), the generalized stereotypes
about the homeless as a predominantly male population and widely visible in public
spaces were responsible for masking and minimizing the presence of women on the
streets for a long time. Inuenced by intersectional stigma, the invisibility of women
living on the streets is also linked to the perception of deviation from gender roles
and cultural norms about being a woman founded on patriarchy. This perspective is
consistent with the intersectional invisibility hypothesis (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach,
2008), which proposes that people belonging to multiple marginalized groups are
socially made invisible because they are not “prototypes” of any particular social
category. Women living on the streets deviate from both the hegemonic representa-
tions of women, linked to the domestic environment, and the homeless, associated
with the male sex and visible presence on the streets, having their experiences
silenced within these two groups. In addition, intersectional stigma and attempts to
manage it lead women to experience more “hidden” forms of homelessness, as they
seek precarious living arrangements with families and friends, remove their pres-
ence from public view on the streets, and avoid male-dominated services (Löfstrand
& Quilgars, 2016).
Life on the streets puts women in a situation of great fragility and exposure in all
areas. Women face the countless difculties that exist for all homeless people,
3 Poverty, Gender, Drug Use, and Stigma: An Intersectional Discussion…
36
however, when experiencing the streets as women, gender is a component that com-
plicates and amplies the inherent risks of this space and reinforces their stigmati-
zation (Esmeraldo & Ximenes, 2022). Women living on the streets suffer not only
the same material and social deprivations as men but also experience specic forms
of violence related to their gender. The streets are predominantly a male space,
which generates dynamics of subordination and violence against women. Often,
these women depend on affective or sexual relationships to obtain basic resources
or ensure their protection, which perpetuates unequal power relations. The patriar-
chal dynamics experienced in the domestic environment are updated in the gender
inequalities present on the streets, adding layers to the processes of domination and
oppression of women living on the streets and inuencing how they are
represented.
It is a consensus in the literature that violence constitutes a structuring element
of the lives of women living on the streets, both before and after they end up on the
streets. Living on the streets is already considered a traumatic experience in itself
and involves great exposure to violence. However, the intersection of being a woman
and being on the streets makes these women even more vulnerable to all types of
violence, whether physical, sexual, or symbolic, perpetrated by other men living on
the streets, by state agents, or by service professionals (Silva etal., 2022). For exam-
ple, in the study by Oliveira etal. (2023), the chance of women living on the streets
suffering some type of violence was 42 times greater than that of men. As a result
of disproportionate victimization and the traumas suffered, women living on the
streets suffer more in terms of their mental health than men in the same situation,
such as from anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress (Phipps etal., 2019).
Usually, substance use appears as a strategy to cope with psychological suffering
and as a form of protection against the risk of being violated by allowing them to
stay alert and vigilant, constituting a means of adapting to reality and an alternative
to dealing with dangers (Moreira etal., 2024).
But if, on one hand, drug use serves as a defense and escape from the harmful
circumstances in which these women are inserted, on the other hand, it makes them
more susceptible to sexually transmitted diseases, unwanted pregnancy, and to suf-
fer abuses and violence on the streets (Coldibelli etal., 2022). Added to this, drug
use reinforces the intersectional stigma of women living on the streets (Thomas &
Menih, 2022). Being a behavior linked to the male universe, the use of drugs by
women living on the streets violates normative and socially constructed standards
about femininity, which conne women to the domestic sphere and the maternal
role. By breaking with these representations, women living on the streets who use
drugs are even more stigmatized for their use than men, being seen as promiscuous,
irresponsible, criminal, morally condemnable, and guilty for their situation
(Medeiros etal., 2017). In this sense, they suffer from a “triple” stigmatization: for
transgressing the social role of women, for using drugs, and for living on the streets
(a “fourth” dimension of racial stigma can also be added).
The overlap of multiple stigmas and vulnerabilities in the daily lives of women
living on the streets legitimizes prejudiced attitudes and punitive institutional inter-
ventions, especially in pregnancy and motherhood (Santos etal., 2024). Women
W. C. Netto et al.
37
living on the streets are immediately labeled as “bad mothers” and incapable of
exercising motherhood or even criminalized and blamed for the use of substances
during pregnancy, without the slightest consideration of the context of extreme
social vulnerability in which these women, mostly Black and extremely poor, live.
There are common reports of interventions implemented by the State that violate the
reproductive rights of women living on the streets, such as the compulsory separa-
tion of mothers and babies already in maternity, even when the mother expresses the
desire for the child and the search for alternatives to ensure their care (Santos etal.,
2024). Also, women living on the streets with children are the object of control and
surveillance by professionals, suffering stigmatization and discrimination for not
conforming to the dominant notions of a “good mother.” State interventions, instead
of empowering them, usually reinforce control dynamics that perpetuate cycles of
marginalization and vulnerability.
As another implication of intersectional stigma and the invisibility of women
living on the streets, there is also the non-existence of public policies specically
directed at women in this situation and their particularities, except when related to
pregnancy (Esmeraldo & Ximenes, 2022). In this case, it is the presence of one or
more children that is the main determinant of service provision, and not the needs
of the women. The existing services for the homeless are marked by access barriers
for women living on the streets, by the absence of a gender focus and attention to
victims of violence, and by the institutional violence perpetrated by professionals
who stigmatize and neglect their needs, seeing women living on the streets as
dependent and vulnerable (Löfstrand & Quilgars, 2016). The stigmatization by pro-
fessionals distances women from the services and points to the need for care in the
way women living on the streets are made visible. Barriers in access to treatment for
problems related to the use of alcohol and other drugs and TUS, due to previous
experiences of discrimination based on the intersection of stigmas, the underlying
misogyny in these environments, the majority presence of men in these spaces, the
fear of having their children taken away, as well as the lack of coordination of ser-
vices, also hinder the meeting of the needs of this group and perpetuate their cycle
of oppression (Thomas & Menih, 2022). To illustrate the impacts of intersectional
stigma, some data about the reality of women living on the streets in Uruguay and
Brazil are presented below.
3.4 Women Living ontheStreets inUruguay andinBrazil
In recent years, the issue of homelessness in Uruguay has gained increasing visibil-
ity, particularly in urban areas such as Montevideo. According to recent data from
MIDES (2023), 2756 people were recorded in this condition in Montevideo, with
1375 living outdoors and 1381 in night shelters or contingency shelters. This
increase represents a 24% growth compared to 2021, with a particularly alarming
49.5% rise among those sleeping outdoors, compared to a 6.6% increase in night
shelters. Although the homeless population is predominantly composed of young
3 Poverty, Gender, Drug Use, and Stigma: An Intersectional Discussion…
38
and adult men, the proportion of women has increased, reaching 8.7% among those
sleeping outdoors in 2023. These data indicate a change in the prole of people
affected by this issue.
Furthermore, it is worth noting that, within this population, certain groups are
overrepresented, such as Afro-descendants, indigenous people, and transgender
individuals. Transgender individuals, in particular, represent only 0.03% of the total
population but constitute 0.8% of those who sleep outdoors and 1.6% of those who
are in night shelters. These data highlight the existence of structural patterns of
discrimination that disproportionately affect these populations. In the case of
women, the increase in their participation in the homeless population highlights
their greater vulnerability, as they face not only the precariousness of living on the
street but also multiple forms of gender violence and social stigmatization. However,
the report does not provide additional details on gender-related issues.
Additionally, it is important to consider the dynamics of aggression experienced
by people living on the streets. According to available data, the main aggressors of
those who sleep outdoors are other people in the same situation (31.9%), followed
by the police (30%) and by neighbors or passers-by who are not homeless (17.9%).
Also, substance use is an important element in this reality. Since 2020, base paste
has become the most consumed substance among this population, reported by 77%
of respondents in 2023, surpassing alcohol (53.3%) and marijuana (47.5%). The use
of cocaine, although less frequent, also experienced a notable increase of almost 10
percentage points between 2020 and 2023, being consumed by a quarter of the
homeless population (MIDES, 2023).
Although the MIDES Program for Attention to People in Homeless Situations
has played a role in providing night shelters, its limitations are evident, especially
when it comes to serving women who use substances. The current shelters do not
contemplate the particular needs of these women, who often show reluctance to
access these spaces for fear of being separated from their children or suffering vio-
lence and abuse in them. Thus, Uruguay has implemented specic programs aimed
at women in homeless situations, particularly those with children. In this sense,
there is a program that has 15 shelters intended for single-parent families led by
women. This differentiated approach aims to address the specic needs of women
in homeless situations, who face both social exclusion and the responsibility of car-
ing for minors (Evans Penela, 2020). However, despite the existence of these mea-
sures, it is evident that challenges persist. In addition, there are also civil society
initiatives that try to offer alternatives to this vulnerable population. One example is
the collective Not Everything Is Lost (NITEP), which emerged in 2018 with the aim
of combating prejudice against people experiencing homelessness. NITEP ghts for
the dignity of these people and seeks to empower them through active participation
in assemblies and cooperative projects (Guevara & González, 2022). Although their
resources are limited, these initiatives have managed to generate support spaces and
community networks for women seeking to escape precariousness and violence.
The COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated this reality, increasing the vio-
lence and social exclusion that these women face.
W. C. Netto et al.
39
In Uruguay, women experiencing homelessness face vulnerabilities common to
this population in other countries, including a life history marked by abuse, prob-
lematic substance use, gendered experiences on the streets, and greater barriers to
accessing social assistance and healthcare services. Analogous to this reality, Brazil
presents a hostile environment for women experiencing homelessness, particularly
regarding the forms of violence encountered in this context. According to the
Ministry of Human Rights and Citizenship (MDHC), in a report built from the
Federal Government’s data systems, women represent only 13% of the total number
of people living on the streets but account for 40% of the reported cases of violence
(Brazil, 2023). Transgender women represent the most frequent gender identity
among the victims who had this eld lled out. The most reported forms of violence
were physical (88%) and psychological (14%), with the probable perpetrators of the
violence being unknown to the victims (39%).
In order to illustrate this reality, a cut was made from the Census and Diagnosis
of the Homeless Population of Juiz de Fora (Pereira etal., 2023), carried out in
November 2022. The Census data indicates that 147 women are homeless, account-
ing for approximately 18.3% of the city’s homeless population. Of these, 26 women
responded to the diagnostic questionnaire. The average age of the respondents was
44.11years (SD=15.22). The majority were Black women (69.3%), heterosexual
(76.9%), literate (88.5%), and had education up to the elementary school level
(57.7%). Most respondents reported having been on the streets for more than 5years
(38.5%), followed by 1–2years (26.9%). When asked about the frequency of sleep-
ing on the streets in the last month, many stated they had slept on the streets every
day during this period (79.2%). The primary reason reported for sleeping on the
streets was conict or the breakdown of family ties (53.84%). Other common rea-
sons included: release from the prison system (34.6%), substance use (34.6%), dis-
missal/unemployment (19.2%), and threats/violence (19.2%). The interviewees
also reported having slept in private homes before becoming homeless (73.1%).
Most have used or are currently using government shelters (92%). Among the
women who had worked before becoming homeless (65.38%), informal employ-
ment was the most common (58.8%).
Regarding health issues, two women reported being pregnant (9.5%) and are
both receiving prenatal care through the Unied Health System (SUS). The most
reported health conditions were substance use (57.7%), physical injuries (50%),
lung diseases (30.8%), oral diseases (30.8%), hypertension (19.2%), and HIV
(19.2%). However, few women reported having access to treatment for these condi-
tions: substance use (0%), physical injuries (7.7%), lung diseases (11.5%), oral dis-
eases (15.4%), with the exception of treatment for hypertension (15.4%) and HIV
(19.2%). Regarding the consumption of substances in the context of the streets,
83.3% of the interviewees reported using some substance. Among them, the most
consumed substances in the month prior to the interview were: tobacco (95%), alco-
hol (60%), crack cocaine (35%), and marijuana/hashish (30%). The trend of con-
sumption of these substances followed the frequency of use in the week prior to the
interview: daily consumption of tobacco (70%), daily consumption of alcohol
(25%), daily consumption of crack cocaine (15%), and daily consumption of
3 Poverty, Gender, Drug Use, and Stigma: An Intersectional Discussion…
40
marijuana/hashish (5%). The primary reasons reported for substance use were seek-
ing relief from the suffering caused by life on the streets (20%) and curiosity/
desire (20%).
Most of the interviewees stated they had suffered some type of violence on the
streets (80.8%). The most commonly reported types of violence included verbal
abuse, humiliation, and discrimination (81%), physical assault (61.9%), robbery/
theft (61.9%), having belongings discarded (57.1%), shooting/stabbing (23.8%),
being forcibly removed from the streets (14.3%), and sexual abuse (9.5%). Other
people living on the streets were the authors of the most frequent violence in the
reports (75%), followed by people passing by the streets (52.6%), police (36.8%),
residents of the surrounding area (31.6%), drug dealers (26.3%), merchants (21.1%),
private security (21.1%), and municipal guards (10.5%).
The data highlight the intersectional stigma faced by women experiencing home-
lessness in Juiz de Fora. Coldibelli etal. (2022) emphasize that in the reality of
women living on the streets, violence, extreme poverty, drug use, and health condi-
tions are intertwined in a dynamic of living on the streets, where each of these ele-
ments inuences the other, with violence being the central axis of this dynamic. The
health conditions of these women highlight the barriers to accessing healthcare ser-
vices, as evidenced by the untreated conditions presented. Generally, these barriers
stem from the way women experiencing homelessness are treated by healthcare
providers: their concerns and health needs are often neglected, and they do not
receive care that is suitable for their circumstances (Souza etal., 2016). The high
levels of substance use foster discussions about its role in the daily lives of these
women. However, the impact of the illicit status of certain drugs and the stigma
associated with their use are often more harmful than the substances themselves
(Souza etal., 2016), as they can legitimize violence against this population.
The violent daily life experienced by women living on the streets is also demon-
strated in the exposed data. The life story of these women is commonly crossed by
violence, whether it is violence suffered or exposed to in childhood or violence
exercised by intimate partners and family members in adulthood. In both cases, the
main perpetrator of violence is the male gure present in the context. Also, the
search for protection against violence often constitutes the reason why women are
forced to leave their homes and go to the streets (Silva etal., 2022; Souza etal.,
2016). However, despite this escape, the streets also present themselves as a danger-
ous space, where there is violence associated with stigma, which dehumanizes the
victim. The data reect this reality when they indicate that most of the interviewed
women stated they had suffered some form of discrimination and physical aggres-
sion on the streets. The fact that other people living on the streets and people passing
by the streets were the main perpetrators of violence shows that the constant viola-
tion continues on the streets. It is important to note that the legitimacy of violence,
as well as other forms of violation reported, is justied by intersectional stigma. The
stigmas associated with race, women drug users, and the situation of living on the
streets compose this scenario.
W. C. Netto et al.
41
3.5 Final Considerations
This chapter sought to briey discuss how intersectional stigma affects women liv-
ing on the streets and deepens their vulnerability due to the overlap of oppressions
based on gender, poverty, race, and drug use. The intersection of these stigmas not
only renders the existence of homeless women invisible but also legitimizes various
forms of violence against their bodies, perpetuated by the general population, pro-
fessionals, and the State. This creates barriers that hinder their access to essential
services. The effects of stigma on their health and in the direction of State interven-
tions point to the urgent need for the development of policies that, acknowledging
the harmful impacts of intersectional stigma, are more equitable and attentive to the
particularities of the needs of these women. In this regard, there is a critical need for
increased investment in programs that provide access to healthcare, harm reduction,
and social assistance. Additionally, public policies should adopt an intersectional
approach that addresses the specic needs of these women, ensuring their access to
housing, protection from violence, and trauma-informed care. Finally, the establish-
ment of safe spaces for homeless women and their children should be prioritized in
public policy, with a focus on defending the rights of women experiencing
homelessness.
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