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Учебный год 22-23 / The Regulation of Unfair Commercial Practices-1.pdf
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Who is the 'Average Consumer'? 133

Rau v de Smedt and Mars. In fact, these feeble attempts to justify absurd protectionist rules probably simply reflect the lingering over-representation of local trading interests in national political processes against which EC trade law is directed. Articles 28 and 49 serve to challenge the Member States’ persistent failure to engage constructively in consideration of what degree of regulatory protection a consumer requires in an integrating European market.

(c) The Court is not so Unrealistic! (but National Authorities Are)

I take very seriously the argument that one must take a realistic view of the capabilities of the consumer when one devises a programme of regulatory protection. As a general observation, if one over-estimates the ability of the consumer to act rationally in response to (inter alia) a programme of information disclosure, then one will adopt an unduly positive view of the correctability of the market, and the result will be the exposure of consumers, acting foreseeably irrationally, to market imperfections and/or injustice. However, my assessment is that once one considers the weak arguments that contaminate national justifications for trade-restrictive rules of alleged consumer protection, combined with the important perception that the consumer benefits from choice and competition flowing from a wellmanaged programme of market integration, it is hard to make good the case that in practice the Court is guilty of sweeping aside worthwhile measures of national consumer protection. In particular, targeted measures designed to protect particular groups of vulnerable or disadvantaged consumers are not imperiled provided their nature and purpose are properly defined and justified. My conclusion is that the Court’s case law is built on the notion of an average, reasonably circumspect consumer who possesses a degree of self-reliance, but that it is receptive to seriously presented arguments about the limits of consumer capability and the reality that some consumers are peculiarly vulnerable. The main theme of the case law is that national regulators typically come empty-handed to Luxembourg.54

5. THE ‘AVERAGE CONSUMER’ UNDER THE UCPD

Let us dissect Article 5 of the UCPD in the light of the EC’s legislative acquis and the Court’s case law on free movement. Article 5(2) of the Directive refers to the ‘average consumer’ as the benchmark in assessing the impact of

54 The argument here follows Weatherill, above n 2, ch 2. For a thorough investigation see M Radeideh, Fair Trading in EC Law: Information and Choice in the Internal Market

(Groningen, Europa Law Publishing, 2005).

134 Stephen Weatherill

a particular commercial practice. One may readily suppose that this should and will be read with reference to the Court’s case law under (in particular) Article 28 EC. The intent is that a practice which will distort the behaviour only of the unusually inattentive consumer should be allowed—just as the Court’s case law reveals that national measures that are of value only to the exceptionally unobservant consumer cannot normally be successfully defended if shown to act as barriers to inter-state trade. Recital 18 of the

Directive makes the link explicit. It refers to examination of ‘the effect on a notional, typical consumer’ in the Court’s case law on advertising cases under Directive 84/450. Accordingly the Directive, via its Recitals if not its provisions, ‘takes as a benchmark the average consumer, who is reasonably well-informed and reasonably observant and circumspect, taking into account social, cultural and linguistic factors’.55 The Recital also refers to another matter that has caused some anguish in the case law by insisting that the ‘average consumer test is not a statistical test. National courts and authorities will have to exercise their own faculty of judgement, having regard to the case-law of the Court of Justice, to determine the typical reaction of the average consumer in a given case.’

Article 5(3) of the Directive addresses the anxiety that this approach may damage a consumer protection policy dedicated to the interests of the vulnerable. It providers that ‘[c]ommercial practices which are likely to materially distort the economic behaviour only of a clearly identifiable group of consumers who are particularly vulnerable to the practice or the underlying product because of their mental or physical infirmity, age or credulity in a way which the trader could reasonably be expected to foresee, shall be assessed from the perspective of the average member of that group. This is without prejudice to the common and legitimate advertising practice of making exaggerated statements or statements which are not meant to be taken literally.’ Recital 18 amplifies what is at stake in the Directive’s recognition of the special case of vulnerable consumers. It states that ‘[w]here a commercial practice is specifically aimed at a particular group of consumers, such as children, it is desirable that the impact of the commercial practice be assessed from the perspective of the average member of that group. It is therefore appropriate to include in the list of practices which are in all circumstances unfair a provision which, without imposing an outright ban on advertising directed at children, protects them from direct exhortations to purchase.’ And this duly appears in Annex I. It is unfair to include in an advertisement ‘a direct exhortation to children to buy advertised products or persuade their parents or other adults to buy advertised products for them. This provision is without prejudice to

55 Early drafts included the Court’s terminology in the Directive proper, but in the finally agreed text it is confined to the Recitals.

Who is the 'Average Consumer'? 135

Article 16 of Directive 89/552/EEC on television broadcasting.’ Recital 19 adds that ‘[w]here certain characteristics such as age, physical or mental infirmity or credulity make consumers particularly susceptible to a commercial practice or to the underlying product and the economic behaviour only of such consumers is likely to be distorted by the practice in a way that the trader can reasonably foresee, it is appropriate to ensure that they are adequately protected by assessing the practice from the perspective of the average member of that group’.

More generally the Directive, according to its Recital 7, ‘does not address legal requirements related to taste and decency which vary widely among the Member States. Commercial practices such as, for example, commercial solicitation in the streets, may be undesirable in Member States for cultural reasons. Member States should accordingly be able to continue to ban commercial practices in their territory, in conformity with Community law, for reasons of taste and decency even where such practices do not limit consumers’ freedom of choice. Full account should be taken of the context of the individual case concerned in applying this Directive, in particular the general clauses thereof.’ This is a distinct point, but falls within the general assessment of the scope of the Directive’s concessions to local regulatory preference.56

How to judge this? There is, of course, no pretence here that there is an actual ‘average consumer’ on whom to rely: this is an attempt to navigate a course between the rich diversity of actual consumer behaviour and the need for an operational regulatory benchmark. That may be artificial, but in devising a harmonised system of regulation to underpin an integrated European market it is unavoidable.57 It is much the same game that the Court plays in applying the Treaty rules on free movement. In my opinion Article 5(3) should be read with reference to the Court’s case law under Article 28 EC which accepts that a system of consumer protection which can be shown to target protection of a particular group of consumers should be assessed on its own terms, and should not be swept aside on an unthinking application of the broad ‘average consumer’ test. That is to say, if the law is not designed to deal with a problem which would concern the average consumer, it must not be assessed as if it were so designed. This, of course, does not mean that the Court will not look hard at the claims made in support of the law. Frequently, as the case law examined above reveals, the claimed advantages of national measures do not stand up to close scrutiny. But in principle a regulator can advance arguments designed to show the inappropriateness of the ‘average consumer’ test as a basis for reviewing

56Stuyck, Terryn and Van Dyck, above n 18, at 122–123; Wilhelmsson, above n 39, at 222–5.

57Cf on regulatory technique F Gomez, ‘The Unfair Commercial Practices Directive: A Law and Economics Perspective’ (2006) 2 European Review of Contract Law 4.

136 Stephen Weatherill

a particular challenged measure, and the Court will in principle be receptive to such contextual arguments. This, I submit, is how Article 5(3) should be read. It serves as an invitation to the regulator to demonstrate just how and why a particular practice should be suppressed as incompatible with the Directive’s control even though it is a practice that would not distort the behaviour of the ‘average consumer’ in the general population. So the Directive—as EC consumer law generally, in both legislative and judicial practice—is not blind to the needs of particular disadvantaged or vulnerable groups. Quite the contrary: it accepts the place of such targeted measures of consumer protection. It requires only that choice made by regulators be properly explained and justified, under an assumption which holds that national measures which restrict cross-border trade require such justification because, by impeding market integration, they damage the consumer interest in a more efficiently functioning market which delivers wider choice and competition on price and quality. But, it is submitted, if there are good reasons for asserting that particular practices harm a clearly identifiable group of vulnerable or disadvantaged consumers, then the pattern of EC law—in the case law of the Court and in the legislative practice considered above—amply supports the view that it is that group which should form the focus of assessment, not an abstract ‘average consumer’. And in this way the Directive would not be used to slice away legitimate consumer protection in niche areas.

So far, so optimistic. But does Article 5(3) really lend itself to this interpretation? The features of vulnerability to which it chooses to draw attention are ‘mental or physical infirmity, age or credulity’. What of educational attainment? Income? Ethnicity? There is a considerable amount of empirical research into patterns of consumer deception and the list in Article 5(3) has convincingly been described as ‘quite arbitrary’ in its restrictive approach by Stuyck, Terryn and Van Dyck, who call for empirical inquiry into the correlation between the characteristics of certain groups of consumers and the likelihood of vulnerability to particular practices.58 I agree with this. Evidence of the particular effect of a practice will have to be advanced.59 But it is important that the Directive be interpreted in a way that is receptive to the whole range of possible vulnerabilities and disadvantages with which particular groups of consumers are burdened. As a matter of detailed interpretation, the way to achieve this under Article 5(3) of the Directive is to take a broad view of what may be regarded as ‘credulity’. This should be taken to cover, for example, consumers’ ‘emotional’ foibles.60 More

58Stuyck, Terryn and Van Dyck, above n 18, at 121–2.

59Cf discussion of the absence of such evidence in the Duchesne case initiated by the UK’s Office of Fair Trading before the courts in Belgium, discussed by HW Micklitz ‘Transborder Law Enforcement—Does it Exist?’ in this book.

60Cf Incardona and Poncibo, above n 38.

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